Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan (1200–1550 A.D.) c5.s3: The Court

Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan (1200–1550 A.D.) c5.s3

Language: English

The Court

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1. *The Court (or Bar).*—The custom of holding courts (or what is now popularly termed *darbar*) is very ancient among the royal traditions of Persia and came to be established in Hindustan within the first thirty years of Muslim rule.³ The Sultans of Delhi held the *Bar* on a number of public occasions, namely, to welcome an envoy or a distinguished guest, to announce the coronation of a monarch or to commemorate the event every year, to celebrate the birthday of the Sultan, to accept the *nazrs* and *nisars* (to be explained shortly) from his subjects and on a number of other social and religious festivals. This is by no means a complete list, for extraordinary convocations were also held to celebrate all kinds of events, for instance, a victory, the marriage of a member of the royal family or the birth of a prince or princess. When a foreign envoy was welcomed in open court, no measures were neglected to impress the visitor with the glory and magnificence of the State. The Sultan or his chief minister personally supervised the details of the reception. The monarch or one of his sons, or at least a distinguished noble, personally conducted the visitor to the court where he was received with much pomp and ceremony.¹ The coronation *darbars* were more solemn than formal. Sometimes before the public ceremony of crowning, *bai'at* (or the oath of allegiance) to a new Sultan was taken from the judicial functionaries (*Sadrs*), the nobles, the theologians and the Sayyids, in a private gathering without much ceremony. Everyone quietly approached the Sultan (who was seated on the throne), kissed his hand, congratulated him on his accession, and offered his homage. A public audience for the public and general oath (*Bai'at-i-'am*) was then held somewhat later with full ceremonies and display. Suitable gifts for charity were distributed to mark the occasion, prisoners were released, and a general spirit of happiness, gaiety, and cheerfulness prevailed in the country. Every year afterwards, a *darbar* was held to commemorate the day of coronation. Before or after the *darbar* the royal procession with caparisoned horses and elephants, with guards and retainers in rich and glittering costumes, and the nobles and officials in full and gaudy splendour, passed through the capital. In the *darbar* the oath of allegiance was renewed, *nazrs* (or *khidmatis*) were offered to the Sultan who gave suitable gifts in return, and the usual lavish sums were given away for charities.² Other *darbars* to celebrate certain social and religious festivals were more magnificent than formal or solemn. These are characteristically termed the *Jashn* *darbars* for their greater gaiety, and will be described elsewhere.³ The *Nau-ruz*, or the Persian spring festival, in particular, was celebrated with great enthusiasm. The religious occasions were marked more for a display of the pomp and grandeur of the State than for any religious or spiritual observances. For instance, on *Id* days a big procession of elephants, all draped in gorgeous silks and glittering ornaments, was formed to convey the Sultan and the religious and judicial functionaries, distinguished foreign visitors and the nobles to the *Id* mosque for prayers. A State banquet was held in the evening and all kinds of amusements and rejoicings were provided. When the usual *darbar* with the familiar features of *nazr* and *bai'at* was held, the court-poets were conspicuous for reciting especially composed eulogies.¹ More will be said about these festivals in speaking of amusements later.

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³ Compare B., 54.

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¹ Compare, for instance, the visit of the envoy of Hulagu to the court of Sultan Nasir-ud-din Mahmud; compare Vambery, 47, for the reception of Sidi 'Ali Reis by Humayun in court; also A.N., I, 325.

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² Compare, for instance, Raverty, 675; for a description.

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³ A., 278.

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¹ Compare K.R., II, 36-8; Q.S., 57; B. 43, for a description of the royal observance of *Ids*; compare K.K., 244, for a famous eulogy of Amir Khusrau composed for the occasion.

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2. *The Court Etiquette.*—All these court celebrations and other official ceremonies were observed with special regard for forms and rules of behaviour. The rank and position of everyone, their dress and appearance, the various rules of behaviour and the ceremonies of presentation to the monarch were duly observed in all their elaborate details. As a rule, the nobles and the grandees attended in person; but if anyone absented himself for some unavoidable reason, his place was taken by a *vakil* or representative.² Special rows were assigned to the nobles according to their rank, and seats were provided even for their retainers in court. A special court dress was prescribed for all those who attended the *darbar*. The Sultan wore his royal robes and the nobles the *khil'at* or the dress of honour, which comprised a tunic of brocade, a tartar cap, a white belt and a waistband of gold. Those of the nobles who were not favoured with a robe of honour put on a fur coat and a fur cap; the tunic and cloak of everyday wear were to be avoided in any case, and their use was looked upon as a grave impropriety.³ The court officials who will be described shortly functioned in their official costumes with other emblems of office. The Wazir or some other responsible official pesronally supervised the observance of all these regulations. A special steward (called the *Shahna-i-bar*) was appointed to see that the provisions as to behaviour and forms of presentation were scrupulously observed. As a result, the spectacle of the open court looked like ‘the assemblage of the luminaries on a clear moon-lit night’.⁴

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² T.M.S., 9.

