Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan (1200–1550 A.D.) c7.s5: Hindustan on the Eve of Akbar
Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan (1200–1550 A.D.) c7.s5
- Language
- English
Hindustan on the Eve of Akbar
c7.s5.1
We have now come to the close of our survey of social life in Hindustan, which has necessarily been brief and sketchy. Our estimate of the social developments in Hindustan on the eve of the reign of Akbar the Great would now be easier. We started by saying that the period under review is the formative period of Indian society as it shaped itself under the late Mughals and in some measure, even as it survives to-day. We have also noticed that the official record of the reign of Akbar, compiled by his brilliant and talented courtier and friend, Abu'l Fazl, is somewhat defective in so far as it neglects to do justice to the contribution of his predecessors. As the course of political developments unfolds itself, the fact becomes clearer that the maximum territorial expansion of the Sultanate synchronized with the high water-mark of social and cultural advancement. In this respect we might almost say that except for a few contributions which have been duly noted in their proper place, a very large measure of social progress had been achieved by the time of Sultan Firuz Shah Tughluq, when the dismemberment of the Sultanate commenced. The rulers and the upper classes of Indian society lived in an atmosphere of the greatest luxury and the highest refinement to which the culture of the age had advanced. Delhi represented the most advanced capital of Asia from every point of view. In view of this fact, Sultan ‘Ala-ud-din Khalji and his son and successor assumed the title of ‘the Caliph of Islam’. Muhammad Tughluq, who stooped to recognize a shadow caliph, was thoroughly conscious of his own unequalled greatness in the world of Islam.
c7.s5.2
It goes without saying that this culture and refinement of a very small upper class had no relation to the life of the common people.¹ The life of the vast majority of common people was stereotyped and unrefined and represented a very low state of mental culture. The economic condition of the masses will be gathered from a few stray references to their life which have been noted in their proper place. If a study of their religious life and culture was included in the present survey, it would be found to be full of the most primitive superstitions, charms, and magic. Their intellectual culture did not progress beyond the stage of folklore, folk-songs, and ghost stories. Little can be said about the political life of the common people when their life consisted of nothing but obligations and economic burdens. The great achievements of the age cannot be detached from this necessary social counterpart. The whole life and culture of the age, its good and bad points, its beauty and ugliness are an integral whole. It is beyond our purview to discuss the causes of decline but we may observe that most of them lie in these glaring social contradictions.
c7.s5.3
¹ Compare Pero Tefur for the observations of Nicolo Conti. Conti dissuades Pero Tefur from going to India. He tells him that on visiting India one witnesses a most offensive display of wealth. One sees abundance of pearls, gold, and precious stones, but how could it profit the observer ‘since the people are beasts who wear them’.
c7.s5.4
It would not be without some interest to examine in this connection some observations of the Mughal Emperor Babur which have become famous and quite popular with some uncritical historians. We have noticed in our introduction the great damage done to the perspective of Indian social history by the undue emphasis which Abu’l Fazl puts on the achievements of his patron and ruler, the great Mughal Emperor Akbar. This popular misconception gains additional force and strength by the observations of the founder of the Mughal dynasty whose intellectual honesty, and acute powers of observation, talent, and cultivated tastes are beyond dispute. He combined in himself the virile qualities of the two sturdy races of Asia, the Mongol and the Turk. To these he added the urbanity of the Persian. We are indebted to him for giving Hindustan a dynasty of successive magnificent rulers and builders of empire whose work lasts to this day. The Taj at Agra, the Jami‘ Mosque and Fort at Delhi, are as much symbolical of the glory of the Mughals as the poetry of Khan-i-Khanan, the stories of Birbal, the talent of Abu’l Fazl or the administrative genius of Todar Mal, all of which have enriched the culture of Hindustan. In fact, the legend of Akbar, the Mughal Emperor, in the popular mind occupies the same position as the mythical heroes and the *rishis* and *munis* of the ancient. Far from denying the Mughal contribution, therefore, we would give it an honoured place in evaluating the stock of Indian culture.
