[Pramāṇa](https://indike.org/pramana/) › [Studies](https://indike.org/pramana/ins) › [Historical geography](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography) › [The Ancient Geography of India. I. The Buddhist Period, including the Campaigns of Alexander, and the Travels of Hwen-Thsang](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871) › c8 # The Ancient Geography of India. I. The Buddhist Period, including the Campaigns of Alexander, and the Travels of Hwen-Thsang c8: Southern India. The Ancient Geography of India. I. The Buddhist Period, including the Campaigns of Alexander, and the Travels of Hwen-Thsang c8 - **Language:** English ## Contents - [c8.s1 1. Kalinga.](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s1) — 10 parts - [c8.s2 2. Kosala.](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s2) — 28 parts - [c8.s3 3. Andhra.](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s3) — 8 parts - [c8.s4 4. Donakakotta.](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4) — 68 parts - [c8.s5 5. Choliya, or Joriya.](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s5) — 10 parts - [c8.s6 6. Dráviḍa.](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s6) — 3 parts - [c8.s7 7. Malakuta, or Madura.](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s7) — 11 parts - [c8.s8 8. Konkana.](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s8) — 4 parts - [c8.s9 9. Mahârâshtra.](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s9) — 6 parts ### Southern India. ### [c8.1](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.1) According to Hwen Thsang’s account, Southern India comprised the whole of the peninsula to the south of the \*Tapti\* and \*Mahanadi\* rivers, from Nâsik on the west, to Ganjam on the east. It was divided into nine separate kingdoms, exclusive of Ceylon, which was not considered as belonging to India. The whole of these kingdoms were visited by the pilgrim in A.D. 639 and 640. He entered Kalinga from the north-east, and turning to the north-west he visited the inland kingdoms of \*Kosala\* and \*Andhra\*. Then resuming his southern route, he passed through \*Dhanakaṭa\*, \*Jorya\*, and \*Drâviḍa\*, to \*Malakuṭa\*. At Kânchi, the capital of \*Drâviḍa\*, he heard of the assassination of the Raja of Ceylon, and was obliged to give up his intention of visiting that island on account of its unsettled state. Then turning to the north, he reached Konkana and \*Mahârâshtra\*, the last of the nine kingdoms of Southern India.¹ ### [c8.2](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.2) ¹ See Map No. I. ### 1. Kalinga. ### [c8.s1.1](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s1.1) In the seventh century, the capital of the kingdom of \*Kie-ling-kia\*, or Kalinga, was situated at from 1400 to 1500 \*li\*, or from 233 to 250 miles, to the southwest of Ganjam.\* Both bearing and distance point either to \*Rajamahendri\* on the Godâvari river, or to \*Koringa\* on the seacoast, the first being 251 miles to the south-west of Ganjam, and the other 246 miles in the same direction. But as the former is known to have been the capital of the country for a long period, I presume that it must be the place that was visited by the Chinese pilgrim. The original capital of Kalinga is said to have been \*Srikakola\*, or Chikakol, 20 miles to the south-west of Kalinga-patam. The kingdom was 5000 \*li\*, or 833 miles, in circuit. Its boundaries are not stated; but as it was united to the west by Andhra, and to the south by Dhanakakaṭa, its frontier line cannot have extended beyond the Godâvari river, on the south-west, and the Gaoliya branch of the Indrâvati river on the north-west. Within these limits, the circuit of Kalinga would be about 800 miles. The principal feature in this large tract of country is the Mahendra range of mountains, which has preserved its name unchanged from the time of the composition of the Mahâbhârata to the present day. This range is mentioned also in the Vishnu Purâna, as the source of the Rishikulya river, and as this is the well-known name of the river of Ganjam, the Mahendra mountains can at once be identified with the \*Mahendra Malé\* range, which divides Ganjam from the valley of the Mahânadi. ### [c8.s1.2](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s1.2) \*Rajamahendri\* was the capital of the junior, or eastern branch of the \*Châlukya\* princes of \*Vengi\*, whose authority extended to the frontiers of Orissa. The kingdom of \*Vengi\* was established about A.D. 540, by the capture of the old capital of \*Vengipura\*, the remains of which still exist at \*Vegi\*, 5 miles to the north of \*Ellúr\*, and 50 miles to the west-south-west of Rajamahendri. About A.D. 750, Kalinga was conquered by the Raja of Vengi, who shortly afterwards moved the seat of government to Rajamahendri. ### [c8.s1.3](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s1.3) ∗ Julien's ‘Hiouen Thsang,’ iii. 92. See Maps Nos. I. and XIII. ### [c8.s1.4](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s1.4) The \*Calingæ\* are mentioned by Pliny,\* as occupying the eastern coast of India below the Mandei and Malli, and the famous Mount Maleus. This mountain may perhaps be identified with the high range at the head of the Rishikulya river, in Ganjam, which is still called \*Mahendra Malé\*, or the “Mahendra mountain.” To the south, the territory of the \*Calingæ\* extended as far as the promontory of Calingon and the town of Dandaguda, or Dandagula,† which is said to be 625 Roman miles, or 574 British miles, from the mouth of the Ganges. Both the distance and the name point to the great port-town of Coringa, as the promontory of \*Coringon\*, which is situated on a projecting point of land, at the mouth of the Godâvari river. The town of \*Dandaguda\*, or \*Dandagula\*, I take to be the \*Dántapura\* of the Buddhist chronicles, which, as the capital of Kalinga, may with much probability be identified with Raja Mahendri, which is only 30 miles to the north-east of Coringa. From the great similarity of the Greek \*Γ\* and \*Π\*, I think it not improbable that the Greek name may have been \*Dandapula\*, which is almost the same as \*Dántapura\*. But in this case, the \*Dánta\*, or “tooth relic,” of Buddha must have been enshrined in Kalinga as early as the time of Pliny, which is confirmed by the statement of the Buddhist chronicles, that the "left canine tooth" of Buddha was brought to Kalinga immediately after his death, where it was enshrined by the reigning sovereign, Brahmadatta.