History of Kanauj to the Moslem Conquest c13: Chapter VII. Harṣa’s Religious Activities and Religion

History of Kanauj to the Moslem Conquest c13

Language: English

c13.s1 Section A. Assembly at Kanauj — 29 parts
c13.s2 Section B — 2 parts
c13.s3 Appendix I — 44 parts

Chapter VII. Harṣa’s Religious Activities and Religion

Section A. Assembly at Kanauj

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¹ This account is mainly based on the *Si-yu-ki* and the *Life*.

Great as was Harṣa as a ruler and conqueror, he was greater still in the arts of peace, which “hath her victories no less renowned than war.” One of the latter class of events was the convocation of a grand assembly at Kānyakubja to give the utmost publicity to, and exhibit the refinements of, the doctrines of the Mahāyāna, which had captured the imagination of Harṣa on account of its lucid exposition by the illustrious pilgrim. He, therefore, sent “an order throughout the different kingdoms that all the disciples of the various schools should assemble in the town of Kānyakubja to investigate the treatise of the Master of the Law, of China.”² Harṣa marched from his camp with his accustomed pomp and pageantry along the southern bank of the Ganges, accompanied by Yuan Chwang and an enormous multitude; while his chief friend and ally Bhāskara-varman, king of Assam, kept pace with him on the opposite bank. Advancing up the river in battle array with their staff and soldiers the two kings arrived at the rendezvous *viz*., Kanauj, in the course of ninety days when the second month of spring was passing.¹ On arrival they found there were already present for their reception “kings of eighteen countries of the Five Indias;² three thousand priests thoroughly acquainted with the Great and Little vehicle, besides about three thousand Brahmans and Nirgranthas and about a thousand priests of the Nalanda monastery.”³ Harṣa had previously ordered two thatched halls, each capable of seating one thousand persons,⁴ to be erected at the place of the assembly for the accommodation of the vast concourse, and also a precious tower, about 100 feet high, in the middle of which was placed a golden statue of the Buddha, “of the same height as the king himself.”⁵ The proceedings of the assembly were opened by a huge and solemn procession starting from the king’s resting-hall (palace of travel), constructed for the occasion, and the main object of attraction was a golden statue of the Buddha, about three feet high, which was carried on a gorgeously caparisoned elephant. This was accompanied by Harṣa in person, who attired as the god Śakra held a precious canopy or cowrie, whilst his friend and ally, Kumārarāja, was also in attendance with a white parasol in the guise of the god Brahmā.⁶ Each of the two kings had an escort of two harnessed elephants, laden with jewels and flowers,⁷ while the Master of the Law and the chief state-officials were severally mounted on a great elephant. There were, moreover, three hundred other great elephants reserved for the princes, ministers, and chief priests of the different countries who rode in double file on each side of the procession course.¹ As the procession wended its way Harṣa scattered on every side pearls, gold, and silver flowers, and various precious substances in honour of the three objects of worship—the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Sangha. On reaching their destination Śīlāditya first washed the image at the altar, and then himself bore it on his shoulder to the western tower, where he offered to it thousands of silken garments embroidered with gems.² Then in order were allowed to enter the Hall the princes of the eighteen countries, one thousand renowned priests, and five hundred distinguished Brahmans and heretics with two hundred great ministers of the different kingdoms, while the unbelievers and secular people were seated outside the gate of the hall.³ These ceremonies were followed by a public dinner, of which all the people present, within and without, partook. This being over, Harṣa opened the conference by inviting the Chinese pilgrim to take his seat as "Lord of the discussion."⁴ Yuan Chwang began the proceedings by dwelling on the merits of the "Great Vehicle," and having fixed a subject for discussion he called upon Ming-hien, a shaman of the

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² *Life*, p. 176.

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¹ Beal, I, p. 218; *Life*, p. 176. According to the *Life* they reached the rendezvous “in the beginning of the last month of the year” (*Life*, p. 176).

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² *Life*, p. 177. The *Si-yu-ki* states that there were kings of twenty countries present (Beal, I, p. 218).

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³ *Life*, p. 177.

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⁴ Ibid.

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⁵ Beal, I, p. 218.

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⁶ Ibid., *Life*, p. 177.

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⁷ *Life*, pp. 177-78. According to the *Si-yu-ki* the escort

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¹ *Life*, p. 178. The *Si-yu-ki* says: "In front and behind the statue of the Buddha went one hundred great elephants, carrying musicians, who sounded their drums and raised their music" (Beal, I, pp. 218-19).

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² Beal, I, p. 219. According to the *Life* (p. 178) "the king and the Master of the Law, in succession, presented it with offerings."

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³ *Life*, p. 178.

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⁴ *Ibid.*

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consisted of five hundred war elephants clad in armour. (Beal, I, p. 218).