c7.s5.5
If we are to be guided by the observations of Babur, it would be difficult to persuade ourselves to believe that Hindustan was in any sense a civilized country, much less a country in an advanced state of material and intellectual progress. Babur tells us frankly that the ‘masses of gold and silver’ and the ‘unnumbered and endless workers of every kind’ alone recommend Hindustan to him. ‘India is a country of few charms’ he proceeds to tell us. ‘Its people have no good looks; of social intercourse, paying and receiving visits there is none; of genius and capacity none; in handicraft and work there is no form or symmetry, method or quality; there are no good horses, no good dogs, no grapes, musk-melons or first-rate fruits, no ice or cold water, no good bread or cooked food in the bazaars, no hot baths, no colleges, no candles, torches or candle-sticks’. He even finds fault with the Indian climate, for according to him it was unfavourable to the use of Trans-oxianian bows.¹ Never was a condemnation more complete or unequivocal.
c7.s5.6
¹ Compare Babur-Nama, 267-8; Beveridge, II, 518-20.
c7.s5.7
How Babur came to form such an unhistorical and poor estimate of the Indian social development of his times, we are totally at a loss to understand. It may be that the visitation of Timur before him in 1398 had so much devastated the land that a century and a quarter of comparatively unstable and weak central administration and a state of comparative civil war did not succeed in rehabilitating the fabric of social life. It may be, which is not unlikely, that he was led away by the haughty contempt so natural in a conqueror, in evaluating the achievements of the conquered people. In any case it damages the scientific character of his charming autobiography. It is very amazing to hear this from one who goes about in the palaces of Gwalior and the surroundings of Delhi, Agra, and Lahore. It is true there is a sense in which these observations may be said to be perfectly correct; but Babur was far from observing in that light. We have already observed that the vast masses of the people had no share in the comforts and refinements of the few. Babur, in this sense, is perfectly correct if he takes such an ultra-democratic and modern view of social progress. We shall have to dismiss this view, however, since he and his successors only perpetuated the system and made the disparity between the upper and the lower classes still more glaring.¹
c7.s5.8
¹ Compare the estimate of Moreland for the reign of Shah Jahan ‘From Akbar to Aurangzeb’, pp.302-5.
c7.s5.9
As a matter of fact, as we have emphasized in the Introduction, the age of the Turks and the Afghans, besides setting up patterns for its followers, does not compare very unfavourably with the age of Akbar, to say nothing of the reign of the founder of the Mughal dynasty. In poetry and mental culture, Amir Khusrau, Malik Muhammad Jaisi, Chandi Das, and Mukandram still stand as the high water-mark of our intellectual culture. In religious poetry it is true that Tulsi Das of a later date occupies an unrivalled and magnificent position, but the beginnings of the great movement which produced Tulsi Das had been laid long before Akbar, even before Babur. In art and architecture, although the glories of Shah Jahan, the Mughal Emperor, were in the womb of the future, the products of the reign of the Sultans and of other provincial monarchs were no mean achievements in comparison. In the sphere of administration, we can only remark that though the century preceding the Mughal Emperor Akbar is not very fortunate in administrative talent, the claims of Sher Shah and ‘Ala-ud-din Khalji, who rob all the originality of their Mughal rival, can hardly be disputed. In one respect, the age with which we deal is superior to the one that followed it. It was the period of growth and healthy vigour, the age of adolescence. It bloomed into maturity, while the latter is followed by decay and disruption. The whole frame-work of the culture of the former shows signs of virility and vigour while the greatness of the latter cannot be dissociated from the germs of decadence and the loss of vitality and growth.¹
c7.s5.10
¹ Compare a very interesting document on Mughal culture by Hidayat Husain in *J.P.A.S.B.*, 1913, ‘Mirza-Nama’ which though ascribed to Mirza Kamran was probably written much later.
c7.s5.11
Let us now proceed at some length with the examination of Babur’s observations. On close examination we find that all his remarks resolve themselves into an analysis of three main social features : the beauty and charm of person, the fauna and flora of the land, and the state of material comforts. Let us take the points in order :—
c7.s5.12
1. *Beauty and charm of person.* Babur complains of the lack of beauty and charm. We have pointed out elsewhere how physical accomplishments were prized above everything, even at the expense of other qualities of heart and mind. Beauty of person was cultivated with a scruple and devotion worthy of a nobler cause. The students of contemporary literature are familiar with the 32 (or according to others 16) approved qualities of an ideal female beauty. These cover almost every aspect of the feminine figure, namely, the hair, neck, nose, lips, eyebrows and eyelashes, the fingers and the rest of the body. The literature on the science of erotics gives this ideal of perfect feminine beauty the well-known name of *Padmini* which has passed into household proverbs to-day.² Persons whose opinion of men and things should carry weight have not neglected to deal with this interesting question. Amir Khusrau, for instance, after a comparative examination of all popular types of contemporary beauty—the Turkish, the Tartar, the Persian, the Chinese, the Greek, the Russian, and several others—comes to the conclusion that the female of Hindustan was incomparably beautiful. While all others excelled in some respects and grievously lacked in other qualities, the Indian female alone combined all moral, physical, and intellectual virtues in her person. Though Khusrau betrays a certain amount of patriotic prejudice, his estimate cannot be dismissed as altogether biassed.¹ Other evidence is not wanting to support his contention.²
c7.s5.13
² Compare P., 76-7; Hindi text, 214, for a detailed analysis of the virtues of a Padmini.
