History of Mediaeval Hindu India (being a History of India from 600 to 1200 A.D.) v3.c41.s4: Untouchables.
History of Mediaeval Hindu India (being a History of India from 600 to 1200 A.D.) v3.c41.s4
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Untouchables.
v3.c41.s4.1
From the most ancient times, the outcasts or untouchables were divided into many classes and they always lived outside of towns and villages. Those usually mentioned in inscriptions are Meda and Chāṇḍāla, the scavenger and the executioner, who were the lowest among them. But Al-Beruni gives other names. He describes the outcasts as follows: "After the Śudra follow the people called Antyaja who render various kinds of services and who are not reckoned among any caste. There are eight classes of them, who freely intermarry with each other, except the fuller, the shoe-maker and the weaver. These eight guilds are fuller, shoe-maker, juggler, basket and shield maker, sailor, fisherman, hunter of wild animals and birds and weaver. These gilds live near the villages and towns of the four castes and outside them."
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"The people called Hāḍi, Doma, Chāṇḍāla and Badhatau, are not reckoned among any caste or guild. They are occupied with dirty work like the cleansing of the village. They are considered as one sole class. In fact they are considered like illegitimate children and they descend from Śudra father and Brahmani mother as children of fornication. Therefore, they are outcasts". (Sachau Vol. I chap. X). The above extract shows that even in Al-Beruni's time (1030 A. D.) there were two main divisions of the outcasts, the second one being the worse of the two. Indeed Khurdadba (900 A. D.) also mentions two untouchables' castes viz. the Chāndāla and the Lahuda. The latter viz. Lahuda were rope-dancers or natas. Thus this two-fold division is very old and the eight untouchables of the Lahuda class mentioned by Al-Beruni are exactly those enumerated in a Smṛiti text viz. the fuller, the shoe-maker, the weaver, the basket-maker, the rope-dancer, the fisherman, the hunter and the juggler. That they intermarried except the first three is a strange observation which perhaps may be a mistake. At any rate in modern times, they do not, following the usual tendency of all Hindu sub-castes to restrict marriage to their own self. It passes understanding why the fuller, the weaver and the basket-maker should have been treated as untouchable. They had no doubt been treated as such until recently. Being a subdivision with work not unclean and with marriage restricted to itself as mentioned by Al-Beruni, their untouchability was nominal. And since they have now become touchable, there is no reason why the other five classes of the same list should remain untouchable. The word Dom is not found in the Smṛitis nor Hādi and the word Badhatau is inexplicable. These four untouchable castes performed uncleanly work and must have, therefore, been treated as most untouchable.
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Caste in India, as we have elsewhere explained, rests on racial as well as occupational difference and it is well-known that the first three varṇas are Aryans by race, as also the castes intermediate between them. The Śudras and the untouchables are Dravidian by race. The main profession of Brahmins is that of religious service and of Kshatriyas is that of arms. Vaiśyas were agriculturists in ancient times; but they gave up agriculture in the Buddhist period as it involved the killing of insects (see Vol. II p. 182). In mediæval times the occupation of agriculture mainly belonged to Śudras; and Khurdadba in 900 A. D.
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properly says that Śudras were those who were husbandmen by profession (ditto p. 172). But while Vaiśyas gave up agriculture, some Brahmins and Kshatriyas took to agriculture in the mediæval period and the Parāśara Smṛiti by a special provision made it allowable (see Vol. II p. 183). But this led to the degradation of these to the status of Śudras as in the Deccan and even in the Himalayan region. The Nagarkotia Brahmins, we were informed in Kangra, did not intermarry or interdine with the local Brahmins who were agriculturists and who are now even labourers or coolies. The Rāthis who are Kshatriya agriculturists in the Himalayan region are admitted to be only third grade Kshatriyas who may give daughters to, but cannot take daughters from, higher grade Kshatriyas. We find local agriculturist Brahmins similarly treated as Śudras by new-coming Brahmins in Orissa (see Vol. II). In the Deccan there are some agriculturist Brahmins who are also looked upon as degraded, and the agriculturist Kshatriyas, Malis and others, are treated, though mproperly, as Śudras.