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³ Compare the observations of ‘Afif’, A., 279.

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⁴ Compare, for instance, the reception of the envoy of Hulagu under Sultan Nasir-ud-din Mahmud when in the figurative language of the chronicler the Sultan looked like ‘a sun from the fourth heaven’, Ulugh Khan Balban like ‘a shining moon’, the maliks ‘like unto revolving planets’ and the Turkish pages of the Sultan ‘like unto stars innumerable’—Raverty, 858.

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Before the ceremonies of presentation commenced, the nobles, officials, and other persons who assisted the Sultan stood in rows on two sides in front of the Sultan, with their hands folded on their breasts.¹ The main ceremony of presentation comprised what were termed the *kornish* and the *Taslim* under the Mughals. They can better be described than defined. The person to be presented to the monarch was introduced in to the hall of audience by an official called the *Barbak*, who led him to a spot at some distance in front of the monarch. Here he first bowed his forehead to the ground and then advanced towards the throne, making low obeisance three times at intervals, guided in choosing the moment for obeisance by the solemn cries of the Naqib and his pursuivants, which will be described later. This is what was called the *shart-i-zamin-bos* or ‘the ground-kissing ceremony’.² If the person presented was especially privileged to approach the royal person (which was very exceptional, the privilege being confined to those above the rank of a *Sipahsalar*), he was thoroughly searched before his entry into the hall of audience.³ Approaching the monarch, he prostrated himself at the royal feet; the visitor then remained standing with bowed head irrespective of rank and position, and addressed the Sultan in especially chosen language indicative of his extreme humility and deep devotion. There he presented his *nazr*. If he was of exceptional distinction, the Sultan perhaps condescended to take him by the hand, or even embraced him and touched his offerings with his royal fingers, which greatly eased his agitated mind.⁴ This was about the most intimate public experience anyone could have of the great Sultans of Delhi. By rules of public behaviour, the Sultan remained hidden and inaccessible even to the highest dignitaries of the court.⁵ In some cases the position was very embarrassing and annoying to both parties, and two instances are of historical interest. When Bughra Khan was presented to his own son, Sultan Mu'izz-ud-din Kaiqubad, the reigning monarch of Delhi, and was engaged in duly carrying out all the State ceremonies of presentation, so humiliating to the feelings of a father, the reserve of the Sultan finally gave way and he forcibly lifted his father and seated him on the throne beside him. Similarly, when once Kamran Mirza, the rebel brother of Humayun, was presented to the Mughal Emperor after his surrender and carried out all the provisions of court etiquette, the patience and reserve of Humayun broke down. He asked Kamran to embrace him a second time 'as a brother' when he broke into tears of joy and fraternal love.¹ The provincial dynasties adopted similar court etiquette in their kingdoms.² Though no detailed account is available of the Hindu courts, it may be safely assumed that the dignity of the royal person was as strictly guarded there as under the Sultanate, and probably the rules of behaviour of the court were elaborated on similar lines.³ The Mughal Emperor Akbar did not alter or improve upon the existing code of court ceremonials to any considerable degree.⁴

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¹ Compare T.S.S., 47; A.N., I, 150.

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² Compare how Jam Saif-ud-din had to take lessons before presentation to Firuz Tughluq. A., 248; compare A.A., I, 156, for Mughal precedent.

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³ Compare K.R., I, 213; for the presentation of Ibn Bututa to the Emperor of Constantinople; compare Notices, etc., 182.

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⁴ Compare K.R., II, 35.

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⁵ Compare the proud remark of Sultan Balban that he never addressed a person of low birth on terms of familiarity all his life as a king. His own slaves and attendants had never seen him except in full dress—B., 33; compare also his advice to his son Muhammad, *ibid.*, 75; compare *ibid.*, 142 for the remarks of Bughra Khan in defence of the royal dignity of his own son and the etiquette of the court. Compare Raverty, 805, for an amusing story of the tutor of prince who subjected his royal pupil to the same undignified

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¹ A.N., I, 281.

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² Compare the statement of Babur in B., 334, that the envoy who came to his court from Bengal performed the ceremonies of presentation according to the accepted code of behaviour of a court.

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³ Compare P. (hin), 241, for the instructive story of a dancing girl who was killed on the spot for no greater crime than turning her back by chance on the Raja while performing a dance for his entertainment.

