Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan (1200–1550 A.D.) c5.s4.t3: II. The ‘Ulama and the Religious Classes
Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan (1200–1550 A.D.) c5.s4.t3
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II. The ‘Ulama and the Religious Classes
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The religious class of Islam was composed of a number of important groups, namely, the theologians, the ascetics, the Sayyids, the Pirs, and their descendants. Of these, the most important were the theologians, whose functions and position in the state have been dealt with previously. The theologians who occupied the judicial and religious offices in the kingdom, were collectively known as *Dastar-bandan*, or turban-wearers, because they wore their official head-dress, the turban. The Sayyids were recognized by their distinctive head-dress of a pointed cap or *kulah* and were known as *kulah-daran* or cap-wearers.² Both of these groups with their distinctive head-dresses had a recognized status in the kingdom, being the exponents of orthodox Islam. Both of them followed the Sunnite form of Islam and the Hanafite school of Muslim Law. The other schools of Sunnite Law, though not prohibited, were not encouraged. The respect and reverence for ‘Ali as the fourth Caliph of Muhammad and for all persons claiming descent from the Prophet was general; but the Shi‘ahs were uniformly persecuted under various charges of religious heterodoxy and agnosticism. It was only at the close of the period, and mainly through Persian influence and Mughal Emperors that this persecution of Shi‘ahs ceased, though Sunnite Islam still held its official and dominant position. Other religious groups were not so well marked out as the theologians and the Sayydis. These groups may be treated separately as follows :—
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² Raverty, 705.
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1. *The ‘Ulama.*—The special favourites and associates of the Sultanate as was mentioned in the first chapter, were the ‘Ulama or the state theologians. As a rule they had undergone a course of training in Muslim Law, Logic, Arabic letters, and the religious literature of Islam in general, namely Tafsir, Hadis, Kalam, etc.¹ Although the Qur'an emphasizes their position in a general way as a separate class of Muslims, ‘inviting people to the path of goodness’, no special provision was made for them in the Holy Book.² Spurious traditions soon began to be spread among the people. The Prophet was reported to have said : ‘Honour the ‘Ulama, for they are the successors of the prophets; he who honours them, honours the Prophet of Islam and Allah thereby’. Similar emphasis was laid on the peculiar distinction that attaches to the acquirement of religious education.³
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¹ The fact that they were nick-named ‘turban-wearers’ is probably because of their undergoing the prescribed academic course at the end of which a turban is conferred. This is equivalent to the conferment of an academic degree in a University convocation in modern times.
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² Holy Qur'an, 3 : 103.
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³ Compare T.M. (II), 82.3. The saying attributed to Muhammad in the case of religious education and especially Muslim Law (*Fiqh*) runs : ‘Forget not to belong to one of the three groups; a teacher of Law, a student of Law, or at least one who listens patiently to its exposition; for verily, he who does not belong to any of the above categories, is foredoomed to perdition.’