\* Dântapura, also, is said to have been situated on the northern bank of a great river, which can only be the Godâvari, as the Kistna was not in Kalinga. This fact alone would be sufficient to fix the position of Dântapura at the old capital of Rajama-hendri, which is situated on the north-eastern bank of the Godâvari. The name of Mahendri is perhaps preserved in the Pitundra Metropolis of Ptolemy, which he places close to the Maisólos, or Godâvari, that is, to the river of Masuli-patam. ### [c8.s1.5](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s1.5) ∗ Hist. Nat. vi. 21. “Gentes: Calingæ proximo mari, supra Mandei, Malli, quorum mons Mallus, finisque ejus tractus est Ganges.” ### [c8.s1.6](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s1.6) † Ibid. vi. 23. Philemon Holland’s translation has Dandagula. ### [c8.s1.7](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s1.7) A still earlier name for the capital of Kalinga was Sinhapura,† which was so called after its founder, Sinha-bahu,‡ the father of Vijaya, the first recorded sovereign of Ceylon. Its position is not indicated, but there still exists a large town of this name on the Lalgla river, 115 miles to the west of Ganjam, which is very probably the same place. ### [c8.s1.8](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s1.8) In the inscriptions of the Kâlachuri, or Haihaya dynasty of Chedi, the Rajas assume the titles of "Lords of Kálanjjarapura and of Tri-Kalinga. Kâlanjar is the well-known hill-fort in Bundelkhand; and Tri-Kalinga, or the "Three Kalingas," must be the three kingdoms of Dhanaka, or Amaravati, on the Kistna, Andhra or Warangol, and Kalinga, or Rajâ Mahendri. ### [c8.s1.9](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s1.9) ∗ Turnour, Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, 1837, p. 860, quoting the Dânthâ-dhâtu-wanso, or "History of the Tooth-relic." † Turnour, 'Mahawanso,' p. 46. ‡ Ibid. Appendix v. pp. 88, 89, where the Princess Tilaka Sun-dari, of Kalinga, is said to have come from Sinhapura. ### [c8.s1.10](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s1.10) The name of Tri-Kalinga is probably old, as Pliny mentions the \*Macco-Calingæ\* and the \*Gangarides-Calingæ\* as separate peoples from the \*Calingæ\*, while the \*Mahâbhârata\* names the Kalingas three separate times, and each time in conjunction with different peoples.\* As Tri-Kalinga thus corresponds with the great province of \*Telingána\*, it seems probable that the name of \*Telingána\* may be only a slightly contracted form of \*Tri-Kalingána\*, or the “Three Kalingas.” I am aware that the name is usually derived from \*Tri-Lingga\*, or the “Three Phalli” of Mahadeva. But the mention of \*Macco-Calingæ\* and \*Gangarides-Calingæ\* by Pliny, would seem to show that the “Three Kalingas” were known as early as the time of Megasthenes, from whom Pliny has chiefly copied his Indian Geography. The name must therefore be older than the Phallic worship of Mahadeva in southern India. Kalinga is three times mentioned in the Khandagiri inscription of Aira Raja,† which cannot be later than the second century B.C., and at a still earlier date, during the lifetime of Sâkya-Muni, it was noted for its manufacture of fine muslins, and at his death, the king of Kalinga is said to have obtained one of the teeth of Buddha, over which he built a magnificent stupa.‡ ### 2. Kosala. ### [c8.s2.1](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s2.1) From Kalinga the Chinese pilgrim proceeded about 1800 or 1900 \*li\*, or from 300 to 317 miles,§ to the north-west to the kingdom of \*Kiao-sa-lo\*, or \*Kosala\*. The bearing and distance take us to the ancient province of \*Vidarbha\*, or \*Berár\*, of which the present capital is \*Nágpur\*. This agrees exactly with the position of Kosala as described in the \*Ratnávali\*, and in the \*Váyu Purána\*.\* In the former, the king of Kosala is surrounded in the \*Vindhyan\* mountains, and in the latter it is stated that \*Kusa\*, the son of Rama, ruled over Kosala, at his capital of \*Kusasthali\*, or \*Kusávati\*, built upon the Vindhyan precipices. All these concurring data enable us to identify the ancient Kosala with the modern province of Berar, or Gondwâna. The position of the capital is more difficult to fix, as Hwen Thsang does not mention its name; but as it was 40 \*li\*, or nearly 7 miles, in circuit, it is most probably represented by one of the larger cities of the present day. These are Chânda, Nâgpur, Amaravati, and Elichpur. ### [c8.s2.2](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s2.2) ∗ H. H. Wilson, in ‘Vishnu Purâna,’ pp. 185, 187 note, and 188. † James Prinsep in Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, vi. 1082. ‡ Csoma de Körös, in ‘Asiatic Researches,’ xx. 85 and 317. § Julien’s ‘Hiouen Thsang,’ vol. i. p. 185, gives 1800 \*li\*, and vol. iii. p. 94, 1900 \*li\*. See Map No. I. ### [c8.s2.3](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s2.3) Chânda is a walled town, 6 miles in circuit, with a citadel. It is situated just below the junction of the Pain Ganga and Warda rivers, at a distance of 290 miles to the north-west of Rajamahendri, on the Godâvari, and of 280 miles from \*Dháranikota\*, on the Kistna. Its position, therefore, corresponds almost exactly with the bearing and distance of Hwen Thsang. ### [c8.s2.4](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s2.4) Nâgpur is a large straggling town, about 7 miles in circuit; but as it is 85 miles to the north of Chânda, its distance from Rajamahendri is about 70 miles in excess of the number stated by the Chinese pilgrim. ### [c8.s2.5](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s2.5) Amaravati is about the same distance from Rajamahendri, and Elichpur is 30 miles still further to the north. Chánda is therefore the only place of consequence that has a strong claim to be identified with the capital of Kosala in the seventh century. The recorded distance of 1800 or 1900 \*li\* from Rajamahendri is further supported by the subsequent distance of 1900 \*li\*, or 900 plus 1000 \*li\*, to Dhanaka-kata, which was almost certainly the same place as Dhárani-kota, or Amaravati, on the Kistna river. Now, the road distance of Chânda from Dhâranikota is 280 miles, or 1680 \*li\*, by the direct route; but as Hwen Thsang first proceeded for 900 \*li\* to the south-west, and then for 1000 \*li\* to the south, the direct distance between the two places would not have been more than 1700 \*li\*. ### [c8.s2.6](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s2.6) ∗ H. H. Wilson, ‘Vishnu Purána,’ Hall’s edition, ii. 172, note. ### [c8.s2.7](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s2.7) At 300 \*li\*, or 50 miles, to the south-west of the kingdom, there was a high mountain named \*Po.lo.mo.lo.ki-li\*, which is said to mean the "black peak." M. Julien identifies this name with "Baramula-giri of the present day;"\* but I cannot find this place in any map or book to which I have access. The mountain is described as very lofty, and without either spurs or valleys, so that it resembled a mere mass of stone. In this mountain King \*So-to-po-ho\*, or \*Sátaváhan\*, hewed a pavilion of five storeys, which was accessible by a hollow road many dozens of \*li\*, that is many miles, in length. The place was not visited by Hwen Thsang, as the narrator of his journey uses the expression "on arrive," instead of "il arriva." But as the rock is said to have been excavated as a dwelling for the holy Buddhist sage \*Nágárjuna\*, the pilgrim would almost certainly have visited it, if it had been only 50 miles distant from the capital; and if the south-west bearing is correct, he must have passed quite close to the place on his subsequent journey to Andhra, wihch is said to be either in the same direction, or towards the south. I conclude, therefore, that the curious, “\*au sud-ouest du royaume\*,”\* which the pilgrim uses to indicate the position of this excavated rock, may possibly refer to the boundary of the kingdom, and consequently that the place must be looked for at 300 \*li\*, or 50 miles, beyond its south-west frontier. This position would agree very well with that of the great rock fortress of Deogir, near Elura, and the name of Polomolokili, or \*Varamula-giri\*, might be accepted as the original of \*Varula\*, or Elura. Parts of the description, such as the long galleries hewn out of the rock, and the cascade of water falling from the top of the rock, agree better with the great Buddhist establishment at Elura than with Deogir. But as the place was not actually visited by Hwen Thsang, his description must have been made