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It is a thing worth noticing that the Rajputs in this sub-period, though their profession was that of arms, distinguished themselves not only by their valour but also by their learning. Indeed some of the most famous learned kings in this sub-period have made their names immortal, such as Bhoja, Govindachandra, Ballālasena and Lakshmaṇasena, Aparāditya, Someśvara Chalukya, Rājendra Chola and others, by their treatises on different subjects which still survive and are read with benefit. The art of singing and dancing was also developed and patronised by these kings, notably by Harsha of Kashmir, Udayāditya of Malwa and others but most notably by Rājarāja of Tanjore. Tanjore is still famous for its singing and dancing. The Kshatriyas, therefore, were properly described as almost the equals of Brahmins by Al-Beruni. They were proficient both in Śastra and Śāstra and kept up their traditional love of independence and of knowledge characteristic of the Aryan race.
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The marriage customs of the Hindus underwent a momentous change during this sub-period. In previous centuries Brahmins and Kshatriyas could marry and did marry women from castes lower than themselves. Even Khurdadba writing about 900 A. D. states that Brahmins could take wives from Kataria or Kshatriyas (though they did not give them their daughters) and we have the well-known instance of Rājaśekhara marrying a Chāhamāna lady about 900 A. D. Al-Beruni, however, writes that " formerly a Hindu could marry a woman of his caste or lower caste, but in our time a Brahmin never marries a woman except from his own caste". Naturally in all castes and even sub-castes marriage outside the caste ceased entirely. Why this restriction arose does not appear clear. Probably the lower position assigned by the new provisions of Smritis to children of lower caste wives, a fact corroborated even by Al-Beruni who states that the progeny of such former marriages was treated as of the caste of the mother, must have been found inconvenient. In the same house thus of a Brahmin father, there would be children who would be Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaiśyas. The Manu Smṛiti rule was, as shown in Vol. II, that all such children were Brahmins and in some cases, of an intermediate caste higher than that of the mother. The difference of food and drink between a Brahmin, a Kshatriya or a Vaiśya, the Brahmins and Vaiśyas in the middle land and southern India abstaining from flesh also, must have again caused great trouble in such a mixed family. The result naturally was that marriage was restricted to the same caste and even sub-section of a caste or sub-caste.
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The other conspicuous change which came over Hindu society was the growth of the custom of child marriages. When such marriages began to take place can not be definitely determined. But certain it is that child marriage was a general custom in the days of Al-Beruni who observes (Sachau Vol. II chapter XIX p. 155), "The Hindus marry at an early age and hence parents arrange for the marriages of their children." This is in fact the rule that obtains at present. Al-Beruni's remark is certainly from observation and not from Smritis though we may believe that the Parāśara Smriti provision (अष्टवर्षाभवेत्) making marriage of a girl of 8 years as the normal marriage was already formulated. We have seen that Prithvīrāj's first marriage was a child marriage. Vikramāṅka Cālukya of Kalyan's daughter's marriage with the Kadamba of Goa heir-apparent was also a child marriage. Such examples among Rajput princes indicate that child marriage was the prevailing custom among all the Hindus of the period. Bāṇa describing the marriage of Rājyaśrī in about 600 A. D. describes her as fully grown up and his description of the marriage ceremony indicates that consummation of marriage took place on the day of marriage. Thus child marriages must have come into vogue between 600 and 1000 A.D. Why they did so, it is difficult to determine. As child marriages were already prevalent in 1030 A. D., it can not be argued, as is sometimes done, that they came into vogue owing to Mahomedan oppression. We have stated elsewhere that they came into vogue owing to people's desire to prevent women becoming Buddhist nuns. Buddhism allowed women of a grown-up age to become nuns and hence the marriage of girls at an early age must have become popular as a precaution. Buddhism was suppressed towards the end of the 8th or 9th century A. D. and the custom of child marriage must have grown further into popular favour. Whatever the reason, certain it is that it was an established custom in the beginning of this sub-period and further grew during its course.
v3.c41.s4.8
Among the Kshatriyas and the Vaiśyas, Śākhā and gotra lost their importance during this sub-period and the different sub-castes counted by names the families or nukhs which formed that sub-caste or sub-section and marriage outside the family or clan or nukh and inside the sub-section became the rule and continues to be so to this day. This example was followed by all the different sub-sections of Śudras and even the outcasts, and throughout the Hindu society marriage became restricted not only to the same caste but also to the same sub-caste, or sub-section of a sub-caste. Naturally the feeling of solidarity in the Hindu society decreased and the Hindus have always consequently remained weak as a people. As stated before, it is not possible to give up caste among the Hindus, the division being both racial and occupational; but it is possible and advisable to reduce the number of sub-caste, by amalgamating their sub-sections which have come into existence for fanciful ideas of purity of blood or other fastidious reasons.