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Under the special conditions of development of Muslim society in Hindustan, it was natural to expect that the ‘Ulama would acquire an undue prominence. Before Sultan ‘Ala-ud-din Khalji, no monarch had sufficient courage to put an effective check to the growing influence of the ‘Ulama, in spite of their sometimes acting in a manner contrary to his interests.⁴ Sultan ‘Ala-ud-din felt it necessary to define the exact functions of the ‘Ulama under the Sultanate, and to compel them to confine all their activities strictly within these prescribed limits. These limits were : to decide on judicial cases and to arbitrate on purely religious matters; all other matters were put outside their scope.⁵ The Sultan, however, held all real power, and though he humoured the Sufis now and then, he ruled very strictly according to the demands of a situation, and religious considerations found no favour with him. Muhammad Tughluq wanted to go a step further in secularising the State. He put the ‘Ulama exactly on the same footing as other employees of the State, and treated them accordingly.¹ With the advent of Firuz Tughluq the tide turned somewhat in favour of the ‘Ulama and the growth of religious influence in State counsels. The theologians took advantage of the numerous failures of Muhammad Tughluq, and persuaded his successor to listen to their advice in matters of State policy.² A number of law books were compiled, new impetus was given to religious schools and other institutions, and the ‘Ulama had reassumed their earlier position and influence when the invasion of Timur took place. But meanwhile the State was too well organized to admit the influence of the religious class except in certain matters of comparative insignificance. The Afghans, on coming to power, treated the ‘Ulama with marked respect but never admitted them to any effective voice in the administration. On the other hand, they used the religious influence of the theologians for their own ends.³
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⁴ Compare the attitude of Muhammad bin Sam of Ghur and Qutb-ud-din Aibak in Hasan Nizami T.M. (I), 56 (II), 118 (IV), 112, 203: compare Raverty 629 for the gifts of Nasir-ud-din immediately after the conquest of Bengal; compare Raverty 709, how the ‘Ulama of Delhi invited a faction of nobles headed by Qutlugh Khan and ‘Izz-ud-din to occupy Delhi under Sultan Nasir-ud-din Mahmud. Compare B., 47 how Sultan Balban used to call on ‘Ulama in person, and to attend the burial ceremony if any of them died. Similarly, he supported the families of deceased theologians.
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⁵ Compare T.F., I, 192.
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¹ Compare K.R., II, 54, for an interesting case in which some theologians of Sind were charged with misappropriation of State funds and were severely punished.
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² Compare B. 580; compare J.A.S.B., XIX, 280, for the offer of Firuz Tughluq to the ‘Ulama of Bengal to add to their existing emoluments in the event of his victory over the ruler of Bengal.
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³ Compare the instructive instance of Sher Shah massacring Puran Mal and his four thousand warriors of Raisen after bringing them out of their fortress under the most solemn pledges of security and after an oath on the Qur’an to the same purpose. The ‘Ulama issued a *Fatwa* (legal pre-cept) authorizing this act, one of the ugliest and most dishonourable in the whole history of India.
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We have explained in an earlier chapter the reactions of the establishment of the Sultanate on the religious life of Muslims and the essentially useful service which the ‘Ulama performed by associating themselves very closely with the Sultanate. Let us study here the reactions of this association on the moral and spiritual outlook of the ‘Ulama, who cannot be dissociated from their main function of the spiritual and religious leadership of the Muslims of India. The religion of Islam claims to provide a comprehensive code of life for its followers. The question of its leadership is thus intimately mixed up with the broader questions of public morals and the ethical outlook of the Muslim community, and as such deserves a careful consideration. The ‘Ulama abdicated from their office of leading the Muslims in the path of virtue and piety. Sultan Balban complained of the want of truthfulness and courage among the ‘Ulama as a whole.¹ It was with a certain amount of pain that Bughra Khan discovered the fact that ‘un-Islamic’ and godless theologians had dispensed his son Sultan Mu-izz-ud-din Kaiqubad from the observance of the obligatory fast of Ramazan, and had deliberately explained away the Qur’anic injunctions, through sheer greed of ‘the accursed gold’. He emphatically warned his son against trusting these ‘latter day’ ‘Ulama, and asked him to keep away from these theologians, whom he described as ‘greedy rogues whose highest deity was this world and not the next’. On the other hand, Bughra Khan recommended to his son the association and company of those who had renounced this world.² Muhammad Tughluq held similar views. Besides these royal estimates of the ‘Ulama, let us see what Amir Khusrau, himself an orthodox Muslim and a shrewd observer, has to say about the position. He gives his considered opinion that the Qazis (or those of the ‘Ulama who occupied judicial offices) were thoroughly ignorant of the principles of Muslim law and were otherwise unfit to occupy any responsible position in the kingdom. According to him they had neither learning nor virtue of any kind to their credit. When a monarch was a tyrant, the ‘Ulama were sure to support him. In their private lives they exhibited a perfect disregard of religious injunctions and were unscrupulously bold in committing sins and violating all provisions of Islam. Amir Khusrau finds that the only distinguishing feature of the theologians as a class was their hypocrisy, vanity and conceit. He sums up the whole position in a sentence, by declaring that the respect paid to the ‘Ulama was purely through force of convention, and that if intrinsic virtue were to decide the measure of social honour ‘the laity was a thousand times better than the priesthood’.¹ These estimates are rather sweeping and too strong, but since they come from those whose interests were not opposed to those of the ‘Ulama, are worthy of the greatest consideration.