c7.s5.14
¹ Compare D.R., 133-4, for the estimate of Amir Khusrau. The poet is somewhat conscious of the brown complexion, but dismisses his fears by consoling himself with the idea that brown is also the colour of wheat, which, according to the Muslim legend, tempted Adam and was thus indirectly instrumental for the creation of the world.
c7.s5.15
² Compare Zakariya Qazwini on the contemporary Kashmiri women (Wustenfeld Edition, 69); also Tod on Rajput women.
c7.s5.16
2. *Fauna and flora.*—Babur complains among other things of a certain lack of fruits, in which he is partly justified, for he claims to have been the introducer of the musk-melon into Hindustan. But he was hardly justified in saying all he did on the basis of this meagre contribution. Hindustan has always been rich in fruits and flowers and, as we have remarked, even Hindu social and religious ceremonies reveal their place in the scheme of Indian life. We have dwelt upon the subject elsewhere, but we shall add one observation of Amir Khusrau in this place. In his classification of contemporary flowers, Amir Khusrau speaks of those flowers which had been introduced from Persia long before, namely, *Banafsha*, *Yasaman*, and *Nasrin*, and others which were orginally Indian but were called by foreign names, namely, *Gul-kuza*, *Gul-i-sad-barg*. In proof of the fact that the latter category of flowers is indigenous, he challenges his opponents to prove their existence anywhere outside India. Among other Indian flowers he mentions a few, namely, *Baila*, *Kevra*, *Champa*, *Molsiri*, *Sevti*, *Dauna*, *Karna* and *Laung* (which was familiar to the people under its Arabic name *Qaranfal*). We agree with the observation of Khusrau that the reputation of Hindustan suffered from undue modesty in this respect; for if Syria or Greece were in possession of such a treasure, they would have trumpeted out their pride and glory all over the world.³ We have already spoken of fruits and gardens in a previous chapter.⁴
c7.s5.17
³ Compare D.R., 129-132, for a detailed description of flowers.
c7.s5.18
⁴ Compare a description of an Oudh garden in this connection from the pen of Amir Khusrau. Mirza, 98-9.
c7.s5.19
3. *Material comforts.*—The last and the most important point which Babur has raised concerns the standard of material comforts and social refinements in contemporary Hindustan. An idea of the luxury and comfort as well as the social pleasures of the Sultans of Delhi and the nobility can be gathered from the pages of such contemporary chroniclers as Amir Khusrau, Ziya-ud-din Barani and Shams-i-Siraj, ‘Afif, and from the accounts of travellers given in *Masalik-ul-absar* and Ibn Batuta. We have dealt with it somewhere else. Here we shall confine ourselves to a few illustrations from Hindu society and the provincial kingdoms of Malwa and Bengal. In all these cases, the standard of comfort was decidedly lower than that achieved under the Sultans of Delhi.
c7.s5.20
In numerous places Malik Muhammad Jaisi introduces his readers to Hindu comforts. In one place, for instance, the scene is laid in Simhala (which, as we have emphasized in the Introduction, applies to the Doab) in the palace of the father of Padumavat. The hero and heroine pass their wedding night after marriage in a room of the palace. The whole description breathes of an atmosphere of reality and reveals delicate taste and refinement. We read here about statuettes carved in stone pillars, depicting scenes from the everyday life of the people. We pass a perfume-seller who offers perfume with one hand and carries shaded light in the other. Others attend us with musk, vermillion, betel-leaves, flowers, and so on. Their execution impresses us with its perfection and life-likeness. In the middle of the room we notice the bed of the married couple. It is furnished with pillows full of carded silk. Flowers are strewn over it. There are pillars around the bridal bed with wick-lamps made out of shells, covered with red shades and inlaid with precious stones. The floor is laid with rich and beautiful carpets.¹ This is a scene from the life of the Hindu aristocracy. For other scenes, we shall refer to Babur’s own descriptions of Gwalior and Chanderi. For instance, we have already referred to the extensive gardens round Dholpur which shaded the roads that led to it.