v3.c41.s4.9
The prohibition of widow remarriage among the Aryan castes is an ancient custom among the Hindus, as old as the Sūtras or perhaps the Vedas : and Al-Beruni says rightly of his time that widows could not re-marry; they might either burn themselves on the pyre of their dead husband or lead an ascetic life (Sachau Vol. I, p. 155). "The widows of kings" he adds "are usually burnt unless they are old or have sons alive." The new custom of child marriage combined with the ancient custom of the prohibition of widow-remarriage led, however, in due time to that miserable class of women among high caste Hindus called child-widows; and strangely enough the rule of Manu-smṛiti which provided for the remarriage of girls whose husbands died before consummation of marriage was also at this time put into abeyance by a Kalivarja provision. We will speak of these Kalivarjas later and show that these provisions came into being probably during this sub-period itself. It passes understanding why the remarriage of child-widows was also stopped.
v3.c41.s4.10
Al-Beruni states that a Hindu cannot have more than four wives. This is indeed strange as we have come across no such limit to the number of wives in the law-books nor in tradition or history. Kings especially married as many wives as they liked and Śrīkṛiṣhṇa had 108. Prithvīrāj too had, according to the Rāsā, more than 8 queens. Al-Beruni, rightly however, states that the Hindus have no divorce among them which is perhaps a custom which characterizes Hindus only and continues to this day undoubtedly to their honour.
v3.c41.s4.11
"The Hindus marry strangers and not relatives" (Sachau Vol. II, p. 155). This refers to their law of marrying outside the family but inside the sub-caste as already described.
v3.c41.s4.12
Marriage outside and below the caste was, as said above, prohibited. But even in the same caste different sections arose based on purity of blood and Āchāra or religious conduct and this led during this sub-period to the rise of that strange usage called Kulinism in Bengal. The five Brahmin and the five Kāyastha families which were imported by Ballālasena who was himself a learned man in the Hindu Dharma Śāstra were directed by him not to mix their blood with the local castes believed to be inferior in purity of blood and Āchāra. By degrees, however, the inferior families were allowed to give their daughters to higher family men and these Kulinas married many wives for the sake of the dowry they brought. This was allowed in the days of Lakshmaṇasena according to a writer in J. B. XXXIV. It is believed by him that 28 generations have passed since these families were brought.
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The strangest observation of Al-Beruni in this connection is that harlotry is allowed among the Hindus meaning (vide Vol. II, p. 185 statement of Khurdadba) probably that fornication is not punished. No doubt in all temples there were harlots dedicated to the worship of the idols by dancing, especially in Śiva temples. And kings derived large revenues from the temples. But Al-Beruni thought the presence of harlots drew people to the temples and thus increased their revenues. Al-Beruni is good enough, however, to remark that the Brahmins would not allow a single harlot to dance in temples but the kings allowed them for revenue to pay the soldiers, an observation which, however, is not probably very correct both as regards the Brahmins as well as the kings.
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Going on to describe other customs of the Hindus at this time we have noticed already the prevalence of the practice of Satī, which was then a living institution. Then there was the custom of putting an end to one's life in old age by drowning in the river Ganges or other sacred river. We have instances of noted kings so destroying themselves, such as Someśvara of Kalyan and others. The tree at the confluence of the Ganges and the Jumna at Prayag was still famous and is mentioned by Al-Beruni. But his statement that "burning oneself is forbidden to Brahmins and Kshatriyas by a special law; they, therefore, drown themselves in the Ganges" (chap. LXV p. 158 Sachau Vol. II) is remarkable. The special law probably refers to the Kalivarja provision on the subject viz. भृग्वग्निपतने चैव वृद्धादिमरणं तथा ॥. This rule strictly interpreted would mean that the suicide of old men and others by falling into fire or from precipices was prohibited; and would leave the permission to drown oneself in a river intact. However, as the practice of committing suicide by drowning oneself still continued, such interpretation would be necessary. There is here clear reference in Al-Beruni to a Kalivarja provision.