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¹ Compare B., 94.
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² Compare ibid., 154-155; compare also the Memoirs of Sultan Muhammad Tughluq, 317, for the considered opinion of the monarch. According to him the ‘Ulama of his times were singularly irreligious. They were notorious for concealing the truth and their greed for money made them vicious and godless. They had degraded themselves to the position of petty ‘job-hunters’. In a word, the dignity of Islam and religious integrity had disappeared from the face of the earth.
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¹ Compare M.A. for a long discussion 55-60, 69; compare in this connection Barani (B.,446) for an interesting personal confession of the historian who also belonged to the class of learned theologians. He declares that he himself along with others of his class had actively helped the Sultans in openly violating the religious injunctions of Islam, by deliberately stretching the meaning of the Qur‘anic texts to carry out the desires of the monarch. ‘I do not know’ says the repentant scholar ‘what will happen to others but my present miseries and sufferings in my old age are largely the fruits of my sayings and doings.’
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*The Sayyids.*—A peculiar sanctity always attaches to a Sayyid in Muslim society, probably because of his alleged descent from the Prophet. The Muslims as a rule pay exaggerated honours to the memory of their prophet, which comes to be shared in some degree by every one who professes to be descended from Muhammad,² through his daughter Fatima. The rise of the Abbasids and the spread of Shi‘ite movements in Islam has greatly added to the moral position of the Sayyids. The sentiment of respect for Sayyids was very strong right from the beginning of the Sultanate, though their numbers were not very large. A large number of Sayyids came to seek shelter in Hindustan from the ravages of the Mongols in their own land and were welcomed warmly by Sultan Balban.³ Like the brothers of Joseph, other Sayyids were not slow in taking advantage of these opportunities in the Muslim kingdom of Delhi. It was not surprising to find in a land which had been used to the privileges of the Brahman hierarchy, an exaggerated and indiscriminate respect for these privileged visitors. Every Sayyid, from the fact of his being descended from the family of the Prophet, was supposed to be brave, truthful, pious, and possessed of every other noble quality. It was considered the height of impropriety, if not an actual sin, to employ a Sayyid in a low position.⁴ The Sayyids were similarly credited with possessing the knowledge of occult phenomena and of supernatural mysteries. Even proud monarchs, therefore, did not hesitate to humble themselves before them.¹ After the invasion of Timur in 1398 A.D., the Sayyids even succeeded for a while in establishing a ruling dynasty on the throne of Delhi. Unfortunately, they were not well qualified for this task and their last king quietly renounced his throne, ignominiously resigning himself to the *Aqta* of Buda'un. The loss of political power, however, did not damage the social position of the Sayyids as a class, and the Afghan successors scrupulously, and even superstitiously, respected the concessions and privileges of the Sayyids.²
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² Compare Hasan Nizami T.M. (II) for early feelings towards a Sayyid. ‘His ancestors were the pride of Yasrib and Batha (the holy land of Arabia) and his forefathers, the decoration of the Muslim pulpit and leaders of prayers.’
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³ Compare B., 111.
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⁴ Compare for instance T.M.S., 431. Compare also Amir Khusrau’s apology to a Sayyid and his feelings towards the class. K.K., 463 ; also Barani’s estimate B., 349.