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⁴ Compare A.A., I, 155-156.

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It may be noted in passing that the whole atmosphere of the Court of the Sultan was highly artificial, and reveals any but a virile and healthy environment. In some cases the dignity and the majesty that 'doth hedge a crown' was carried to extremely ridiculous lengths. The instance of a Sultan has been noted who signed away the land of Isfahan to a visiting merchant, and the courtiers had not the courage to tell him that the town of Isfahan was not in his dominions or even in those of the Sultan of Delhi. Another amusing instance comes from Mughal history. When Humayun agreed to negotiate with Sher Shah on the eve of the battle of Chausa, he was fully cognisant of

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and uncomfortable exercises as other people had to undergo when they were presented to a monarch.

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the power and stronger position of the Afghan rebel. He therefore agreed to grant him Bengal as his *Jagir*, provided he retired from his strategic position and further agreed to be pursued by the royal army, thus giving to his (Sher Shah's) feigned retreat an appearance of defeat.¹ Sher Shah broke the whole farce by chasing the Mughal Emperor out of Hindustan and as Humayun remonstrated later, exposed his extremely mean and greedy nature by refusing to agree even to the possession of the Punjab under the dominion of the latter.

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¹ Compare the account of T.S.S., 44 : compare Gulbadan for her version.

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*Nazr and Nisar Ceremonies.*—Reference may be made in this connection to two ceremonies which usually occur in any description of a darbar and in several other official functions. The *nazr* (also termed *khidmat*) was a symbolic present of any value offered to a sovereign with appropriate forms, to signify the allegiance and loyalty of the person offering it. All persons who were presented to the Sultan for the first time gave him a *nazr* or an offering, and continued to do so on other prescribed occasions as long as they were employed by or were directly connected with him. The value of the offering which ranged from the present of a cocoanut to that of precious jewels, was not material to the offer.² The Sultan usually responded with a gift of greater value though no return was necessary on his part. This tradition of *nazrs* and return gifts became so well established by the time of Sultan Muhammad Tughluq that people began to trade on it and made profit out of the transaction. They used to advance large sums of money to persons who were about to be presented to the monarch wherewith to buy articles of *nazr*, and then shared in the profits which accrued from the return gift of the Sultan.³

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² Compare, for instance Macauliffe I, 146; for the Hindu offering of a cocoanut; compare T.F., I, 381; for the offer of the famous *kuh-i-nur* to Humayun by the family of Raja Vikramajit of Gwalior.

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³ Compare K.R., II.

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The *nisar* was a ceremony of somewhat different import, having probably originated in the superstition of ‘the evil eye’, and resembling the Hindu custom of *utara* and the ceremony of *Arti* to-day. It consisted in taking platefuls of gold and silver coins or jewels, and scattering them to the crowd of indigent and poor or to any other assemblage, after being passed over the head of the monarch a number of times. Several occasions, for instance the convocation of a darbar, the entry of the Sultan into the capital after a victory, the peaceful and successful conclusion of delicate negotiations, and other unusual moments were carefully watched and the evil influence of the sinister spirits was evaded through many devices, among others through offering *nisar* for the person of the monarch. Similarly *nisars* were offered as a precautionary measure on several occasions of happiness and gaiety, for instance when the monarch recovered from an indisposition or illness, or a son was born to him, or a prince or princess was married. If a Sultan honoured the house of a noble with his visit, the latter usually offered a *nisar* presumably to keep away the evil spirits. *Nisars* were similarly offered to sweethearts (not excluding males) to preserve their charms and attainments.¹

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¹ Compare the account of Barani, B., 161 when Sultan Mu‘izz-ud-din Kaiqubad makes a *nisar* to a boy sweetheart.

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3. *The Court Officials.* A separate staff was maintained to assist the monarch in the discharge of his ceremonial and public functions. Among these officials the *Barbak*, the *Hajib* and the *Vakil-i-dar* figure very prominently. All of them had one or more deputies or *naibs* who were also nobles of rank and distinction.

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The *Barbak* is picturesquely described as ‘the tongue of the Sultans’. His duty was to convey the petitions of the people before the royal throne when the Sultan sat there to consider them.² The symbol of his office was a golden *chaugan* (polo-stick) attached to a ball of gold.³ Many historical figures⁴ occupied the office of the *Barbak*.

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² For the functions of a *Barbak* I.K., I, 125; B. 578.

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³ For the symbol of the office of a *Barbak* B. 113; Q.S. 41.