up from the varying accounts of different travellers, in which the contiguous sites of Elura and Devagiri were probably treated as one place. ### [c8.s2.8](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s2.8) ∗ 'Hiouen Thsang,' iii. 101, note 4: "aujourd'hui Baramulaghiri;" and note 5, "en Chinois, He-fong, le pic noir." ### [c8.s2.9](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s2.9) The same rock-hewn habitations are also described by Fa-Hian† in the beginning of the fifth century. He calls the excavation the monastery of \*Pho-lo-yu\*, or the “Pigeon,” and places it in the kingdom of \*Ta-thsin\*, that is in \*Dakshina\*, or the south of India, the present Dakhan. His information was obtained at Banâras; and as wonders do not lose by distance, his account is even more wonderful than that of Hwen Thsang. The monastery, hewn out of the solid rock, is said to be five storeys in height, each storey in the shape of a different animal, the fifth, or uppermost, storey being in the form of a \*Pigeon\*, from which the monastery received its name. The Chinese syllables \*Pho-lo-yu\* must therefore be intended for the Sanskrit \*Párávata\*, a "pigeon." A spring of water rising in the uppermost storey, descended through all the rooms of the monastery, and then passed out by the gate. In this account we have the five storeys, the spring of water falling from the top, and the name of the place, all agreeing very closely with the description of Hwen Thsang. The chief point of difference is in the meaning assigned to the name, as Hwen Thsang states that \*Polomolo-kili\* signifies the "black peak," while according to Fa-Hian, \*Pholoyu\* means a "pigeon." But there is still another account, of an intermediate date, which gives a third meaning to the name. In A.D. 503, the king of Southern India sent an ambassador to China, from whom it was ascertained that in his country there was a fortified city named \*Pa-lai\*, or "situated on a height." At 300 \*li\*, or 50 miles, to the eastward, there was another fortified town, named in the Chinese translation \*Fu-cheu-ching\*, or "ville soumise à ce qui est détesté,"\* which was the birthplace of a famous saint, whose name was \*Chu-san-hu\*, or "Coral-beads" (grains de corail). Now, \*Palá-málá\* is the name of a "coral necklace," or "string of coral-beads;"\* and as it represents every syllable of Hwen Thsang's \*Polomolo\*, I presume that it must be the same name. I am unable to explain Hwen Thsang's translation of the name as the "black peak" in any of the northern dialects; and I can only suggest that he may perhaps refer to one of the southern or Dravidian dialects. In Kanarese, \*malé\* is a "hill;" and as \*pârâ\*, or "quicksilver," and \*pâras\*, or the "touchstone," are both of black hue, it is probable that they are connected with \*πελός\*. \*Pára\*, therefore, might signify "black," and \*pára-malé\* would then be the black hill. One of the most venomous snakes in southern India, which is of a very dark blue or almost black colour, is called \*Pára-Gudu\*. It seems probable, therefore, that Hwen Thsang's translation may be derived from one of the southern dialects. This confusion in the Chinese translations is no doubt due to the very defective power of the Chinese syllables for the transcription of Sanskrit words. Thus, \*Po.lo.fa.to\* might be read as \*Párávata\*, a "pigeon," according to Fa-Hian; or as \*paravata\*, "subject," according to the \*Si-yu-ki\*; while it is probable that the true reading should be \*parvata\*, a "mountain," as the monastery is specially stated to have been excavated in a rocky hill. ### [c8.s2.10](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s2.10) ∗ Julien’s ‘Hiouen Thsang,’ iii. 101. ### [c8.s2.11](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s2.11) † Beal’s ‘Fah-Hian,’ c. xxxv. ### [c8.s2.12](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s2.12) ∗ Pauthier, "Examen Méthodique des faits qui concernent Tien-tchu, ou l'Inde;" 'Journal Asiatique,' 1839, p. 292. ### [c8.s2.13](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s2.13) † Pauthier, 'Journal Asiatique,' Oct. 1839, p. 292. ### [c8.s2.14](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s2.14) The capital itself was named \*Pa-lai\*,\* which is said to mean "qui s'appuie sur une éminence." Now the citadel of \*Chánda\* is called " \*Bála kila\*," or the "High Fort," which, though a Persian appellation given by the Muhammadans, was very probably suggested by the original appellation of \*Palai\*.† ### [c8.s2.15](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s2.15) † We have an example of such translation in Buland-shahr, which the Hindus still call Uncha-gaon. ### [c8.s2.16](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s2.16) In all our Chinese authorities the rock-hewn monastery is connected with a holy sage; but the name in each account is different. According to Fa-Hian, it was the monastery of the earlier Buddha named Kâsyapa. In the \*Si-yu-ki\*, however, it is said to be the birthplace of the \*Muni Parâmâlâ\*, while Hwen Thsang states that the monastery was excavated by King \*Sâtavâhana\*, for the use of the famous Nâgârjuna. From the wonderful descriptions of Fa-Hian and Hwen Thsang I have been led to think that their accounts may possibly refer to the grand excavations of Devagiri and Elura. But if the distance given by Hwen Thsang as well as by the \*Si-yu-ki\* is correct, the rock-hewn monastery must be looked for about 50 miles to the west or south-west of Chânda. Now in this very position, that is about 45 miles to the west of Chânda, there is a place in the map called \*Pându-kuri\*, or the “Pândus’ houses,” which indicates an undoubted ancient site, and may possibly refer to some rock excavations, as the rock-hewn caves at Dhamnâr and Kholvi are also assigned to the Pândus, being severally named “Bhim’s cave, Arjun’s cave,” etc. In the total absence of all information, I can only draw attention to the very curious and suggestive name of this place. There is also a series of Buddhist caves at \*Patûr\*, 50 miles to the south-west of Elichpur and Amaravati, and 80 miles to the east of Ajanta. As these have never been described, it is possible that the site may hereafter be found to correspond with the descriptions of the rock-hewn monastery by Fa-Hian and Hwen Thsang. ### [c8.s2.17](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s2.17) ∗ Pauthier in ‘Journal Asiatique,’ 1839, p. 293. ### [c8.s2.18](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s2.18) The mention of King \*Sâtavâhana\*, or \*Sâdavâhana\*, in connection with Nâgârjuna is specially interesting, as it shows that the Buddhist caves of \*Parâmâlâ\* must be as old as the first century of the Christian era. \*Sâdavâhana\* was a family name, and as such is mentioned in one of the cave inscriptions at Nâsik.