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With regard to dress and ornaments we have to record very little, as we have not come across any special remarks of Al-Beruni on the subject. As stated in Vol. III (p. 187) the dress of the people in Sind, the Panjab and the adjoining parts of the country must have been composite, with tunic and trouser added to the old dress of the Hindus viz. two dhoties. The rage of the Hindus for ornaments remained the same as before and the ornaments of idols mentioned in the Sāsabahu temple record (I. A. XVI) show what ornaments princes and rich men used. But there is an interesting description of the dress of the women of Kanauj in the following verse of Rājaśekhara in his Kāvyamīmānsā : "With ear-rings dancing on the cheeks and with the long necklace moving, down to the navel, the dress of the women of Kanauj deserves to be honoured, their upper cloth going completely round the waist down to the anklet.* This shows that northern women wore two pieces of cloth the upper one covering not only the shoulders but also the lower person down to the feet. It left the head, however, uncovered as otherwise the ear-rings would not be visible and the necklace was put over the uttariya. The women of the south, including Gujarat, at present have no upper cloth; but their one cloth is long enough to serve the purpose of the upper cloth also. The custom of covering the face in the north and in Gujarat seems to be a later custom arisen in Mahomedan times. We may infer that men too all over India wore two pieces of cloth.
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Lastly the food of the people has already been described in detail. The Brahmins in the north ate the flesh of certain animals only and abstained from wine. In the south Brahmins abstained from both. The Vaiśyas followed the Brahmins. Indeed Jainism having prospered and Vaiśyas being generally Jains it may be said that Brahmins followed the Jains and disarmed their criticism by logically and correctly observing the doctrine of Ahimsā. The wave of Ahimsā was on the land in this sub-period and beside Jains, Vaishnavas and Lingāyats became strict vegetarians. This led to the restriction of confining food also to each sub-caste. Whereas in former times Brahmins had no objection to dine with Kshatriyas, Vaiśyas and even some good Śudras, they now restricted themselves to their own caste, nay, even sub-caste, since some Brahmins still continued to eat flesh, as proved by a Kalivarja text. Thus not only intermarriage but even interdining ceased during this subperiod among the different subsections into which Hindu society was now split up.
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∗ ताटंकवलितगण्डलेखमानामिलंबिदो लितनतारहारम् । आभोगिगुल्फपरिमण्डलितोत्तरीय वेषं नमस्तत महोदयसुन्दरीणाम् ॥
v3.c41.s4.18
The Kshatriyas also were impressed and some of them also gave up flesh though at certain times only. There are a few Vaishnava Kshatriyas also who do not eat flesh. Nor does it appear that they kept up their old reputation of being abstainers from wine, at least the reigning kings as Arab writers of the last sub-period testified. For Al-Beruni records: "They drink wine before having eaten any thing; then they take their meals" (p. 180 Vol. I Sachau). This is observed of Hindus generally; but we must restrict it to Kshatriyas. The further remark that "they do not eat their (cows') meat" (ditto) is, however, applicable to all Hindus. The Hindus had long ago given up beef and considered its eating one of the five most heinous sins. The slaughter of cows and bulls even for sacrifice had also long been given up and in the returning tide of Ahimsā at this time this prohibition must have formed one of their most absolute tenets as even now it is; and Hindus and Mahomedans then must have been as now at bitter feud on this most tender point.
v3.c41.s4.19
The Hindus then as now burnt their dead. The Sūtaka was duly observed. Al-Beruni mentions even the Sūtaka for childbirth, 8 days for a Brahmin, 12 for a Kshatriya, 15 for a Vaiśya and a month for a Śudra. This appears strange. The four unclean days of menstruation of women are also mentioned. The godāna or hair-cutting ceremony took place in the third year and the perforation of the ear in the 7th or 8th year. The last custom distinguished the Hindu from the Mahomedan in particular. Al-Beruni also mentions the garbhādhāna ceremony the importance of which must have increased when the custom of child marriage became predominant.
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RELIGIOUS DISUNION.
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While in the preceding sub-period, India was in the happy condition of having one religion viz: Hinduism, except in Sind, in this sub-period India drifted back into the unhappy condition of professing three religions and having schisms within each notably within Hinduism. In addition to Sind, Ghazni, Kabul and the Panjab, in this sub-period came under the sway of Mahomedanism and Gujarat and Rajputana came under the sway of Jainism, though Jainism declined in the south. And within Hinduism itself the dissensions among the different philosophies and worships became most acute. The result was that India became weak in one essential characteristic at least, of a strong nation viz: unity of religious belief among the people. We will in this chapter describe the spread of Mahomedanism in the north-west and the progress of Jainism in the west and will also describe the growth of antagonistic schisms within Hinduism itself.
Linked texts (3)
- Mānava Dharmaśāstra — Manu & Bhṛgu, Sanskrit
- Parāśarasmṛti — Parāśara, Sanskrit
- Bāṇa