The History of Indian Literature c8.308

Language: English

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Of the forty books of the Saṃhitá, the sixteenth and thirtieth are those which bear most distinctly the stamp of the time to which they belong. The sixteenth book, on which, in its Taittiríya form, the honour was afterwards bestowed of being regarded as an Upanishad, and as the principal book of the Śiva sects, treats of the propitiation of Rudra; and (see *I. St.*, ii. 22, 24–26) by its enumeration and distinction of the many different kinds of thieves, robbers, murderers, night-brawlers, and highwaymen, his supposed servants, reveals to us a time of insecurity and violence: its mention, too, of various mixed castes indicates that the Indian caste system and polity were already fully developed.

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Now as, in the nature of things, these were not established without vigorous opposition from those who were thrust down into the lower castes, and as this opposition must have manifested itself chiefly in feuds, open or secret, with their oppressors, I am inclined to suppose that this Rudra book dates from the time of these secret feuds on the part of the conquered aborigines, as well as of the Vrátyas or unbrahmanised Aryans, after their open resistance had been more or less crushed.¹²⁵ At such a time, the worship of a god who passes as the prototype of terror and fury is quite intelligible.—The thirtieth book, in enumerating the different classes of persons to be dedicated at the *purusha-medha*, gives the names of most of the Indian mixed castes, whence we may at any rate conclude that the complete consolidation of the Brahmanical polity had then been effected. Some of the names here given are of peculiar interest. So, for example, the *mágadha*, who is dedicated in v. 5 "*atikrushṭáya*." The question arises, What is to be understood by *mágadha*? If we take *atikrushṭa* in the sense of "great noise," the most obvious interpretation of *mágadha* is to understand it, with Mahídhara, in its epic sense, as signifying a minstrel,∗ son of a Vaiśya by a Kshatriyá. This agrees excellently with the dedications immediately following (in v.

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6), of the *súta* to the dance, and of the *śailúsha* to song, though not so well, it must be admitted, with the dedications immediately preceding, of the *klíba* (eunuch), the *ayogú* (gambler?), and the *puńśchalú* (harlot). The *mágadha* again appears in their company in v. 22,† and they cannot be said to throw the best light upon his moral character, a circumstance which is certainly surprising, considering the position held by this caste in the epic; though, on the other hand, in India also, musicians, dancers, and singers (*śailúshas*) have not at any time enjoyed the best reputation. But another interpretation of the word *mágadha* is possible.‡ In the fifteenth, the so-called Vrátya book\* of the Atharva-Saṃhitá, the Vrátya (*i.e.*, the Indian living outside of the pale of Brahmanism) is brought into very special relation to the *puńśchalí* and the *mágadha*; faith is called his harlot, the *mitra* (friend ?) his *mágadha*; and similarly the dawn, the earth (?), the lightning his harlots, the *mantra* (formula), *hasa* (scorn ?), the thunder his *mágadhas*. Owing to the obscurity of the Vrátya book, the proper meaning of this passage is not altogether clear, and it is possible, therefore, that here also the dissolute minstrel might be intended.

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Still the connection set forth in the Sáma-Sútras of Láṭyáyana and Dráhyáyana, as well as in the corresponding passage of the Kátíya-Sútra between the Vrátyas and the *magadhadeśíya brahmabandhu*,¹²⁶ and the hatred with which the Magadhas are elsewhere (see Roth, p. 38) spoken of in the Atharva-Saṃhitá, both lead us to interpret the *mágadha* of the Vrátya book as an heretical teacher. For the passages, also, which we are more immediately discussing, this interpretation vies with the one already given; and it seems, in particular, to be favoured by the express direction in v. 22, that "the *mágadha*, the harlot, the gambler, and the eunuch" must neither be Śúdras nor Brahmans,—an injunction which would be entirely superfluous for the *mágadha* at least, supposing him to represent a mixed caste, but which is quite appropriate if the word signifies "a native of the country Magadha." If we adopt this latter interpretation, it follows that heretical (*i.e.*, Buddhist) opinions must have existed in Magadha at the time of the composition of this thirtieth *adhyáya*. Meanwhile, however, the question which of these two interpretations is the better one remains, of course, unsolved.—The mention of the *nakshatradarśa*, "star-gazer," in v. 10, and of the *gaṇaka*, "calculator," in v. 20, permits us, at all events, to conclude that astronomical, *i.e.*, astrological, science was then actively pursued.

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It is to it that, according to Mahídhara at least, the "questions" repeatedly mentioned in v. 10 relate, although Sáyaṇa, perhaps more correctly, thinks that they refer to the usual disputations of the Brahmans. The existence, too, of the so-called Vedic quinquennial cycle is apparent from the fact that in v. 15 (only in xxvii. 45 besides) the five names of its years are enumerated; and this supposes no inconsiderable proficiency in astronomical observation.¹²⁷—A barren wife is dedicated in v. 15 to the Atharvans, by which term Sáyaṇa understands the imprecatory and magical formulas bearing the name Atharvan; to which, therefore, one of their intended effects, barrenness, is here dedicated. If this be the correct explanation, it necessarily follows that Atharvan-songs existed at the time of the thirtieth book.—The names of the three dice in v. 18 (*kṛita*, *tretá*, and *dvápara*) are explained by Sáyaṇa, commenting on the corresponding passage of the Taittiríya-Bráhmaṇa, as the names of the epic *yugas*, which are identical with these—a supposition which will not hold good here, though it may, perhaps, in the case of the Taittiríya-Bráhmaṇa.∗—The hostile reference to the Charakáchárya in v. 18 has already been touched upon (p. 87).¹²⁸