∗ But \*Sâta-\* vâhana is also a well-known name of the famous Sâlivâhan,\* who founded the Sake era in A.D. 79, so that we have a double proof that the Buddhist caves of Parámálá must have been excavated as early as the first century. The probable identity of Sátaváhan and Sátakarni will be discussed in another place. We know from the western cave inscriptions that Kosala certainly formed part of the vast southern kingdom of Gotamiputra Sátakarni; and if he flourished in the first century as would appear to be the case,† his identity with Sátaváhán, or Sâlivâhan, would be undoubted. It is sufficient here to note the great probability of this interesting point in the history of Southern India. ### [c8.s2.19](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s2.19) ∗ Bombay Journal, vii., Nasick inscriptions No. 6, by Mr. West. ### [c8.s2.20](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s2.20) ∗ Sâta, or Sâli, was the name of a Yaksha, or demigod, who, being changed to a lion, was ridden by the infant prince, who thus acquired the title of Sátaváhan, or Sâlivâhan. ### [c8.s2.21](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s2.21) † The greater number of the inscriptions in the caves of Kanhari, Nâsik, and Kârle belong to one period; and as several of them record the gifts of Gotamiputra-Sátakarni, Pudumayi, and Yâdnya-Sri, the whole must be referred to the period of the Andhra sovereignty. But one of them is dated in the year 30 of the Sakâditya-kâl, or Sake era, that is in A.D. 108; and, therefore, the Andhras must have been reigning at that time. ### [c8.s2.22](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s2.22) The kingdom of Kosala is estimated by Hwen Thsang at 6000 li, or 1000 miles, in circuit. Its frontiers are not named; but we know from the pilgrim's itinerary that it must have been bounded by Ujain on the north, by Mahârâshtra on the west, by Orissa on the east, and by Andhra and Kalinga on the south. The limits of the kingdom may be roughly described as extending from near Bûrhânpûr on the Tâpti, and Nânder on the Godâvari, to Ratanpur in Chatisgarh, and to Nowagadha near the source of the Mahânadi. Within these limits the circuit of the the Lacedaemonians, who had been waiting for the signal, now attacked the city. The Plataeans, seeing the enemy already inside and their own men falling, and knowing nothing of the plot, were seized with panic and, thinking that the Thebans were far more numerous than they really were, surrendered at discretion. But when they discovered that the Thebans were few, they took heart and, resolving to attack them, closed the gates and fell upon them. ### [c8.s2.23](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s2.23) The Thebans, finding themselves in a trap, began to defend themselves. Twice or thrice they repelled the attacks of the Plataeans, but when the women and slaves began to shout and throw tiles and stones from the houses, and a heavy rain began to fall, the Thebans, confused and blinded, broke and fled through the city. Most of them, not knowing the way in the darkness and rain, fell into the drains or were killed by the Plataeans, who knew the streets. The gate through which they had entered had been shut by a Plataean who had found a javelin-head and used it as a bolt, so that there was no way out. Pursued through the city, some climbed the wall and jumped down, most of them perishing; others reached the gate and, finding it shut, were cut down by the women and slaves. A small party, seeing a large building with an open door, rushed in, thinking it was a gate, and were captured. ### [c8.s2.24](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s2.24) Meanwhile, the main body of the Thebans, who were to have arrived at daybreak to support the first party, had been delayed by the rain and the swollen river Asopus. When they heard of the disaster, they hurried to the city, intending to seize any Plataeans who might be outside the walls. The Plataeans, suspecting their intention, sent a herald to them, warning them not to harm the prisoners they had taken, and threatening to kill them if they did not withdraw from their territory. The Thebans, upon this, retired. ### [c8.s2.25](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s2.25) The Plataeans, having thus cleared the city, collected their dead and the prisoners. The prisoners, numbering about one hundred and eighty, were executed the next day, despite a message from the Thebans claiming that they had surrendered on terms. The Plataeans denied this, asserting that they had promised to spare them only if they did not commit further acts of violence. ### [c8.s2.26](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s2.26) Thus ended the attempt of the Thebans upon Plataea, an event which was the immediate cause of the war between Athens and the Peloponnesians. The Plataeans, having secured their city, sent a messenger to Athens with the news, and the Athenians, fearing for the safety of the Plataeans, sent a garrison to their aid and removed the women and children to Athens. ### [c8.s2.27](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s2.27) M A P of the EASTERN COAST between the Rivers GODÁVARI AND KRISHNA. 32 Miles to 1 Inch. ### [c8.s2.28](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s2.28) large tract assigned to Kosala is rather more than 1000 miles. ### 3. Andhra. ### [c8.s3.1](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s3.1) From Kosala, Hwen Thsang proceeded to the south for 900 \*li\*, or 150 miles, to \*An-to-lo\*, or \*Andhra\*,\* the modern Telingâna. The capital was named \*Ping-ki-lo\*, which M. Julien transcribes as \*Vingkhila\*, but it has not yet been identified. We know that Warangol, or Varnakol, was the capital of Telingâna for several centuries afterwards, but its position does not agree with the pilgrim's narrative, as it lies too far from Chânda on the Pain Ganga river, and too near to Dhâranikotta on the Kistna. The Chinese syllables also do not represent the name of Warangol, although they might perhaps be taken for \*Vankol\*. They may be read as \*Bhimgal\*, which is the name of an old town in Telingâna mentioned by Abul Fazl. But Bhimgal is only 120 miles to the south-west of Chânda, instead of 150 miles to the south or south-west, and is upwards of 200 miles to the north of Dhâranikotta instead of 167 miles. I should therefore be inclined to accept the Chinese syllables as a blundering transcription of Warangol itself, if the positions agreed more nearly. But the actual distance between Varangol and Chânda is 160 miles, and between Varangol and Dhâranikotta only 120 miles. It is, therefore, too near the latter place, and too far from the former place, according to Hwen Thsang's account. If we might adopt Amaravati in Berar as the capital of Kosala, then Bhimgal would represent the capital of Andhra beyond all doubt, as it stands rather short of midway between Chânda and Dhâranikotta ; but both the distances are too great to suit Hwen Thsang’s numbers of 900 \*li\* and 1000 \*li\*, or 150 miles and 167 miles. The position of \*Elgandel\*, which is midway between Bhimgal and Varangol, agrees better with the pilgrim’s narrative, as it is about 130 miles from Chânda, and 170 miles from Dhâranikotta. I am, therefore, willing to adopt \*Elgandel\* as the probable representative of the capital of \*Andhra\* in the seventh century of the Christian era. ### [c8.s3.2](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s3.2) ∗ Julien's ‘Hiouen Thsang,’ iii. 105. See Map No. I. ### [c8.s3.3](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s3.3) The province of Andhra is described as 3000 \*li\*, or 500 miles, in circuit. No frontier is mentioned in any direction ; but it may be presumed that the Godâvari river, which is the modern boundary to the north and east, was likewise the ancient one, as it is also the limit of the Telugu language towards the north. To the west, where it met the great kingdom of Mahârâshtra, it cannot have extended beyond the \*Manjhira\* branch of the Godâvari. The territory may, therefore, be described as stretching from the junction of the Manjhira and Godâvari to Bhadrachelam on the south-east, a length of 250 miles, and to Haidarabad on the south, a length of 100 miles, the distance between Haidarabad