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Nalanda monastery, to give his discourse. The Master of the Law, anticipating Martin Luther, announced the subject to the assembled people by a placard nailed outside the hall, which stated: "If there is any one who can find a single word in the proposition contrary to reason, or is able to entangle (the argument) then at the request of the opponent, I offer my head as a recompense."¹ There was none to take up the challenge and Yuan Chwang remained in undisputed possession of the field until night, when very well satisfied at the event Harṣa retired with others, having declared the assembly adjourned. The next morning they again escorted the image as before, and thus five days elapsed when the "unbelievers of the Little Vehicle," mortified at the overthrow of their system of beliefs, entered into a conspiracy to take the life of the Chinese pilgrim. Scenting that his celebrated guest's life was in danger at the hand of theological rivals, the royal patron at once issued a threatening proclamation that "if any one should hurt or touch the Master of the Law, he shall be forthwith beheaded; and whoever speaks against him, his tongue shall be cut out; but all those who desire to profit by his instruction, relying on my goodwill, need not fear this manifesto."² This stern announcement had the desired effect; and we are frankly told by the pilgrim's biographer that "from this time the followers of error withdrew and disappeared, so that when eighteen days had passed there had been no one to enter on the discussion.”¹

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¹ *Life*, p. 179. It appears that such a formula was a part of the tradition of these public disputations. We may, as an instance, also cite the challenge issued by "a heretic of the 'Shun-si' sect (Lokātiya)" to the monks of Nalanda: "If anyone within can refute these principles, I will then give my head as a proof of his victory" (*Life*, p. 161). Yuan Chwang emerged triumphant from the discussion, but instead of demanding the head of his vanquished opponent he made him his disciple (*Ibid.*, pp. 161-64).

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² *Life*, p. 180.

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¹ *Ibid.*

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Thus though according to the *Life* the programme was gone through successfully to the utter confusion of all heretics and the joy of the Mahāyānists, the account preserved in the *Si-yu-ki* avers that the convocation terminated by startling incidents. It is stated that on the day of separation a great fire suddenly broke out in the tower and the pavilion over the gate of the hall erected at an immense cost. They were partly destroyed by the flames; when at the prayerful intervention of the king the fire was extinguished and the smoke disappeared making pious hearts thereby recognise a miracle.² Harṣa then ascended the top of the great tower in company with the assembled kings to survey the scene. As he was coming down the steps a fanatical heretic, knife in hand, suddenly tried to attack him. The attempt, however, was frustrated by the alertness of the king, who promptly seized the culprit. The princely train demanded the would-be assassin’s immediate death, but Harṣa, instead of giving any such decree, with unruffled countenance questioned his assailant about his intentions. At the royal interrogation the criminal openly confessed, “Great king! you have assembled the people of different countries, and exhausted your treasury in offerings to the Śramaṇas, and cast a metal image of Buddha; but the heretics who have come from a distance *have scarcely been spoken to*. Their minds, therefore, have been affected with resentment, and they procured me, wretched man that I am! to undertake this unlucky deed.”³ Five hundred Brahmans, “all of singular talent,” were then arrested on the strength of this confession, and being “straitly questioned” by the king they admitted that, inspired by jealousy against the Śramaṇas, whom he “had reverenced and exceedingly honoured,” they had fired the tower by shooting into it burning arrows, and had purposed to kill him in the resulting confusion. Their attempt having miscarried, they had hired this miscreant to lay in wait for the king in a narrow passage to assassinate him.¹ Although the ministers and the kings “demanded the extermination of the heretics”, Harṣa punished only the alleged principals in the plot, sending the five hundred Brahmans into exile and extending his royal mercy to the rest.

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² Beal, I, p. 219.

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³ Beal, I, p. 221.

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¹ *Ibid.*

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Whichever of the two accounts may be true, it is certain that the victory of Yuan Chwang in this assembly of public disputation considerably enhanced his prestige and influence over Harṣa, who reverencing him more than ever, lavishly bestowed on him 10,000 pieces of gold, 30,000 pieces of silver, and 100 garments of superior cotton. All the princes of the eighteen kingdoms, moreover, presented him with rare jewels.² But the generosity of the royal patrons was baffled by the extreme abnegation of the pilgrim, who in a rare but truly religious spirit declined to accept any of these gifts. Harṣa then requested the Master of the Law to mount a great elephant and go round the city in company with the ministers of state, so that proclamation might be made among the crowds that “he had established the standard of right doctrine, without gainsaying.”³ Yuan Chwang with his usual modesty desired to waive this mark of distinction, but the king said, “it has ever been the custom, the matter cannot be passed over.”

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² *Life*, p. 180.

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³ *Ibid.*

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Accordingly it was proclaimed throughout Kanauj that “the Master of the Law from the kingdom of China has established the principles of the Great Vehicle and overthrown all opposing doctrines; for eighteen days no one has dared to enter on the discussion.”¹ The whole multitude was immensely delighted by his success; some designated him “Mahāyāna Deva,” whilst others called him “Mokṣa Deva.”²

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¹ Ibid., p. 181.

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² Ibid.

Section B

Quinquennial distributions at Prayāga

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³ The account of the Prayāga assembly is based on the *Life* (pp. 183-87).

