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The Ancient Geography of India. I. The Buddhist Period, including the Campaigns of Alexander, and the Travels of Hwen-Thsang c5.s1.t1: 1. Kapisene, or Opiân.

The Ancient Geography of India. I. The Buddhist Period, including the Campaigns of Alexander, and the Travels of Hwen-Thsang c5.s1.t1

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1. Kapisene, or Opiân.

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According to the Chinese pilgrim Kiapishe, or *Kapisene*, was 4000 *li*, or about 666 miles in circuit. If this measurement be even approximately correct, the district must have included the whole of Kafiristan, as well as the two large valleys of Ghorband and Panjshir, as these last are together not more than 300 miles in circuit. Kiapishe is further described as being entirely surrounded by mountains; to the north having been removed from Gândhâra to Persia, still exists at Kandahar, where it was seen by Sir H. Rawlinson. The removal must have taken place during the sixth century, after the conquest of Gândhâra by the king of Kipin.

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by snowy mountains, named *Po-lo-si-na*, and by black hills on the other three sides. The name of *Polosina* corresponds exactly with that of Mount *Paresh* or *Aparasin* of the ‘Zend Avesta,’* and with the Paropamisus of the Greeks, which included the Indian Caucasus, or Hindu Kush. Hwen Thsang further states, that to the north-west of the capital there was a great snowy mountain, with a lake on its summit, distant only 200 *li*, or about 33 miles. This is the Hindu Kush itself, which is about 35 miles to the north-west of Charikâr and Opiân; but I have not been able to trace any mention of the lake in the few imperfect notices that exist of this part of Afghanistan.

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The district of *Capisene* is first mentioned by Pliny, who states that its ancient capital, named *Capisa*, was destroyed by Cyrus. His copyist, Solinus, mentions the same story, but calls the city *Caphusa*, which the Delphine editors have altered to *Capissa*. Somewhat later, Ptolemy places the town of *Kapisa* amongst the Paropamisadæ, 2½ degrees to the north of Kabura or Kabul, which is nearly 2 degrees in excess of the truth. On leaving Bamian, in A.D. 630, the Chinese pilgrim travelled 600 *li*, or about 100 miles, in an easterly direction over snowy mountains and black hills (or the Koh-i-Bâbâ and Paghmân ranges) to the capital of *Kiapishe* or *Kapisene*. On his return from India, fourteen years later, he reached *Kiapishe* through Ghazni and Kabul, and left it in a north-east direction by the Panjshir valley towards Anderâb. These statements fix the position of the capital at or near *Opiân*, which is just 100 miles to the east of Bamian by the route of the Hajiyak Pass and Ghorband Valley, and on the direct route from Ghazni and Kabul to Anderâb. The same locality is, perhaps, even more decidedly indicated by the fact, that the Chinese pilgrim, on finally leaving the capital of Kapisene, was accompanied by the king as far as the town of Kiu-lu-sa-pang, a distance of one yojana, or about 7 miles to the north-east, from whence the road turned towards the north. This description agrees exactly with the direction of the route from Opiân to the northern edge of the plain of Begrâm, which lies about 6 or 7 miles to the E.N.E. of Charikâr and Opiân. Begrâm itself I would identify with the Kiu-lu-sa-pang or Karsawana of the Chinese pilgrim, the Karsana of Ptolemy, and the Cartana of Pliny. If the capital had then been at Begrâm itself, the king’s journey of seven miles to the north-east would have taken him over the united stream of the Panjshir and Ghorband rivers, and as this stream is difficult to cross, on account of its depth and rapidity, it is not likely that the king would have undertaken such a journey for the mere purpose of leave-taking. But by fixing the capital at Opiân, and by identifying Begrâm with the Kiu-lu-sa-pang of the Chinese pilgrim, all difficulties disappear. The king accompanied his honoured guest to the bank of the Panjshir river, where he took leave of him, and the pilgrim then crossed the stream, and proceeded on his journey to the north, as described in the account of his life.