and Bhadrachelam being 175 miles. These limits give a total circuit of 525 miles, or nearly the same as that stated by Hwen Thsang. ### [c8.s3.4](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s3.4) The \*Andhras\* are mentioned by Pliny\* under the name of \*Andaræ\*, as a powerful nation, who possessed thirty fortified cities, and a large army of one hundred thousand infantry, two thousand cavalry, and one thousand elephants. They are also noted in the Pentingerian Tables as \*Andræ-Indi\*. Wilson quotes these Tables as placing the Andhras “on the banks of the Ganges,”\* but the extremely elongated form of the Pentingerian Map has squeezed many of the peoples and nations far out of their true places. A much safer conclusion may be inferred from a comparison of the neighbouring names. Thus the \*Andræ-Indi\* are placed near \*Damirice\*, which I would identify with Ptolemy’s \*Limyrike\* by simply changing the initial \*Δ\* to \*Λ\*, as the original authorities used for the construction of the Tables must have been Greek. But the people of Limyrike occupied the south-west coast of the peninsula, consequently their neighbours the Andræ-Indi must be the well-known Andhras of Telingana, and not the mythical Andhras of the Ganges, who are mentioned only in the \*Puránas\*. Pliny’s knowledge of the Andaræ must have been derived either from the Alexandrian merchants of his own times, or from the writings of Megasthenes and Dionysius, the ambassadors of Seleukus Nikator and Ptolemy Philadelphus to the court of Palibothra. But whether the Andaræ were contemporary with Pliny or not, it is certain that they did not rule over Magadha at the period to which he alludes, as immediately afterwards he mentions the Prasii of Palibothra as the most powerful nation in India, who possessed 600,000 infantry, 30,000 horse, and 9000 elephants, or more than six times the strength of the Andræ-Indi. ### [c8.s3.5](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s3.5) ∗ Hist. Nat., vi. 22. ### [c8.s3.6](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s3.6) The Chinese pilgrim notices that though the language of the people of Andhra was very different from that of Central India, yet the forms of the written characters were for the most part the same. This statement is specially interesting, as it shows that ### [c8.s3.7](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s3.7) \[^ \*\]: ‘Vishnu Purana,’ Hall’s edition, iv. 203, note. ### [c8.s3.8](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s3.8) the old Nâgari alphabet introduced from Northern India was still in use, and that the peculiar twisted forms of the Telugu characters, which are found in inscriptions of the tenth century, had not yet been adopted in the south. ### 4. Donakakotta. ### [c8.s4.1](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.1) On leaving Andhra, Hwen Thsang proceeded to the south through forests and over desert plains for 1000 \*li\*, or 167 miles, to \*To.na.kie.tse.kia\*, which M. Julien renders by \*Dhanakacheka\*. But I have already pointed out in my account of \*Tse-kia\*, or \*Taki\*, in the Panjâb, that the Chinese syllable \*tse\* is used to represent the Indian cerebral \*ṭ\*, which would make the name \*Dhana-kaṭaka\*. I have also referred to the inscriptions in the caves of Kânhari and Kârle with the name of \*Dhana-kakaṭa\*, which I have suggested as the true reading of the Chinese word, by the transposition of the last two syllables.¹ The name of \*Dhanakaṭa\* is found in no less than four of the cave inscriptions, in all of which it has been read by Dr. Stevenson as the name of a man, whom he calls \*Xenokrates\*, a Greek. But according to my reading of these inscriptions, the name is undoubtedly that of the city or country to which the recorders of the inscriptions belonged. As these inscriptions are short, I will, in justice to Dr. Stevenson, here quote them. ### [c8.s4.2](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.2) ¹ See Maps Nos. I. and XIII. My correction was printed in my Archæological Report to the Government of India in 1864, but it was made several years previously. Dr. Bhau Dâji has also identified the Chinese name with the Dhanakaṭa of the inscriptions, but he has not noticed the true reading of the Chinese syllable \*tse\*. (Bombay Journ., vol. vii. p. 68.) ### [c8.s4.3](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.3) The inscription on which Dr. Stevenson founds his opinion of the Greek origin of the recorder is thus read by himself:\*— ### [c8.s4.4](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.4) Dhanukâkadha Yavanasa Sihadhayânam thabha dânam. ### [c8.s4.5](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.5) “A gift of lion-supporting pillar by the Greek Xenocrates.” ### [c8.s4.6](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.6) My rendering is somewhat different,— ### [c8.s4.7](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.7) “Lion-bearing pillar-gift of Yavana of Dhanukakata.” ### [c8.s4.8](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.8) Dr. Stevenson translates Yavana as “Greek ;” but the following inscription† shows most distinctly that Dhanukakata is the name of a place, and consequently Yavana must be the name of a man. ### [c8.s4.9](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.9) † Ibid., v. 156. Kârle inscription No. 11. ### [c8.s4.10](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.10) Dhenukakata Usabhadata-putasa Mita Deva nakasa thabha dânam. ### [c8.s4.11](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.11) This is translated by Dr. Stevenson as:— ### [c8.s4.12](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.12) “The gift of a pillar by the chief Mitra Deva, son of Dhenukakata (surnamed) Rishabadatta.” ### [c8.s4.13](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.13) To explain this translation he supposes Dhanukakata to be a Greek, with a Greek name, and to have also a Hindu name which he “probably assumed when he embraced Buddhism, or on adoption into some Hindu family, when names also are changed.” But by taking Dhanukaka as the name of a place, this inscription may be rendered without any forced assumption of a second name. My rendering is,— ### [c8.s4.14](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.14) “Pillar-gift of the chief Mitra-Deva, son of Rishabadatta of Dhanukakata.” ### [c8.s4.15](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.15) The third Kârle inscription is unfortunately slightly imperfect in the donor’s name, and the concluding word is unintelligible, but the opening of the inscription as read by Dr. Stevenson is :\*— ### [c8.s4.16](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.16) ∗ Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bombay, v. 156. Kârle inscription No. 14. ### [c8.s4.17](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.17) Dhanukakaṭa (su) bhavikasa, etc. ### [c8.s4.18](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.18) which he translates, “The gift of a pleasant abode by Dhanukakaṭa,” etc. Here the word which has been restored and translated as “a pleasant abode” is the recorder’s name, which I feel strongly inclined to read as Bhoviveka, as Hwen Thsang mentions a famous saint of Donakakatta named Po-pi-fei-kia, that is literally Bhoviveka in Pali, or in Sanskrit Bháva-viveka. ### [c8.s4.19](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.19) The fourth inscription, which is found at Kânhari, consists of nine lines, and is one of the most important of the western cave records, as it is dated in