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When the special assembly at Kanauj broke up, Yuan Chwang began to make preparations for his homeward journey, but Harṣa invited him to attend another imposing ceremony, which the sovereign used to hold every five years at Prayāga at the confluence of the Ganges and the Jumna. The ultra-sacredness of this site “due to the crescent-shaped formation of the land, where the two holy rivers united, went back to the earliest vedic times;”⁴ and as it was thought “more advantageous to give one mite in charity in this place than a thousand in any other place,”⁵ this spot had come to be known as the “Arena of Charitable Offerings.”⁶ Harṣa explained to his illustrious guest that during the last thirty years he had celebrated five of these great quinquennial distributions of alms called the Mahā-mokṣa Pariṣad, and it was now time to hold the sixth. Yuan Chwang, although homesick, was too religiously-minded to refuse Harṣa’s invitation to witness this display of charity wherein the accumulated treasure would be freely distributed to the poor and needy, as well as to the devout of all denominations. He, therefore, agreed to be present at that unique function saying, “if Your Majesty does not grudge his treasure for the good of others, how can Yuan Chwang grudge a short delay (in his departure).”¹ Attended by the “kings of eighteen kingdoms” and by Yuan Chwang, Harṣa then arrived in *Po-lo-ye-kia* or Prayāga to find already assembled there a huge concourse of people amounting to about 500,000—Śramaṇas, heretics, Nirgranthas, the poor, the orphans, and the solitary (bereaved) of the Five Indias who had been summoned by an imperial decree.² The “Great Distribution Arena” was the vast sandy plain, fourteen or fifteen *li* in circuit, bounded on the north by the Ganges (*King-kia*), and on the south by the Jumna (*Yen-mu-na*). The arrangements for the solemn ceremonial were completed before the arrival of the royal cortége. A great square space was marked off by a bamboo hedge 1,000 paces on each side, and in the middle “many scores of thatched buildings” were erected to deposit all the treasures (intended for distribution); to wit, gold, silver, fine pearls, red glass, and other valuables; while the less costly articles such as silk and cotton garments, the gold and silver money; were placed in “several hundred store-houses” constructed by the side of the above. Outside this quadrangle were pavilions for refreshments, and there were also constructed “some hundred or so long buildings ...in which some thousand people might sit down for rest.”¹ Besides these numerous erections, there was the tent of Harṣa pitched on the north bank of the Ganges, and that of Tu-lu-po-pa-cha (Dhruvabhaṭa), “king of South India,” who had located himself on the west of the junction of the two mighty rivers. The camp of the king of Assam was on the south side of the Jumna, whereas the space lying to the west of the Valabhi camp was occupied by the numerous people who had collected there to receive the royal bounty. The proceedings of this grand assembly lasted for seventy-five days, commencing with a military procession of the followers of Harṣa and of Kumārarāja, embarked in ships, and the attendants of Dhruvabhaṭa mounted on elephants, which proceeded in an impressive array to the scene of the distribution. The “Kings of the eighteen countries” followed in the order previously arranged.

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⁴ E. B. Havell, *Aryan Rule in India*, p. 204.

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⁵ *Life*, p. 184.

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⁶ It was also called the “Field of great Beneficence” (*Life*, p. 90), or “the Grand Arena of Largesse” (Watters, I, p. 364).

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¹ *Life*, p. 184.

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² *Ibid.*, p. 185.

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¹ Life, p. 185.

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The religious services were of the curiously eclectic kind so characteristic of Hindu society and worship. On the first day the image of the Buddha was set up in one of the temporary shrines built upon the sands; flowers were offered, and vast quantities of precious articles and clothing of the finest quality were lavishly distributed. On the second day the image of Ādityadeva (Sun) was worshipped with similar rites; and on the third day the image of Īśvara-deva (Śiva) received adoration, but in each case the gifts bestowed were of only half the value of those consecrated to the Buddha on the opening day. On the fourth day began the distribution of the stupendous treasures thus dedicated to the service of the divinity. To each of the selected ten thousand of the “religious community” (Buddhist monks probably) were given one hundred pieces of gold, one pearl, one cotton garment, various drinks and meats; flowers and perfumes. During the next twenty days the Brahmans were the recipients of generous gifts. The next ten days were reserved for the bestowal of largess on those described in the *Life* as “heretics,” i.e., probably Jains and members of other sects.¹ The same number of days were spent on bestowing alms upon those mendicants who had come from distant countries, whilst it took a month to distribute charity to the poor, the orphans, and the destitute. By this time nothing was left of all the surplus of the imperial coffers that had accumulated in the previous five years. There now remained only the horses, elephants, and military accoutrements of the imperial forces, “which were necessary for maintaining order and protecting the royal estate.”² Then in imitation of the Prince Siddhārtha Gautama at the hour of his great Renunciation, Harṣa freely and without stint gave away his gems and goods, his clothing and necklaces, earrings and bracelets, chaplets, neck-jewel, and bright head-jewel.³ The Chinese author, Hwui-li, informs us in conclusion that “all being given away, he (Harṣa) begged from his sister (Rājyaśrī) an ordinary second-hand garment, and having put it on he paid worship to the Buddhas of the ten regions,” and rejoiced that his treasure had thus been exhausted in the “field of religious merit.”⁴ At the close of the “magnificent convocations” the assembled kings redeemed by their money Harṣa’s regalia, court vestments, and other costly presents from the persons on whom they had been bestowed, and restored them to the king. Harṣa, however, after the lapse of a few days again distributed them, and thus established a record in individual charity and liberality hardly equalled in history.¹

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¹ For an idea of the variety of religious sects, see Appendix I.

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² *Life*, p. 186.

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³ *Ibid.*, p. 187.