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∗ ‘Zend Avesta,’ iii. 365, Boundehesh. “It is said that Aparasin is a great mountain, distinct from Elburj. It is called Mount Paresh.”

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From all the evidence above noted it would appear certain that the capital of Kiapishe, or Kapisene, in the seventh century, must have been situated either at or near Opiân. This place was visited by Masson,[*]

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∗ ‘Travels,’ iii. 126.

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who describes it as “distinguished by its huge artificial mounds, from which, at various times, copious antique treasures have been extracted.” In another place * he notes that “it possesses many vestiges of antiquity; yet, as they are exclusively of a sepulchral or religious character, the site of the city, to which they refer, may rather be looked for at the actual village of Malik Hupiân on the plain below, and near Charikâr.” Masson writes the name Hupiân, following the emperor Baber; but as it is entered in Walker’s large map as Opiyán, after Lieutenant Leach, and is spelt Opián by Lieutenant Sturt, both of whom made regular surveys of the Koh-dâman, I adopt the unaspirated reading, as it agrees better with the Greek forms of Opiai and Opiane of Hekatæus and Stephanus, and with the Latin form of Opianum of Pliny. As these names are intimately connected with that of the Paropamisan Alexandria, it will clear the way to further investigation, if we first determine the most probable site of this famous city.

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The position of the city founded by Alexander at the foot of the Indian Caucasus has long engaged the attention of scholars; but the want of a good map of the Kabul valley has been a serious obstacle to their success, which was rendered almost insurmountable by their injudicious alterations of the only ancient texts that preserved the distinctive name of the Caucasian Alexandria. Thus Stephanus† describes it as being ἐν τῇ ᾿Οπιανῇ κατὰ τὴν ᾿Ινδικήν, “in Opiane, near India,” for which Salmasius proposed to read ᾿Απιανῇ. Again, Pliny‡ describes it as Alexandriam Opianes, which in the Leipsic and other editions is altered to *Alexandri oppidum*. I believe, also, that the same distinctive name may be restored to a corrupt passage of Pliny, where he is speaking of this very part of the country. His words, as given by the Leipsic editor, and as quoted by Cellarius,[*] are "Cartana oppidum sub Caucaso, quod postea Tetragonis dictum. Hæc regio est ex adverso. Bactrianorum deinde cujus oppidum Alexandria, a conditore dictum." Both of the translators whose works I possess, namely Philemon Holland, A.D. 1601, and W. T. Riley, A.D. 1855, agree in reading *ex adverso Bactrianorum*. This makes sense of the words as they stand, but it makes nonsense of the passage, as it refers the city of Alexandria to Bactria, a district which Pliny had fully described in a previous chapter. He is speaking of the country at the foot of the Caucasus or Paropamisus; and as he had already described the Bactrians as being "aversa montis Paropamisi," he now uses almost the same terms to describe the position of the district in which Cartana was situated; I would, therefore, propose to read "hæc regio est ex adverso Bactriæ;" and as *cujus* cannot possibly refer to the Bactrians, I would begin the next sentence by changing the latter half of *Bactrianorum* in the text to *Opiorum*; the passage would then stand thus, "Opiorum (regio) deinde, cujus oppidum Alexandria a conditore dictum,"—"Next the Opii, whose city, Alexandria, was named after its founder." But whether this emendation be accepted or not, it is quite clear from the other two passages, above quoted, that the city founded by Alexander at the foot of the Indian Caucasus was also named Opiane. This fact being established, I will now proceed to show that the position of Alexandria Opiane agrees as nearly as possible with the site of the present Opiân, near Charikâr.

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∗ ‘Travels,’ iii. 161. † In voce Alexandria. ‡ Hist. Nat., vi. c.

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¹⁷ Philemon Holland calls it “the city of Alexandria, in Opianum.”

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∗ Hist. Nat., vi. 23.