the well-known era of Sâlivâhana. Dr. Stevenson† reads the opening as follows :— ### [c8.s4.20](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.20) † Ibid., v. 20. Kânhari inscription No. 8. ### [c8.s4.21](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.21) Upâsakasa Dhenukakatinasa kalapa (naka) manakasa, etc. ### [c8.s4.22](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.22) and refers the record to “\*Dhenukakaṭa\* the architect.” But a more perfect copy of this inscription, published by Mr. West,‡ gives the true reading of the first line as :— ### [c8.s4.23](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.23) ‡ Ibid., vi. Inscription No 39. ### [c8.s4.24](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.24) Upâsakasa Dhanukakateyasa Kulapiyasa. ### [c8.s4.25](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.25) of which the literal translation is, “(Gift) of Kulapiya, an Upâsika of \*Dhanukakaṭa\*.” ### [c8.s4.26](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.26) The date of the inscription, which is at the end of the last line, is erroneously transcribed by Dr. Stevenson thus :— ### [c8.s4.27](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.27) data va salâ sâka datya lena. ### [c8.s4.28](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.28) and by adding the previous word chivarika he translates it as follows :— ### [c8.s4.29](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.29) ∗ Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bombay, v. 155. Kârle inscription No. 10. ### [c8.s4.30](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.30) “Here is a hall established for Buddhist-priests; here the Buddha-tooth cave.” ### [c8.s4.31](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.31) In his transcript of this record I notice that Dr. Stevenson altogether omits the letter \*k\* which occurs between \*datya\* and \*lena\* in both copies of the inscription, in that made by Lieut. Brett, which was published by Dr. Stevenson himself,\* as well as in that made by Mr. West. With this correction I read the concluding words of the inscription as follows:— data vase 30 Sakâditya kâla, of which the literal translation is:— ### [c8.s4.32](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.32) “Given in the year 30 of the era of \*Sakâditya\*,” that is in A.D. 78 + 30 = 108. \*Sakâditya\* is one of the common titles of \*Sâlivâhana\*; and the Sake era, which was established by him, is usually called in ancient inscriptions \*Saka-bhûpa kâla\*, or \*Saka-nripa kâla\*, both terms being mere synonyms of \*Sakâditya kâla\*. Dhanukakaṭa must, therefore, have possessed a Buddhist establishment as early as the beginning of the second century of the Christian era; and if my suggested reading of the name of \*Bhâvaviveka\* in the Kârle inscription be admitted, Buddhism must have been equally flourishing during the first century, as \*Bhâvaviveka\* would appear to have been a disciple of Nâgârjuna.† ### [c8.s4.33](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.33) In fixing the position of \*Dhanakaṭa\*, at \*Dhârani-koṭṭa\*, or Amaravti, on the Kistna, I have been guided not only by the bearing and distance from Andhra and Kosala, but by several other concurring reasons, which I will now detail. ### [c8.s4.34](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.34) ∗ Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bombay, v. No. 10 of Lieut. Brett’s plates of Kânhari inscriptions, which accompany Dr. Stevenson’s Memoir, No. 8, p. 20. † Burnouf, ‘Introduction à l’Histoire du Buddhisme Indien,’ p. 560. ### [c8.s4.35](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.35) Amongst the Buddhist traditions of Ceylon and Siam, we have an account of a country lying between the mouth of the Ganges and the Island of Ceylon, which was inhabited by \*Nâgas\*. These \*Nâgas\* possessed either one or two \*Drona\* measures of the relics of Buddha, which were enshrined in a beautiful and costly stupa, near the "Diamond Sands." Originally, this portion of relics had belonged to Râmagrâma, near Kapilavastu; but when the Râmagrâma stupa was washed away by the river, the relic casket containing one of the original eight divisions of Buddha's remains was carried down the Ganges to the sea, where it was picked up by the \*Nâgas\*, and conveyed to their own country, called \*Majerika\*. Now this country was to the south of Dantapura, because Prince Danta Kumâra and the Princess \*Hemamâla\*, when flying from Dantapura to Ceylon with the tooth of Buddha, were wrecked on the coast near the "Diamond Sands." The name itself also helps to fix the position of the Diamond Sands, at or near \*Dhâranikotta\*, on the Kistna, as the diamond mines of this part of the country are restricted to the small district of \*Partiâl\*, lying immediately to the north of Dhâranikotta. The flight from Dantapura took place in A.D. 310, at which time, according to the Siamese version, the two \*Drona\* measures of relics were still preserved in the Nâga country.\* But three years later, or in A.D. 313, the Raja of Ceylon sent a holy priest to bring away these relics from \*Majerika\*, which was miraculously effected, in spite of the opposition of the Nâgas. The Nâga king then solicited a few relics from the Raja of Ceylon, “which were bestowed upon him accordingly.” ### [c8.s4.36](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.36) ∗ Colonel Low, in Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, 1848; part ii. p. 87. See Map No. XIII. ### [c8.s4.37](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.37) There are several minor variations in the Ceylonese account, but the chief difference is in the date. According to the ‘Mahâwanso,’\* the relics at Râmagrâma consisted of only one \*Drona\* measure, which, after being enshrined by the Nâgas at Majerika, were carried off to Ceylon in the fifth year of the reign of Dutthagâmini, B.C. 157, by whom they were enshrined in the \*Mahá-thupo\*, or great stupa, at Ruanwelli. ### [c8.s4.38](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.38) The author of the ‘Mahâwanso’ gives a glowing account of the magnificence of this great stupa of Ceylon; but he admits that the \*Chaitya\* at Majerika, “was so exquisitely constructed, and so superbly ornamented in various ways . . . that all the accumulated treasures in Lanka would fall short of the value of the last step of its stair.”† According to our present knowledge of the antiquities of Southern India, this description can apply only to the magnificent stupa of \*Dharanikotta\*, on the Kistna, which was literally encased in a profusion of sculptured bas-reliefs. ### [c8.s4.39](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.39) † \*Ibid.\*, p. 188. ### [c8.s4.40](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.40) It is difficult to reconcile the discrepancy between the dates of the Siamese and Ceylonese chronicles; but I think it is highly improbable that these Nâga relics could have been carried to Ceylon at so early a date as 157 B.C., at which time it is more than doubtful whether Buddhism had penetrated to any part of Southern India. I would suggest, as a possible explanation of the discrepancy, that the relics may have been carried off to Ceylon in A.D. 313, as stated in the Siamese chronicles, and there enshrined in the great stupa of Ruanwelli; and that in after times their acquisition was erroneously assigned to \*Dutthagamini\*, the original founder of the stupa. The famous tooth itself, which was taken from Kalinga to Ceylon, in A.D. 310, was enshrined in the \*Dharmmachakra\*, an edifice erected by \*Dewanan-piyatisso\*, the contemporary of Asoka, about 240 B.C., and was afterwards transferred to the Abhayagiri Vihara, which was erected in B.C. 89.