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⁴ *Ibid.*

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¹ But this sort of munificence must have been a heavy drain on the treasury. Was it, therefore, responsible for the sudden collapse of the kingdom after Harṣa’s death?

Yuan Chwang’s departure

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After the successful termination of the proceedings of the Prayāga convocation Yuan Chwang begged leave to depart, and his request was granted on condition that he would stay yet another ten days as the state guest of the king of Kanauj. Harṣa suggested to the Chinese pilgrim that if he selected the southern sea-route,² i.e., by way of Java or Sumatra, he should be accompanied by official attendants, but Yuan Chwang preferred to return by the northern road. Both the sovereigns of Kanauj and Assam offered the Master of the Law every sort of valuable gift; he, however, declined to accept anything except a cape called *ho-la-li* of coarse skin designed as a protection from rain. Thus he took his departure, and Harṣa saw him off with a large retinue for a long distance. He also provided his honoured guest with a military escort of “a king of North India called Udhita” to carry the books and images on horseback, but the advance being slow king Śīlāditya afterwards “attached to the escort of Udhitarāja a great elephant, with three thousand gold pieces and ten thousand silver pieces”³ to meet the necessary expenses of the pilgrim’s arduous journey overland to China. This separation from his spiritual instructor troubled Harṣa, and three days later he, in company with Kumārarāja, Dhruvabhaṭa, and several hundred horsemen, overtook Yuan Chwang in order to spend a little more time with him before taking final leave. The great sovereign of Kanauj then commanded four *Ta-kwan* (official guides) called *Mo-ho-ta-lo* (Mahattaras), giving them letters on "fine white cotton stuff and sealed with red wax," which they were ordered to present "in all countries through which they conducted the Master, to the end that the princes of these countries might provide carriages or modes of conveyance to escort the Master even to the borders of China."¹ Thus the fame and influence of the Kanauj monarch had extended to far-off lands, and their rulers were ready to comply with his wishes.

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² This was the route followed by Fa-hian on his return journey home. It also shows that sea-voyages were common, and Harṣa’s administration was quite familiar with the sea-route to China.

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³ *Life*, p. 189.

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¹ *Ibid.*, p. 190.

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Harṣa's religion and devotion

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From an account of Harṣa's benevolent activities we pass on to a consideration of his system of beliefs, which urged him to scorn delights incidental to his position, and work untiringly for the moral progress and material well-being of his subjects. It may at the outset be mentioned that Harṣa did not inherit Buddhism. His father, Prabhākaravardhana was an ardent devotee of the Sun, and "kneeling eastwards upon the ground in a circle smeared with saffron paste" he daily offered to that luminary "a bunch of red lotuses set in a pure vessel of ruby and tinged, like his own heart, with the sun's hue."² This fact is confirmed by the Sonpat seal and the Madhuban and Banskhera inscriptions, which apply the epithet "paramādityabhaktaḥ" to Prabhākara. We also learn from these epigraphs that Harṣa's grandfather Ādityavardhana, and great-grand-father Rājyavardhana were votaries of the Sun. The Harṣacarita further testifies that Harṣa's remote ancestor Puṣpabhūti "entertained a great, almost inborn, devotion towards Siva the adorable."¹ We have even grounds to believe that Harṣa himself, was in his earlier days a devotee of the god Siva. When he started on his campaign he "had with deep devotion offered worship to the adorable Nilalohita," and "bestowed upon Brahmans sesamum vessels of precious stones, silver, and gold in thousands."² At the time of his first halt the golden seal presented to him by the village notary was inscribed with the emblem of a bull,³ which is regarded in Hindu mythology as the Vāhana or carrier of Siva. Similarly, there is the reclining Nandi symbol on the Sonpat copper seal of Harṣa. It was also probably due to his Saiva tendencies that he complimented the king of Assam through the latter's envoy saying "to whom save Siva need he pay homage? This resolve of his increases my affection."⁴ But the most important testimony is that of the copper plates—Banskhera plate of the year 22 of his reign = 628 A. D., and Madhuban plate of the year 25 i.e., 631 A. D.—which definitely call Harṣa a "Paramamāheśvara" or a devout worshipper of the god Maheśvara or Siva.⁵

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² *Hc.* C. T., p. 104.

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¹ Ibid., p. 84.

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² Ibid., p. 197.

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³ Ibid., p. 198.

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⁴ Ibid., p. 219. Cf. "Harāt-ṛite kam-anyam namasyati. Saṃvardhitā me prītiḥ amunā saṃkalpena..." (Hc., Cal. ed., p. 589).

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⁵ Ep. Ind., IV, p. 211; I, pp. 72, 74. These documents record Harṣa's grants of villages to orthodox vedic Brahmans, thus pointing to his Brahmanist proclivities.