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According to Pliny, the city of Alexandria, in Opianum, was situated at 50 Roman miles, or 45·96 English miles, from Ortospana, and at 237 Roman miles, or 217·8 English miles, from Peucolaitis, or Pukkalaoti, which was a few miles to the north of Peshâwar. As the position of Ortospana will be discussed in my account of the next province, I will here only state that I have identified it with the ancient city of Kabul and its citadel, the Bala Hisar. Now Charikâr is 27 miles* to the north of Kabul, which differs by 19 miles from the measurement recorded by Pliny. But as immediately after the mention of this distance he adds that “in some copies different numbers are found,”† I am inclined to read “triginta millia,” or 30 miles, instead of “quinquaginta millia,” which is found in the text. This would reduce the distance to 27½ English miles, which exactly accords with the measurement between Kabul and Opiân. The distance between these places is not given by the Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsang; but that between the capital of Kiapishe and Pu-lu-sha-pu-lo, or Purushapura, the modern Peshâwar, is stated at 600+100+500 =1200 li, or just 200 miles according to my estimate of 6 li to the English mile. The last distance of 500 li, between Nagarahâra and Purushâwar, is certainly too short, as the earlier pilgrim, Fa Hian, in the beginning of the fifth century, makes it 16 *yojanas*, or not less than 640 *li*, at 40 *li* to the *yojana*. This would increase the total distance to 1340 *li*, or 223 miles, which differs only by 5 miles from the statement of the Roman author. The actual road distance between Charikâr and Jalâlâbâd has not been ascertained, but as it measures in a direct line on Walker’s map about 10 miles more than the distance between Kabul and Jalâlâbâd, which is 115 miles, it may be estimated at 125 miles. This sum added to 103 miles, the length of road between Jalâlâbâd and Peshâwar, makes the whole distance from Charikâr to Peshâwar not less than 228 miles, which agrees very closely with the measurements recorded by the Roman and Chinese authors.

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∗ Measured by Lieutenant Sturt with a perambulator. Masson gives the same distance for Begrâm. See No. III. Map from Sturt's Survey.

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† Hist. Nat., vi. 21. “In quibusdam exemplaribus diversi numeri reperiuntur.”

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Pliny further describes Alexandria as being situated *sub ipso Caucaso*,* at the very foot of Caucasus,” which agrees exactly with the position of Opiân, at the northern end of the plain of *Koh-dâman*, or “hill-foot.” The same position is noted by Curtius, who places Alexandria in *radicibus montis*,† at the very base of the mountain. The place was chosen by Alexander on account of its favourable site at the *τρίοδον*,‡ or parting of the “three roads” leading to Bactria. These roads, which still remain unchanged, all separate at Opiân, near Begrâm.

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† Vit. Alex., vii. 3.

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‡ Strabo, xv. 2, 8.

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1. The north-east road, by the Panjshir valley, and over the Khâwak Pass to Anderâb.
2. The west road, by the Kushân valley, and over the Hindu Kush Pass to Ghori.
3. The south-west road, up the Ghorband valley, and over the Hâjiyak Pass to Bamian.

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∗ Hist. Nat., vi. s. 21.

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The first of these roads was followed by Alexander on his march into Bactriana from the territory of the Paropamisadæ. It was also taken by Timur on his invasion of India; and it was crossed by Lieutenant Wood on his return from the sources of the Oxus. The second road must have been followed by Alexander on his return from Bactriana, as Strabo* specially mentions that he took "over the same mountains another and shorter road" than that by which he had advanced. It is certain that his return could not have been by the Bamian route, as that is the longest route of all; besides which, it turns the Hindu Kush, and does not cross it, as Alexander is stated to have done. This route was attempted by Dr. Lord and Lieutenant Wood late in the year, but they were driven back by the snow. The third road is the easiest and most frequented. It was taken by Janghez Khan after his capture of Bamian; it was followed by Moorcroft and Burnes on their adventurous journeys to Balkh and Bokhara; it was traversed by Lord and Wood after their failure at the Kushan Pass; and it was surveyed by Sturt in A.D. 1840, after it had been successfully crossed by a troop of horse artillery.