\* ### [c8.s4.41](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.41) ∗ Turnour’s ‘Mahawanso,’ p. 185. ### [c8.s4.42](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.42) But whether this explanation be accepted or not, we know from the general consent of all the Buddhist chroniclers and pilgrims, as well as of the ‘Mahawanso’ itself, that the Ramagrama relics were still enshrined in their original receptacle, at Ramagrama, in the middle of the third century, B.C., when Asoka was building stupas over all the relics of Buddha that were divided after his death. If, therefore, the relics were removed to Ceylon in B.C. 157, as stated in the ‘Mahawanso,’ we must crowd into a period of little more than 80 years the destruction of the original stupa at Ramagrama, the enshrinement of the relics at Majerika in the most magnificent stupa in all India, and their subsequent removal to Ceylon. But according to the very competent authority of Mr. Fergusson,† the erection of the Dharanikotta stupa, “judging from its elaboration, may have taken fifty years to complete.” We have, therefore, only about thirty years left for the stay of the relics at Ramagrama, after the time of Asoka, and for their subsequent stay amongst the Nagas of Majerika. For this reason, I prefer the account of the Siamese chronicles; and I would accordingly fix the date of the removal of the \*Drona\* measure of relics, from Dharanikotta to Ceylon, in the year 313 A.D. ### [c8.s4.43](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.43) ∗ Turnour's ‘Mahawanso,’ p. 211. † Journ. Royal Asiat. Soc., new series, iii. 155. ### [c8.s4.44](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.44) It must be noted, however, that the people of Northern India were happily unaware that the \*Drona\* of relics enshrined at Râmagrâma had been carried off by the Nâgas to Majerika, as both Fa-Hian and Hwen Thsang, who actually visited the place in the fifth and seventh centuries, mention that the stupa was still standing. It is curious, however, to learn from the journals of both pilgrims, that even in their days the Râmagrâma relics were believed to be watched over by the \*Nâgas\* of a tank close by the stupa.\* According to the original Buddhist legend, these Nâgas had prevented Asoka from removing the relics from Râmagrâma. In the lapse of time, when Râmagrâma had become deserted, as it was found by both pilgrims, this legend might easily have assumed the slightly altered form that the Nâgas had carried off the relics to prevent their removal by Asoka. This form of the legend would have been eagerly seized upon by the \*Nâgas\* of Southern India, and the transfer of the relics to their own country of \*Majerika\*, would at once have commanded the easy belief of a credulous people. ### [c8.s4.45](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.45) In mentioning the relics that were removed from Râmagrâma, the Ceylonese chronicles call them one \*Drona\* measure, and the Siamese two \*Dronas\*. I presume, therefore, that they were generally known as the \*Drona-dhátu\*, or “\*Drona\* of relics.” In Pali this name would be \*Dona\*, which may probably be the true original of Hwen Thsang’s \*To.na.kie\*. The full name would have been \*Donakadhátu\*, or simply \*Donaka\*, which with \*kot\* a added would make \*Donaka-koṭṭa\*, corresponding with the Chinese syllables \*To.na-kie-kia-tse\*, as well as with the \*Dhanakakata\* of the inscriptions. Now I have already shown from the dated inscription of \*Kánhari\* that the name of \*Dhanakukata\* is as old as A.D. 108, but as it is spelt in all the inscriptions with \*dh\* and not with \*d\*, I infer that the legend about the \*Drona\* of relics is later than that date. We know that it was a common practice amongst the Buddhists to alter the spelling of the local names so as to obtain meanings which might be adapted to legends of their Teacher. Thus \*Takshasila\*, the "hewn stone," became \*Takshu-sira\*, or the "cut-off head," and \*Adi-chhatra\*, or "King Adi's canopy," became \*Ahi-chhatra\*, or the "serpent canopy," over the head of Buddha. With reference, therefore, to the Nâga guardianship of the \*Drona\* of relics at Râmagrâma, I think it highly probable that the old name of \*Dhanaka\* was changed to \*Donaka\* by the Buddhists, for the special purpose of adapting it to their legend regarding the disposal of the Râmagrâma \*Drona\* of relics. ### [c8.s4.46](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.46) ∗ Beal’s ‘Fah-Hian,’ c. xxiii. ; and M. Julien’s ‘Hiouen Thsang,’ ii. 326. ### [c8.s4.47](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.47) The present name of the place is \*Dhárani-koṭṭa\*, which I take to be derived from the later legend regarding \*Bhávaviveka\*, which is preserved by Hwen Thsang. This holy priest, wishing to behold the future Buddha, Maitreya, fasted for three years, while he continually repeated the mystical verses called \*dháranis\*. At the end of that time \*Avalokiteswara\* appeared to him and instructed him to return to his native country of \*Dhanakakaṭa\*, and in front of a cavern to the south of the town to recite with perfect faith the \*dhāraṇis\*, or mystical verses, addressed to \*Vajra-pāṇi\*, when his wish would be accomplished. At the end of three years more \*Vajra-pāṇi\* appeared to him, and taught him a secret formula which had power to open the cavern in the palace of the \*Asuras\*, where the future Buddha was dwelling. After three years spent in the recitation of these secret \*dhāraṇis\*, the rock opened, and \*Bhāvaviveka\* bidding farewell to the multitude, who were afraid to follow him, entered the cavern, which immediately closed upon him and he was no more seen. As this miraculous legend of the \*dhāraṇis\* was the popular belief of \*Dhanakaṭa\* in the seventh century, the place would naturally have been known amongst the people as \*Dhāraṇi-koṭṭa\*, or the "Cavern of the \*Dhāraṇi\* Miracle." ### [c8.s4.48](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.48) From the mention of \*Dhanakaṭa\* in the cave inscriptions of the first and second centuries of the Christian era, we might expect to find some trace of the name in the Geography of Ptolemy. But instead of this we find a people named \*Aruarni\*, or \*Avarni\*, occupying the country below the \*Maisólus\*, or Godâvari river, with a capital called \*Malanga\*, the residence of King \*Bassaronaga\*. As \*Malanga\* is placed between the two rivers \*Maisólus\* and \*Tyna\*, its position corresponds with that of \*Ellúr\*, close to which are the remains of the old capital named \*Vengi\*, which are still known as \*Pedda\* and \*Chinna Vengi\*, or Great and Little \*Vengi\*.\[\*\] That \*Malanga\* was in this neighbourhood is proved by the existence of the name at the present day in \*Bandar-malanga\*, or the "port of \*Malanga\*," a small town on the coast 54 miles to the east-north-east of Masulipatam. I conclude, therefore, that Dhanakaṭa was only the seat of a great religious establishment, while Vengi was the political capital of the country. ### [c8.s4.49](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.49) ∗ See Map No. XIII. ### [c8.s4.50](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.50) With regard to the king's name, I think that the Greek Bassaro-naga may be identified with the Pali Majeri-ka-Nága of the ‘Mahâwanso.’