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In his latter years, however, Harṣa appears to have inclined towards Buddhism, and eventually adopted it with a coating of a curious sort of eclecticism. It is difficult to determine what inner feelings and compunctions of conscience brought about this mighty religious transformation; but there seems little doubt that his earlier repeated calamities, his protracted campaigns of violence and bloodshed, his fondness for his dead brother Rājyavardhana, a "paramasaugata," and his association with his sister Rājyaśrī, also an earnest Buddhist, stimulated his interest in the Buddha's gospel of peace and non-violence. Probably the philosophy of the Sammatiya school of Buddhism, of which Rājyaśrī was an exponent,¹ originally held the chief place in Harṣa's affections, but after meeting with Yuan Chwang and listening to his brilliant exposition of the doctrines of the Mahāyāna he transferred his allegiance to this "advanced" school. Thenceforward he stood as its redoubtable champion, and convoked a special assembly at Kānyakubja for the avowed purpose of exhibiting "the refinements of the great Vehicle" and of making "manifest the exceeding merit of the Master." On this occasion Harṣa also showed some amount of open partiality and narrow sectarian spirit for the Mahāyāna. He interdicted and stifled free discussion on the pretext that the Chinese pilgrim's life was in danger, and further offered a slight to the chief gods of the Brahmans—Sakra and Brahmā—by representing them as mere attendants on the Buddha during the celebrations. The Si-yu-ki even states that the assembled Brahmans, who "had scarcely been spoken to," felt so keenly insulted at their neglect that they hatched an unsuccessful plot to kill the king.² It must not, however, be understood that henceforth Harṣa became a sort of royal missionary, like Aśoka, preaching and propagating the Dharma with the aid of his vast resources. On the contrary, he maintained the eclectic character of his public worship, and officially honoured the Brahmanical deities of Āditya (sun) and Śiva in the Prayāga gathering. He also made handsome gifts to the Brahmans, although it is true that the Buddhists had the first place in his scheme of charities. As proof of Harṣa's catholicity we may add here the information furnished by Yuan Chwang that the former was accustomed to provide viands every day for 500 Brahmans along with 1,000 Buddhists at the "royal lodges" during his tours.¹

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¹ Life, p. 176.

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² See supra.

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¹ Watters, I, p. 344; Beal, I, p. 215.

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Among other activities of Harṣa which betray his special favour and marked leanings towards Buddhism, we may first mention his "forcible" appropriation of the tooth-relic of the Buddha from Kashmir, and its subsequent enshrinement in a *Sanghārāma* in Kanauj.² Yuan Chwang also notes some of Harṣa's measures, calculated to promote the well-being of the Buddhist order and give an impetus to its propagation. We are told that "once a year he summoned all the Buddhist monks together, and for twenty-one days supplied them with the regulation requisites. He furnished the chapels and liberally adorned the common halls of the monasteries. He brought the Brethren together for examination and discussion, giving rewards and punishments according to merit and demerit."³ Yuan Chwang adds further that the best and most learned of them were "advanced to the Lion's Throne" (i.e., promoted to the highest places), and Harṣa considered them as his spiritual guides. Those who were merely perfect in the observance of the ceremonial rules were "honoured with formal reverence." But others guilty of unbecoming conduct were "banished from his presence and from the country."⁴ Indeed, Harṣa was so interested in the right diffusion and dissemination of the Buddhist doctrine that at one time, having noticed the ascendancy of the Hīnayāna in Orissa, he sent for four eminent doctors from the Nalanda convent in order to overthrow in discussion the upholders of that system. In response to his message Śīlabhadra, "the treasure of the true doctrine," commissioned Sāgaramatī, Prajñārasmi, Simharasmi, and the Master of the Law; but before they could start on their mission Harṣa sent word to the effect: "There is no immediate pressure for my former request; let them wait, and afterwards come here."¹ Again, we are informed that Harṣa erected thousands of topes on the banks of the Ganges, and Buddhist monasteries at the sacred places of the Buddhists.² These structures, the construction and multiplication of which was so dear to the heart of every believing Buddhist in order to gain merit, were perhaps built of very flimsy materials, and so they have not been able to withstand the ravages of time and nature. Their disappearance may also be due to the fact that they lay in the track of the hosts of Islam, and were exposed to their iconoclastic zeal. In conclusion, we may mention some promulgations of Harṣa, which had a distinctly Buddhist flavour. The king of Kanauj is represented to have "practised to the utmost the rules of temperance" and "sought to plant the tree of religious merit to such an extent that he forgot to sleep or to eat."³ He also prohibited the taking of life and the use of animal food under severe penalties.⁴ Further, Harṣa copied the benevolent institutions of Aśoka, and "in all the highways of the towns and villages throughout India he erected hospices (*puṇyaśālās*), provided with food and drink, and stationed there physicians, with medicines for travellers and poor persons round about, to be given without any stint.”¹ Thus Harṣa anticipated the deeds of modern Christianity,² and his lively sympathy with all creatures, human and animal, found powerful expression in the extensive provision of relief that he made throughout his dominions for the sick, the dumb, and the distressed. As a result of Harṣa’s benevolent exertions and untiring attentions there was a marked growth of Buddhism in Kanauj, though it was visibly on the wane in other centres. While Fa-hian in the early quarter of the fifth century A. D. could find only two monasteries of small consequence in Kanauj, Yuan Chwang after the lapse of just over a couple of centuries notices as many as a hundred “with more than 10,000 Brethren who were students of both the “Vehicles.”³

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² *Life*, pp. 181, 183.

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³ Watters, I, p. 344; Beal, I, pp. 214-15.

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⁴ Ibid.

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¹ *Life*, pp. 160-61.

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² Watters, I, p. 344.

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³ Beal, I, p. 214; Watters, I, p. 344.