c7.s5.21
¹ Compare P. (hin), 131-2, for details.
c7.s5.22
From Malwa comes evidence not only of comforts and luxury but also of elaborate refinements. Consider, for instance, a description of *Tarikh Muzaffar Shahi*, regarding the decoration of Mandu on the occasion of Muzaffar Shah’s visit. All royal buildings were profusely decorated. In some places jewelled thrones were set up and imitation gardens were laid around them. These gardens were full of trees and fruits all worked with metals and jewels and precious stones. Special experts were employed to decorate the city. On both sides of the market an avenue of trees made with wax was laid which were lined with richly scented silks. The minstrels and dancers were entertaining all over the place, reciting eulogies in honour of the Sultan of Mandu and the distinguished visitor, the Sultan of Gujarat. In some places, confectioners and sweetmeat-sellers offered every visitor sweets, sherbets, and betel-leaves which were served on gold plate.¹ The main lines of these public entertainments are identical with those at Delhi
c7.s5.23
¹ Compare Tarikh-i-Muzaffar Shahi, 49-50, for details.
c7.s5.24
Let us examine the information of *Kitab-i-Ni’mat-Khana-i-Nasir-Shahi*, which, as far as we can judge, was compiled in Malwa under the Khalji Sultans. The compiler introduces us to a variety of drinks, cosmetics, and dishes, and gives their recipes. Among wines, he mentions the preparation of wine scented with sandal-wood, saffron, rose, and ambergris, etc.² In its enumeration of cosmetics, the book does not stop at the usual *ubtans* or rubbing powders, but goes into the niceties of separate powders for the arm-pits, for the scenting of breath, and the colouring of teeth. Snuffs have not been ignored and the provisions of the chase have been treated with elaborate care and details.³ Among the recipes, there is an almost inexhaustible variety which comprises the choicest dishes of Hindus and Muslims. All of these varieties have numerous recipes for preparation. There are special dishes pertaining to various seasons, namely, for the rainy reason, the cold weather, the spring, when there is a cool and refreshing breeze, etc. Banquets, of course, have been dealt with in detai'. The chase and picnic provisions are among other specialities. This by no means exhausts the list.¹ One may find fault with the want of modern delicacy, a certain amount of gaudiness and a violent and unnecessary display of gold, but the age could hardly be condemned for not surpassing itself.
c7.s5.25
² Compare K.N.K., 177-8.
c7.s5.26
³ Compare K.N.K., 121-4, for details for cosmetics and powders. Compare ibid., 153-5, for the provisions of the chase. The compiler gives detailed instructions. Among other articles, he advises that the ‘shikar-kit’ should include a light handkerchief to find out the direction in which the wind is blowing, a special suit of clothes, an astrolabe to indicate the hour, a portable shooting box (hut), and even some sandalwood and camphor to rub on the feet before putting on shoes and socks. He also advises some camphor to be sewn inside the shoes to avoid the odour of perspiration.
c7.s5.27
¹ Compare the enumeration of special foods in *ibid.*, 156-8.
c7.s5.28
Let us now take a last example from Bengal. We have it on the authority of Rizq-Ullah Mushtaqi that Humayun was almost bewildered at the sight of the Bengal luxuries. To put it in the graphic language of the historian, the Emperor found ‘in every nook and corner of Bengal, a paradise inhabited by houries and full of incomparably luxurious palaces’. Fountains were playing in the gardens of these palaces; costly carpets were spread on the floors. Its niches and cupboards were full of scent goblets worked in gold. The pillars of the buildings were constructed out of sandal-wood. The flooring was done with Chinese tiles. Similar tiles were also used in the walls of the rooms. Costly furniture and luxurious curtains adorned the rooms of the palaces. The garden was laid with beds of flowers and stone channels of water. When Humayun went to live in one of these buildings, he was so fascinated with the whole environment that he refused to pause in his pleasure for two months and no public levee was held during this period.² The son of Babur must have formed a very poore stimate of his father as a historian and observer !
c7.s5.29
² Compare W.M., 45, for details.