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Alexandria is not found in Ptolemy's list of the towns of the Paropamisadæ; but as his Niphanda, which is placed close to Kapisa, may with a very little alteration be read as Ophianda, I think that we may perhaps recognize the Greek capital under this slightly altered form. The name of Opián is certainly as old as the fifth century B.C., as Hekatæus places a people called Opiai to the west of the upper course of the Indus. There is, however, no trace of this name in the inscriptions of Darius, but we have instead a nation called *Thatagush*, who are the *Sattagudai* of Herodotus, and perhaps also the people of *Si-pi-to-fa-la-sse* of the Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsang.* This place was only 40 *li*, or about 7 miles, distant from the capital of Kiapishe, but unfortunately the direction is not stated. As, however, it is noted that there was a mountain named *Aruna* at a distance of 5 miles to the south, it is almost certain that this city must have been on the famous site of Begrâm, from which the north end of the *Siah-koh*, or Black Mountain, called *Chehel Dukhtarán*, or the "Forty Daughters," lies almost due south at a distance of 5 or 6 miles. It is possible, also, that the name of *Tátarangzár*, which Masson gives to the south-west corner of the ruins of Begrâm, may be an altered form of the ancient *Thátagush*, or *Sattagudai*. But whether this be so or not, it is quite certain that the people dwelling on the upper branches of the Kabul river must be the *Thátagush* of Darius, and the *Sattagudai* of Herodotus, as all the other surrounding nations are mentioned in both authorities.

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∗ Geogr., xv. 1, 26.

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*Karsana, Kartana or Tetragonis.*

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The passage of Pliny describing the position of Alexandria is prefaced by a few words regarding the town of *Cartana*, which, while they assign it a similar position at the foot of the Caucasus, seem also to refer it to the immediate vicinity of Alexander's city. I quote the whole passage, with the correction which I have already proposed:*—" Cartana oppidum sub Caucaso, quod postea Tetragonis dictum. Hæc regio est ex adverso Bactriæ. Opiorum (regio) deinde cujus oppidum Alexandria a conditore dictum." " At the foot of the Caucasus stands the town of Cartana, which was afterwards called Tetragonis (or the Square). This district is opposite to Bactria. Next (to it) are the Opii, whose city of Alexandria was named after its founder." Solinus makes no mention of Cartana, but Ptolemy has a town named Karsana, or Karnasa, which he places on the right bank of a nameless river that comes from the vicinity of Kapisa and Niphanda (or Opiân), and joins the river of Locharna, or Lohgarh, nearly opposite Nagara. This stream I take to be the united Panjshir and Ghorband river, which joins the Lohgarh river about halfway between Kabul and Jalâlâbâd. This identification is rendered nearly certain by the position assigned to the Lambatæ, or people of Lampaka or Lamghan, who are placed to the east of the nameless river, which cannot therefore be the Kunar river, as might otherwise have been inferred from its junction with the Lohgarh river opposite Nagara.

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∗ Sipitofalasse is probably the Sanskrit Saptavarsha or Sattavasa, which might easily be changed to Thatagush.

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This being the case, the Karsana of Ptolemy may at once be identified with the Cartana of Pliny; and the few facts related by both authors may be combined to aid us in discovering its true position. According to Pliny, it was situated at the foot of the Caucasus, and not far from Alexandria; whilst, according to Ptolemy, it was on the right bank of the Panjshir river. These data point to Begrâm, which is situated on the right bank of the united Panjshir and Ghorband rivers, immediately at the foot of the Kohistan hills, and within 6 miles of Opiân, or Alexandria Opiane. As I know of no other place that answers all these requirements, it seems most probable that Begrâm must be the true locality. Parwân and Kushân are ancient places of some consequence in the neighbourhood of Opiân; but they are both on the left bank of the Ghorband river, while the first is probably the Baborana of Ptolemy, and the other his Kapisa. Begrâm also answers the description which Pliny gives of Cartana, as Tetragonis, or the "Square;" for Masson, in his account of the ruins, specially notices "some mounds of great magnitude, and accurately describing a square of considerable dimensions."*

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∗ Hist. Nat., vi. 23.