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⁴ *Ibid.*; *Ibid.*

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¹ Beal, I, p. 214.

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² On the strength of a remark of Dr. Edkins, quoted in the *Athenaeum*, 3rd July, 1880, p. 8, Dr. R. K. Mookerji makes the statement that Harṣa “had some touch with Christianity too” (*Harṣa*, p. 145, Note 1). The learned Professor, however, has entirely misunderstood the sense. The passage referred to informs us that the same emperor who welcomed the pilgrim Yuan Chwang *on his return from India*, laden with Sanskrit manuscripts, “received with equal favour the Syrian Christians, Alopen, and his companions, who had arrived in A. D. 639.” It is thus evident that we have here a distinct reference to the Emperor of China, and not to Harṣa (See also my article in *J. R. A. S.*, July, 1928, p. 629). The same misapprehension occurs in *Ind. Ant.*, XII, p. 232, Note 19; Max Müller’s *India, What can it teach us?* p. 286, Note 4.

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³ See Appendix I.

Appendix I

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Yuan Chwang gives the following information with regard to the condition of Buddhism and other religions in the different parts of the kingdom of Kanauj at the time of his visit:—

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(i) *Ku-lu-to* or Kullu : "There were in the country twenty Buddhist monasteries with above 1,000 Brethren of whom the most were Mahāyānists a few adhering to the schools. Of Deva-Temples there were fifteen and the professed non-Buddhists lived pell-mell" (Watters, I, p. 298; Beal, I, p. 177).

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(ii) *She-to-tu-lu* (Śatadru country) or Sirhind: "In and about the capital were ten monasteries, but they were desolate, and the Brethren were very few" (Watters, I, p. 299; Beal, I, p. 178).

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(iii) *Sa-ta-ni-ssu-fa-lo* (Sthānvīśvara) or Thanesvar : "There were three Buddhist monasteries with above 700 professed Buddhists, all Hīnayānists. There were also above 100 Deva-Temples and the non-Buddhists were very numerous" (Watters, I, p. 314; Beal, I, pp. 183-84).

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(iv) *Su-lu-kin-na* or Srughna : "There were five Buddhist monasteries and above 1,000 Buddhist ecclesiastics, the majority of whom were Hīnayānists, a few adhering to "other schools." There were 100 Deva-Temples, and the non-Buddhists were very numerous (Watters, I, p. 318; Beal, I, p. 188).

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(v) *Po-lo-hib-mo-pu-lo* or Brahmapura : "There were five Buddhist monasteries, but there are very few Brethren : there were above ten Deva-Temples and the sectarians lived pell-mell" (Watters, I, p. 329, Beal, I, p. 198).

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(vi) *Ku-pi-sang-na* or Govisāna : "There were two Buddhist monasteries with above 100 Brethren all Hīnayānists. Of Deva-Temples there were above 30, and the sectarians lived pell-mell" (Watters, I, p. 331; Beal I, p. 200).

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(vii) *Ngo-hi-chi-ta-lo* (Ahicchatra) or eastern part of Rohilkhand : "There were above ten Buddhist monasteries, and more than 1,000 Brethren students of the Hīnayāna. Deva-Temples were nine in number, and there were above 300 professed adherents of the other systems Pāśupatas who worshipped Īśvara (Śiva)" (Watters, I, p. 331; Beal, I, p. 200).

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(viii) *Pi-lo-shan-na* or Atranjikhera : "There were two Buddhist monasteries with 300 Brethren, all Mahāyāna students. There were five Deva-Temples and the sectarians lived pell-mell" (Watters, I, p. 332; Beal, I, p. 201).

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(ix) *Kab-pi-t'a* (Kapittha) or Saṅkāsya : "There were four Buddhist monasteries and above 1,000 Brethren, all of the Saṃmatīya school. The Deva-Temples were ten in number and the non-Buddhists, who lived pell-mell, were Śaivites" (Watters, I, p. 333; Beal, I, p. 202).

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(x) *Ka-no-kü-she* or Kanyākubja : "There were 100 Buddhist monasteries with more than 10,000 Brethren who were students of both the Vehicles. There were more than 200 Deva-Temples and the non-Buddhists were several thousands in number" (Watters, I, p. 340; Beal, I, p. 207).

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(xi) *A-yu-te* or Ayodhyā : "There were above 100 Buddhist monasteries, and more than 3,000 Brethren who were students of both Vehicles. There were ten Deva-Temples, and the non-Buddhists were few in number" (Watters, I, p. 355; Beal, I, p. 229).

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(xii) *A-ye-mu-k'a* (Hayamukha) i.e., Daundiakhera : "There were five Buddhist monasteries with above 1,000 Brethren who were adherents of the Saṃmatīya school, and there were more than ten Deva-Temples" (Watters, I, p. 359; Beal, I, p. 230).

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(xiii) *Po-lo-ya-ka* or Prayāga : "There were only two Buddhist monasteries and very few Brethren, all Hīnayānists. There were some hundreds of Deva-Temples and the majority of the inhabitants were non-Buddhists"(Watters, I, p 361; Beal, I, p. 230).