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¹ Compare the most flattering honours Muhammad Tughluq paid to the *Makhdum-zada* or descendant of the caliph who came to India (in Barani's account and in T.F., I, 271-272). More interesting in some ways is the attitude of Timur towards the Sayyids. According to all accounts of the Indian invasions he uniformly protected the lives of Sayyids and other Muslims of religious classes all along his march while making an indiscriminate and savage slaughter of all other human beings. In fact, it is soberly reported (*vide* M., 5) that when a chief of Transoxiana named ‘Abd-ullah had certain scruples in offering prayers for the soul of Timur whom he considered an ungodly savage whose hands were red with human blood, the Prophet of Allah himself came to assure him in a dream that his scruples were baseless, for had not Timur, while killing human beings in the service of the Lord, uniformly protected the lives of his descendants. Timur's love of the religious class and his spiritual attitude in general has drawn from the pen of his chronicler some very interesting verses which disclose the spiritual outlook of an average Muslim Sultan who believed in the power of the recluses and the ascetics and in the mediation of the ‘adepts’ in religion, similarly in the belssings of the Sayyids (*vide* Z.M., 6).
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² Compare W.M., 26 for the interesting case of a Sayyid of Koil who was accused of misappropriating State revenue on the basis of very strong evidence, and was tried before Sultan Sikandar Lodi, who discharged the accused and even permitted him to keep his dishonest gains. Compare also M.T., I, 391-392 for the feeling of Salim Shah Suri who expressed his willingness to carry the shoes of a Sayyid, which was the mark of extreme humiliation.
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*Other Religious Groups.*—We have mentioned in passing how Bughra Khan advised his son to seek the company of those who had renounced the world. We have similarly referred to the fact above that a class of Muslims adhered to the original ideals of Islam and took to asceticism and ‘other-wordly’ occupations in general. While these Muslims persisted in living according to their ideals, they created a peculiar awe and solemn reverence for themselves among the followers of Islam for whom amidst their materialistic surroundings, this lure for the primitive had a special fascination. Hindustan was already familiar with the Hindu ideal of a *Guru*. This found its appropriate expression in the corresponding belief in a *Pir* or a *Shaikh* in Muslim society. If an ascetic had managed to scorn the world during his lifetime, his son and successors reaped a fruitful crop of worldly gains after his death. The *Pirzadas* and *Makhdumzadas*, or the descendants of *Pirs* and *Shaikhs* respectively, began to occupy the position of spiritual preceptors, especially because of the growing moral decay among the ‘Ulama. They began to supersede the theologians and in time came to occupy the position of ‘the Brahmans of Islam’.¹ Again the Hindu *yogis* and ascetics were not forgotten. If the Muslims believed in occult phenomena or mystic elements, the *yogis* had an older tradition and a better professional equipment. Muslim Sufis mixed with the Hindu *Sadhus* and *Sannyasis* and *Yogis* for inspiration and guidance, without, however, always acknowledging the source in public.² The Muslim monarch too did not fail to approach the Hindu ascetics along with Muslim saints, for aid in the fulfilment of his inmost desires.³ The detailed treatment of this aspect of Hindu-Muslim interaction however, lies outside our scope.
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¹ Compare T.D., 57 where an Afghan noble explains to a Hindu noble that a *Shaikhzada* occupied the same status among the Muslims as a Brahman in Hindu society. Compare W.M., 45 for the opinion of some nobles of Buhlul Lodi who expressed their devotion to the son of their *Pir* (or *Pirzada*) by offering their heads to him if he chose to sit there.
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² Compare some interesting references in *Saha’if of Shaikh Sadr-ud-din* and *Saha ‘if-ut-tariqa* of Shaikh Baha-ud-din Nathu (B.M.M.S.), among other books. The subject of Indian Sufism has not yet been carefully examined. The Muslim writers, swayed by their preconceived notions of Sufism, usually dispute this opinion (Abdul-Majid, Tasawwuf-i-Islam. Urdu. A‘zamgarh).
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³ Compare for instance an interesting account of *Yogis* and their occult demonstrations before Muhammad Tughluq in Ibn Batuta. K.R., II, 99; compare also Babur’s meeting with Nanak in Sikh tradition and Macauliffe.