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If I am right in identifying Begrâm with the Kiu-lu-sa-pang of the Chinese pilgrim, the true name of the place must have been Karsana, as written by Ptolemy, and not Cartana, as noted by Pliny. The same form of the name is also found on a rare coin of Eukratides, with the legend Karisiye nagara, or "city of Karisi," which I have identified with the Kalasi of the Buddhist chronicles, as the birthplace of Raja Milindu. In another passage of the same chronicle,† Milindu is said to have been born at Alasandu, or Alexandria, the capital of the Yona, or Greek country. Kalasi must therefore have been either Alexandria itself or some place close to it. The latter conclusion agrees exactly with the position of Begrâm, which is only a few miles to the east of Opiân. Originally two distinct places, like Delhi and Shah Jahanabad, or London and Westminster, I suppose Opiân and Kar-

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[^ *]: 'Travels,' iii. 155. For the position of Begrâm see No. III. Map. [^ †]: Milindu-prasna, quoted by Hardy, in 'Manual of Buddhism,' pp. 440, 516.

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sana to have gradually approached each other as they increased in size, until at last they virtually became one large city. On the coins of the earlier Greek kings of Ariana,—Euthydemus, Demetrius, and Eukratides,—we find the monograms of both cities; but after the time of Eukratides, that of Opiana disappears altogether, while that of Karsana is common to most of the later princes. The contemporary occurrence of these mint monograms proves that the two cities were existing at the same time; while the sudden disuse of the name of Opian may serve to show that, during the latter period of Greek occupation, the city of Alexandria had been temporarily supplanted by Karsana.

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The appellation of Begrâm means, I believe, nothing more than "the city" *par excellence*, as it is also applied to three other ancient sites in the immediate vicinity of great capitals, namely, Kabul, Jalâlâbâd, and Peshâwar. Masson derives the appellation from the Turki *be* or *bi*, "chief," and the Hindi *grám*, or city,—that is, the capital.[*] But a more simple derivation would be from the Sanskrit *vi*, implying "certainty," "ascertainment," as in *vijaya*, victory, which is only an emphatic form of *jaya* with the prefix *vi*. *Vigráma* would therefore mean emphatically "the city"—that is, the capital; and *Bigrám* would be the Hindi form of the name, just as *Bijay* is the spoken form of *Vijaya*.

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The plain of Begrâm is bounded by the Panjshir and the Koh-dâman rivers on the north and south; by the Mahighir canal on the west; and on the east by the lands of Julgha, in the fork of the two rivers.

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[*] ‘Travels,’ iii. 165.

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Its length, from Bayân, on the Mahighir canal, to Julgha, is about 8 miles; and its breadth, from Kilah Buland to Yuz Bashi, is 4 miles. Over the whole of this space vast numbers of relics have been discovered, consisting of small images, coins, seals, beads, rings, arrow-heads, fragments of pottery, and other remains, which prove that this plain was once the site of a great city. According to the traditions of the people, Begrâm was a Greek city, which was overwhelmed by some natural catastrophe.* Masson doubts the tradition, and infers from the vast number of Kufic coins found there, that the city must have existed for some centuries after the Muhammadan invasion. I am inclined to think that Masson is right, and that the decline of the city was caused by the gradual desertion of the people, consequent on the transfer of the seat of government to Ghazni, after the conquest of the country by the Muhammadans. Coins of the last Hindu Rajas of Kabul and of the first Muhammadan kings of Ghazni are found in great numbers; but the money of the later Ghaznavi princes is less plentiful, whilst of the succeeding Ghori dynasty only a few specimens of some of the earlier sovereigns have yet been discovered. From these plain facts, I infer that the city began gradually to decay after the Muhammadan conquest of Kabul by Sabuktugîn, towards the end of the tenth century, and that it was finally deserted about the beginning of the thirteenth century. As the latter period corresponds with the date of Janghez Khan's invasion of these provinces, it is very possible, as Masson has already supposed, that Begrâm may have been finally destroyed by that merciless barbarian.

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∗ Masson, ‘Travels,’ iii. 159.

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