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(xiv) *Kiao-shang-mi* or Kosambi : "There were more than ten Buddhist monasteries, but all in utter ruin; and the Brethren, who were above 300 in number, were adherents of the Hīnayāna system. There were more than fifty Deva-Temples and the non-Buddhists were very numerous" (Watters, I, p. 366; Beal, I, p. 235).

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(xv) *Pi-sho-ka* (unidentified): "It had above twenty Buddhist monasteries and 3,000 Brethren who were all adherents of the Saṃmatīya school. There were above 50 Deva-Temples and the non-Buddhists were very numerous" (Watters, I, p. 373; Beal, I, pp. 239-40).

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(xvi) *Shi-lo-fa-si-tu* or Sravasti : "There were some hundreds of Buddhist monasteries, of which the most were in ruins : the Brethren, who were very few, were Saṃmatīyas. There were 100 Deva-Temples and the non-Buddhists were very numerous” (Watters, I, p. 377; Beal, II, p. 2).

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(xvii) Lan-mo (Rāma) or Rāmagrāma : Yuan Chwang does not give us any definite information excepting that there was a Śrāmaṇera monastery (Watters, II, p. 20 f.; Beal, II, p. 26 f.).

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(xviii) Kou-shih-na-ka-lo or Kuśinagara : The pilgrim is silent about the condition of both Buddhism and Brahmanism, although he mentions a number of Buddhist topes.

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(xix) Po-lo-na-se or Bārāṇasī : “There were above thirty Buddhist monasteries with more than 3,000 Brethren all adherents of the Saṃmatīya school. Of Deva-Temples there were above 100, and there were more than 10,000 professed adherents of the sects, the majority being devotees of Śiva; some of these cut off their hair; others made it into a top-knot; some went about naked and some besmeared themselves with ashes; they were persevering in austerities seeking release from mortal existence” (Watters, II, p. 47; Beal, II, pp. 44-45).

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(xx) Chan-chu country (Ghazipur district ?) : “There were above ten Buddhist establishments with nearly a thousand Brethren and attached to the system of the “Little Vehicle.” There were twenty Deva-Temples, and the followers of the different non-Buddhist systems dwelt pell-mell” (Watters, II, p. 59; Beal, II, p. 61).

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(xxi) Fei-she-li or Vaiśālī : “The Buddhist establishments, of which there were some hundreds, were, with the exception of three or four, dilapidated and deserted, and the Brethren were very few. There were some tens of Deva-Temples, the various sects lived pell-mell, and the Digambaras flourished” (Watters, II, p. 63; Beal, II, p. 66).

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(xxii) Fu-li-chih or the Vriji country : “There were few Buddhists, and the monasteries were above ten in number, the Brethren of which, less than 1,000 in number were students and adherents of both the “Great and Little Vehicles.” There were some tens of Deva-Temples and the non-Buddhists were very numerous” (Watters, II, p. 81; Beal II, p. 78).

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(xxiii) Mo-kie-to or Magadha : “There were above fifty Buddhist monasteries, and more than 10,000 ecclesiastics, for the most part adherents of the Mahāyāna system. There were some tens of Deva-Temples, and the adherents of the various sects were very numerous” (Watters, II, pp. 86-87; Beal, II, p. 82).

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(xxiv) *I-lan-na-po-fa-to* or Monghyr : “There were above ten Buddhist monasteries and more than 4,000 Brethren the most of whom were Hīnayānists of the Sammatiya school; there were above twenty Deva-Temples and the adherents of the various religions lived pell-mell” (Watters, II, p. 178; Beal, II, p. 186).

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(xxv) *Chan-po* (Campa) i.e., Bhagalpur : “There were some tens of monasteries mostly in ruins, and there were above 200 Brethren all Hīnayānists” (Watters, II, p. 181; Beal, II, p. 192).

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(xxvi) *Ka-chu-wen* (?) *K’ilo* (Kajangala) i.e., Rajmahal : “There were six or seven Buddhist monasteries and above 300 Brethren; the Deva-Temples were ten in number and the various systems lived pell-mell” (Watters, II, p. 183; Beal, II, p. 193).

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(xxvii) *Pun-na-fa-tan-na* or Puṇḍravardhana : “There were twenty Buddhist monasteries and above 3,000 Brethren by whom the “Great and Little Vehicles” were followed; the Deva-Temples were 100 in number, and the followers of the various sects lived pell-mell; the Digambara Nirgranthas being very numerous” (Watters, II, p. 184; Beal, II, p. 194).

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(xxviii) *San-mo-ta-cha* or Samaṭaṭa : “It had more than 30 Buddhist monasteries and above 2,000 Brethren, all adherents of the Sthavira school. There were 100 Deva-Temples, the various sects lived pell-mell, and the Digambara Nirgranthas were very numerous” (Watters, II, p. 187; Beal, II, p. 199).

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(xxix) *Tan-mo-lib-ti* or Tāmralipti : “Of Deva-Temples there were more than 50, and the non-Buddhists lived pell-mell. There were above ten Buddhist monasteries and more than 1,000 Brethren” (Watters, II, p. 190; Beal, II, p. 200).

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(xxx) *Kie-lo-na-su-fa-la-na* or Karṇasuvarṇa : “There were more than ten Buddhist monasteries, and above 2,000 Brethren who were all adherents of the Sammatiya school; there were 50 Deva-Temples and the followers of the various religions were very numerous” (Watters, II, p. 191; Beal, II, p. 201).