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⁴ Compare the employment of Sultan Firuz Tughluq in his youth as a *Naib Barbak* and a *Naib Amir Hajib*. He was given the command of 12,000 troops on his appointment to the post which shows that these offices had a corresponding military rank (*vide* A. 42). Malik Kafur was a *Barbak* when he was appointed to lead the invasions of the Deccan. Similarly, Muhammad Tughluq occupied the office of *Barbak* for some time before the Tughluqs came to power.

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The *Hajib* occupied a ceremonial office and supervised the ceremonies of court presentation. He was the successor of the ‘Khurram-bash’ of ancient Persia,¹ and is variously mentioned as *Malik-ul-Hujjab*, *Sayyid-ul-Hujjab*, *Malik Khas Hajib* or simply *Hajib*.² As a rule the Sultans of the Muslim kingdoms outside India maintained two separate *Hajibs* for the presentation of nobles and common people respectively. There appear to be similarly two separate *Hajibs* at the court of the Sultan of Delhi but their functions are nowhere clearly defined. Probably when the Sultan sat to decide judicial disputes or to review the troops or to receive a visitor, one of them stood near the Sultan and held the curtain, while the other presented the visitor or assisted in the performance of royal duties in some other way.³

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¹ Compare Huart 145 : ‘Between the sovereign and his household there hung a curtain, concealing him from view; this curtain was ten cubits away from the king and ten cubits away from the position occupied by the highest class in the state. The keeping of this curtain was entrusted to a knight’s son, who had the title of *Khurram-bash* ‘Be joyful’, etc. etc.

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² Compare Raverty, 820; B. 527; for titles.

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³ Compare the opinion of Sprenger on p. 9. Compare also I.K., I, 154; 125-6.

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The *Vakil-i-dar*, variously designated as *Rasul-i-dar* and *Hajib-ul-Irsal*, was appointed to perform the secretarial functions of the court.⁴ Probably his closer insight into State papers and therefore into matters of State policy gave him a special importance, which is confirmed by the estimate of the historian Barani and the influence of Raihan, the *Vakil-i-dar* of Sultan Nasir-ud-din Mahmud.

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⁴ Compare the opinion of Barani B. 576. For Raihan see Raverty 827.

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A few other officials also assisted the convocation of a darbar. The *Shahna-i-bargah* took over the general superintendence of the court.⁵ The *Davat-dar* was responsible for the royal writing case and the *Muhr-dar* for the royal seal.⁶ A corps of pages (*ghilman*) handsome and gracefully dressed, moved about in the hall to assist the officials in minor matters.⁷ The *Naqib* and his host of pursuivants (*chaush*) conducted the visitor to the hall of audience and led the royal procession, the *Naqib* carrying the royal mace. During the presentation ceremony they solemnly cried *‘Bism-illah’* at intervals,¹—as noticed earlier.

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⁵ B., 260-261 and note the fact that Ghiyas-ud-din Tughluq who later succeeded to the throne, occupied this office under ‘Ala-ud-din Khalji.

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⁶ Compare Raverty, 736; also B., 379-380.

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⁷ B., 30.

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¹ Compare K.K., 132; B., 158. The use of the Qur’anic formula has no particular religious significance in this case though on the presentation of a non-Muslim the *Naqib* cried *Hadaka-Allah* (May Allah guide thee to the path of Islam). Its use was purely ceremonial. It was further useful in guiding the visitor in various formalities of presentation.

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To give a general idea of the royal court: The hall of audience was situated in the centre of the palace with a number of gates leading to its entrance, all of which were heavily guarded. On arrival for business or presentation, a visitor was announced with a flourish of trumpets at the first gate. On proceeding to the second gate, he was received by the *Naqib* wearing a jewelled tiara and carrying a mace, and by his staff of *chaush* holding gold and silver crested canes. They led him to the third gate where his name and other particulars were taken down by the scribes. Here the visitor had to wait until the hour of presentation arrived. Inside the hall of audience (named by Muhammad Tughlaq ‘the hall of a thousand pillars’) sat the Sultan on the throne with his legs crossed in oriental fashion. In front of the monarch sat the *Wazir* with his staff of secretaries and clerks. The *Hajib*, the *Barbak* and the *Vakil-i-dar* all occupied their positions. To the right and left of the Sultan sat the religious functionaries, the nobles, members of the royal family, and other distinguished persons. After permission for the presentation had been accorded, the visitor was introduced in to the hall by the *Hajib* and was conducted to the place of obeisance. There he underwent the formalities of presentation mentioned earlier, or perhaps if he came on business of State, he handed over his petition to the *Barbak* who took it to the throne. After the Sultan retired from the hall of audience, the *Hajib* went and handed over the papers to the *Vakil-i-dar* who disposed of them according to the Sultan’s commands.²