\* Remembering the frequent interchange of the labials m and b, and that ka is an optional affix, the Greek Bassaro may be accepted as a tolerably close rendering of the Pali Majeri; and thus Ptolemy's Malanga would become the capital of the Nágas of Majerika. ### [c8.s4.51](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.51) On a general review of all the evidence in favour of the identification of Dháraṇikoṭṭa with the Dhanakaṭa of Hwen Thsang and with the Majerika Stúpa of the Nágas, the most striking point is the exceeding beauty of the relic stupa, which is common to all of them. I have already quoted the account of the ‘Mahâwanso’ as to the gorgeous magnificence of the Nága Stúpa of Majerika, the last step of which was beyond the power of all the riches of Ceylon to equal. Similarly the Chinese pilgrim was struck with the unusual beauty of the religious edifices of Dhanakaṭa, which he describes as possessing all the magnificence of the palaces of Bactria.† We have also the evidence of our own eyes as to the exceeding beauty and lavish ornament of its sculptures, many of which now grace the India Office Museum, in London. And lastly, we have the tradition of the people that Dháraṇikoṭṭa was once the capital of this part of India.‡ ### [c8.s4.52](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.52) ∗ Turnour's ‘Mahawanso,’ p. 185, Manjerika-nâga-bhawanau, “the land of the Nágas of Majeri.” ### [c8.s4.53](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.53) † M. Julien's ‘Hiouen Thsang,’ i. 188. ### [c8.s4.54](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.54) ‡ Hamilton's ‘Gazetteer of India,’ in voce “Amravatty.” ### [c8.s4.55](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.55) The age of the stupa can only be determined approximately, as the twenty inscriptions on the sculptures in London give no dates, and make no certain mention of any kings or persons whose age is known. But from the style of the alphabetical characters, I am satisfied that the inscriptions belong to the same period as those of the famous caves of Kânhari, Nâsik, and Kârle, which record the gifts of Gotamiputra—Sâtakarni, Pudumâyi, and Yâdyna Sri, of the Andhra dynasty. They agree also with those of the Sâtakarni inscription on the gateway of the Bhilsa tope,\[\*\] as well as with those of Rudra Dama’s inscription on the rock of Girnar. I have already noted that one of the Kânhari inscriptions is dated in the year 30 of the Sakâditya Kâl, or era of Sake, equivalent to A.D. 108; and I may now add that Rudra Dama’s inscription is dated in the year 72, which, if referred to the Vikramâditya era, will be A.D. 15, or if to the Sake era, A.D. 150, both dates being within the period of the first two centuries of the Christian era, to which I refer the Amaravati inscriptions. Colonel Mackenzie also obtained some leaden coins of Gotamiputra\[†\] and of other princes of the Sâtakarni dynasty of Andhras, when excavating the ruins at Dharanikotta—a discovery which alone is sufficient to establish the exist- ### [c8.s4.56](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.56) \[\*\] ‘Bhilsa Topes,’ p. 264. Mr. Fergusson refers to this inscription as being in the same characters as the Lât inscriptions of Asoka; but he is undoubtedly mistaken, as the gateway inscriptions of the Bhilsa tope are in a very different character, as may be seen by a reference to my work. \[†\] Sir Walter Elliot, in ‘Madras Literary Journal,’ 1858, vol. iii. new series: “I am responsible for the readings.” See Plate XI. No. 105, Rajnya Gotamiputa Satakanisa; also Nos. 92 and 101. No. 96 has Satakanisa, and No. 100 Pudumâvisa. ### [c8.s4.57](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.57) ence of some important buildings at this very spot during their reigns. I have already suggested that Gotamiputra Sátakarni was probably the same person as the great Sáliváhan, or Sádaváhan, who established the Sake era; and I am inclined to assign the foundation of the Amaravati stupa to him, in about A.D. 90, and its completion to Yádrya Sri Sátakarni, one of his successors, who ascended the throne in A.D. 142. This date corresponds very well with the only facts that we possess regarding the age of the stupa, namely, that it cannot be earlier than the Christian era or later than A.D. 313, when its relics were carried away to Ceylon. ### [c8.s4.58](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.58) At a much later date, in the beginning of the eleventh century, Danaka is mentioned by Abu Rihân, who describes it as “the plains of the Konkan.” Now, the Konkan is the valley of the Kistna river, and this description of the country of Danaka adds another proof to the correctness of my identification of Hwen Thsang’s Dhanakakata with the ruined city of Dhára-nikotta on the Kistna. According to Abu Rihân,\* Danaka was the native country of the Karkadan, or rhinoceros. Now the same statement is made by the merchant Sulimân† of a country in the south of India, named Ruhmi, رهمي, which was famous also for extremely fine muslins, that could be passed through a ring. The same country is noticed by Masudi‡ as Rahma, and by Idrisi as Dumi. Masudi, also, notes that it extended along the seacoast. Now Marco Polo mentions the town of Mutafili, in the province of Masulipatam and to the north of Maabar, as famous for diamonds and for the thinnest and most delicate cotton cloths resembling spiders’ webs. Mutafili has generally been identified with Masulipatam itself; but a considerable town named Mutapili still exists near the seacoast at 65 miles to the south of Dháranikoṭṭa, and 70 miles to the south-west of Masulipatam. In either case, however, Marco’s notice determines the fact that the country about the mouths of the Godâvari was famous for diamonds and for delicately fine muslins. It must, therefore, have included the diamond district of Partyál, immediately to the north of Dháranikoṭṭa, as well as the muslin district of Masulipatam; and, accordingly, it may be identified with the Rahmi or Dumi of the Arab geographers. By a very slight change in the characters رهمي, Rahmi might become دنك, Dhanak, which would agree with the Danaka of Abu Rihân. ### [c8.s4.59](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.59) ∗ Renaud, ‘Fragments Arabes,’ etc., p. 109. ### [c8.s4.60](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.60) † Sir Henry Elliot’s ‘Muhammadan Historians of India,’ by Professor Dowson, i. 5. ### [c8.s4.61](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.61) ‡ Ibid., i. 25. ### [c8.s4.62](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8.s4.62) According to the chronicles of Orissa,\* the present town of Amaravati was founded, or established as a subordinate seat of government, by Surya Deva, Raja of Orissa in the twelfth century. The name is connected with the worship of Siva as Amaranátha, or Amareswara; and one of the twelve great Lingas of this god, which is assigned to Ujain, almost certainly, belonged to the holy city on the Kistna, as we know that Ujain possessed its own famous temple of Mahâkâla, and that all the other ten shrines of Siva belong to different places. _First 110 of 160 passages. [Read on](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.geography.cunningham-1871.c8)_ ## Linked texts (26) - [Vāyupurāṇa](https://indike.org/pramana/in.purana.vayu) — Vyāsa, Sanskrit - [Bṛhatsaṃhitā](https://indike.org/pramana/in.astro.samhita.rsi.brhatsamhita) — Varāhamihira, Sanskrit - [Naturalis historia](https://indike.org/pramana/inf.la.imperial.pliny-elder) — C. 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