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(xxxi) *Wu-tu* (Oḍra) or Orissa : “There were 100 Buddhist monasteries, and a myriad Brethren, all Mahāyānists. Of Deva-Temples there were 50, and the various sects lived pell-mell” (Watters, II, p. 193; Beal, II, p. 204).

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(xxxii) *Kung-yü-to* (Kongoda) or Ganjam : “The people were not Buddhists. Deva-Temples were above 100 in number, and of Tirthikas there were more than 10,000” (Watters, II, p. 196; Beal, II, p. 206).

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It would be evident from the above extracts that Buddhism, Brahmanism, and Jainism were the principal religions in Harṣa’s empire. Of these the last was not so popular excepting in certain parts, viz., Vaisali, Puṇḍravardhana and Samataṭa, where the Digambaras were numerous. These along with the Svetāmbaras or Svetapaṭas, as Bāṇa calls them, formed the two great sections of the Jaina community. To Yuan Chwang, who mostly saw things through Buddhist spectacles, the religion of the Enlightened One appeared to be in quite a flourishing condition, although it had suffered decline in several localities like Kosambi, Srāvasti, and Vaisali. The monastic establishments, whose very existence depended upon the support and charity of the laity, were the centres of Buddhist life and activity. Of the two broad divisions of Buddhism, Mahāyāna and Hīnayāna, the former seems to have considerably gained ground. We must, however, be extremely cautious in accepting the figures supplied by Yuan Chwang, as it is very doubtful if a proper census of the adherents of the rival religions was ever taken; and moreover the accuracy of his information is marred by such vague statements as “myriad Brethren,” “some tens,” “few,” or “several thousands in number.” The pilgrim further says in his general description of India that there were 18 schools of Buddhism, which differed widely in their practices and claimed intellectual superiority over one another¹.

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¹ Watters, I, p. 162.

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Such unseemly controversies among the various sects must have weakened the cause of Buddhism and reacted in favour of Brahmanism, which had been showing signs of revival and vigour since the glorious epoch of the Guptas. Indeed, at the time of Yuan Chwang its influence was so potent and marked that India itself had come to be known as "the country of the Brahmans (Po-lo-men-kuo)." The main strongholds of Brahmanism in the kingdom of Kanauj were Prayāga and Vārāṇasī. Like Jainism and Buddhism, which in its Mahāyāna form encouraged the worship of the Buddha and the Bodhisattvas, Brahmanism was frankly given to idolatry. The most popular Brahmanical deities then were Āditya, Śiva, and Viṣṇu, and their idols were installed in what Yuan Chwang calls "Deva-Temples," existing almost in abundance. The Harṣa-carita gives us an idea of how images were worshipped. We learn, for instance, that on the day fixed for his departure Bāṇa washed the image with milk and then "offered worship to Śiva, with lighted lamps, ointments, oblations, banners, perfumes, incense, and sweet flowers."² It may be pertinent to add here that this passage further informs us that the Brahmans were wont to kindle the sacrificial fire (Agni) and offer oblations by a profuse pouring of ghee "on certain auspicious occasions, if not daily. They also held the cow sacred, and believed in the efficacy of performing superstitious rites in order to bring good luck."³ Another feature of Brahmanism was the multiplicity of philosophical schools and ascetic orders. Bāṇa mentions the followers of Kapila, Kaṇāda, Upaniṣads (i.e., Vedān-

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² Hc. C. T., p. 44.

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³ Ibid., pp. 44-45; see also pp. 71, 90, 130.

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tins), believers in God as a creator (Aiśvara-kāraṇikas), and even athiests like the Lokāyatikas¹. Similarly, there were different classes of recluses as those pulling out their hair (Keśaluñcakas), Pañcarātrikas (Vaiṣṇava ascetics), Pārāsara mendicants, Pāsupatas or Śaivas, Varṇis (Brahmacāris), Bhāgavatas (followers of Kṛṣṇa) etc.² The *Life* also gives us names like the Bhūtas, Kāpālikas, Jūtikas, Sāṅkhyas, Vaiṣesikas, Chingkias (Chūdinkas).³ They differed not only in their observances and beliefs, but as Yuan Chwang tells us, even their garbs varied. "Some wear peacock's tail, some adorn themselves with a necklace of skulls; some are quite naked; some cover the body with grass or boards, some pull out their hair and clip their moustaches; some mat their side-hair and make a top-knot coil."⁴ In this connection it is interesting to recall that Bāṇa also refers to distinguishing sectarial marks on the foreheads. Yuan Chwang speaks highly of such men as "promenaded through life away from human affairs" and devoted their time and energy to gain knowledge and spirituality. They were not moved by honour or reproach, but their fame was widespread and the rulers treated them with ceremony and respect. They got their food by begging and paid no attention whatsoever to their personal needs and comforts in the pursuit of what they considered Truth.⁵

Linked texts (3)

Harṣacarita — Bāṇabhaṭṭa, Sanskrit
The Madhuban Copper-Plate of Harsha, Dated Samvat 25 (ed. Bühler 1892) — Sanskrit
Varkkalai inscription of Mārtāṇḍa; the Kollam year 655 — Sanskrit