Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan (1200–1550 A.D.) c8: Appendix A. Some General Data

Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan (1200–1550 A.D.) c8

Language: English

Appendix A. Some General Data

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In this appendix we shall consider some facts in a general way, namely, population, the seat of the Delhi Kingdom, measures of times and distance, coins, weights. An attempt will be made at the close to give the value of the *Tanka*, the silver coin, in modern money equivalents.

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1. *Population.*—It is difficult to form any clear idea of the population of Hindustan during the period under review. No systematic record was ever kept by the government of the population of the kingdom. It is reported that once when Sultan Muhammad Tughluq decided to give relief to the people of Delhi, he ordered the judicial functionaries to compile census registers of the various quarters of the capital city. The results of even this solitary attempt are unknown. Further, we do not know if this was the usual procedure in the organization of relief, or if the operations extended to areas beyond the city of Delhi.¹ In the absence of official statistics, most of our attempts can be little different from speculation.

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¹ Compare the account of Ibn Batuta K.R., II, 51.

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Among the historians and chroniclers, the *Jami‘-ut-Tawarikh* is about the only one that has given any tentative figures. Its information, again, appears to have been borrowed from some other source.² The author estimates that ‘Sawalak’ territory contained 125,000 ‘cities’, Gujarat 80,000 ‘villages’ and Malwa 8,93,000 villages.³ The author has not cared to discuss the average size of the population of what he classifies as cities, towns, and villages. This estimate of *Jami‘-ut-Tawarikh* would put the number of villages in the west of Hindustan at about a million. If we take the combined territory of Sawalak, Gujarat and Malwa to represent about a fourth of the area of Hindustan and by no means the most populated, the number of villages for the whole of Hindustan would come to about four millions—a figure which exceeds the present total number of villages for the whole of the Indian sub-continent.¹ No comment is required in rejecting such an absurdly high estimate.

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² We are given to understand that the region of ‘Sawalak’ lay in the neighbourhood of Gujarat and Malwa and may have corresponded to what is now called Rajputana. The figure of population put for ‘Sawalak’ (which means a lac and a quarter) is so closely related to the literal meaning of the term, that it suggests a certain correlation which though fanciful, is not altogether unlikely.

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³ Compare Elliot, 42-3.

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¹ The Indian Year Book, 1931, estimates the number of villages for the whole of India (including the Indian States) at 6,85,665 or less than a million. Vide I.Y.B., 1931, 16.

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There is very meagre and uncertain information about the population of big cities. The population of ‘Gouro’ (Gaur) the principal city of Bengal is estimated at 2,00,000 persons.² If this be taken as a correct estimate, which is not unlikely, Delhi for so many obvious reasons had probably a bigger population that ‘Gouro’. We are in the dark about the population of other big cities of Hindustan like Cambay (Khambayat), Multan, Lahore, Agra, Patna, and other religious centres like Mathura, Benares, and Ujjain. Probably their population was much less than Delhi, though considerable. None of these two estimates of rural and urban population helps us in forming any correct idea for the whole of Hindustan. Mr. Moreland is of the opinion that the population of the Northern Indian plains from Multan to Monghyr must have been well over thirty millions and probably little less than forty millions, about the year 1605 A.D. He further estimates a total population of a hundred millions for the whole of India.³

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² Barbosa, II, 246 (appendix).

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³ Compare Moreland, India at the death of Akbar, 22.

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2. *The Seat of the Central Government.*—The seat of the government before the reign of Sultan Sikandar Lodi was located at Delhi except for a very short interval when Sultan Muhammad Tughluq moved to Deogir, which he renamed Daulatabad. In 909 A.H. (1503 A.D.) when Sikandar Lodi removed there, Agra became the seat of the Sultanate and continued to be so until the time of the Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan who returned to Delhi.⁴

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⁴ Compare Z.W., III, 853; also Thomas, 365.

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Sultan Muhammad Tughluq probably realized that Delhi, situated as it was in the north, could not very well serve as the capital of a more extended empire which had expanded into the Deccan. He sought for a more centrally situated and more accessible capital than Delhi. It is reported that Ujjain was suggested to him because of its historic association and geographical position. The reasons for the rejection of this interesting suggestion are not given.¹ Unfortunately, the Deogir experiment failed in spite of the wisdom of the choice. The Sultan transported the whole population of Delhi *en masse* to Deogir and the people had to be brought back to Hindustan. Finally, the whole scheme of an Indian empire did not materialize and the successors of Sultan Muhammad Tughluq had to content themselves with their Northern possessions.

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¹ Compare the account of Firishta T.F., I, 242.

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3. *Measures of time.*—Disregarding for the moment the fanciful measures of *Kala* and *Kalpa*, the longest measure of time below a century was a *Qarn* of 31 years’ duration.² Lunar calendars, which survive even to-day, were in use, though the Hindu reckoning appears to be more popular.³ The festivals and in fact almost all the ceremonies of the Hindus, are regulated according to the lunar day or *tithi*. A Hindu lunar month consists of 30 lunar days and begins on the day of the full moon or the new moon. A fortnight ending with the full moon is known as the ‘bright fortnight’ and that ending with the new moon is called the ‘dark fortnight’. The Hijrah year of the Muslims, on the other hand, though strictly lunar, has its months adjusted to the course of the moon by means of a cycle of 30 years, containing 19 common years of 354 days, and 11 intercalary years of 355 days. The cycle, therefore, contains 10,631 days and amounts to 29 Julian years and 39 days. Each year is divided into 12 months containing alternately 30 and 29 days with the exception of the last month of the intercalary years, which invariably contains 30 days. The intercalary years are the 2nd, 5th, 7th, 10th, 13th, 16th, 18th, 21st, 24th, 26th, and 29th of the cycle. The Hijrah months are not constructed on astronomical principles. The month commences from the evening on which the new moon is seen. The duration of the month depends on the state of the atmosphere and may vary at different places not far distant from each other. No month, however, can contain less than 29 days or more than 30 days. The following are the names of the Hindu and the Muslim months respectively.¹

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² B., 115. The Hindus similarly made most minute divisions of smaller measures of time. They divided one *Pala* into 80 *chasias* and the latter again into 60 *visias* to one *chasia*.

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³ It may be observed in this connection that though Raverty agrees with this observation and suggests the adoption of Hindu months in official use (*vide* foot-note, p.748), this inference can hardly be drawn from his reading of the text. Raverty has read ‘*Asarh*’ (the Hindu month) into the text of the *Tabaqat-i-Nasiri* in one place. The B.M. MS. of the *Tabaqat* (Add. 26, 189) gives the text بہار without any notation (f. 203) which the learned translator has read as ‘*Ahar*’ and connects it with the Hindu month, drawing his conclusion from it. The text may, with greater relevancy, be read as *Bahar* and the phrase *Waqt-i-Bahar* (spring time) rather than *Waqt-i-Asarh* which will be an obvious misconstruction.

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¹ Ross, Feasts, etc. Introduction and p.115 (appendix).

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For the division of the day and night into hours, they divided the whole of the day and night into 8 Pahars (Persian, Pas), each Pahar being equal to three hours of our modern time. These 8 Pahars were subdivided into 60 Gharis, each Ghari being thus equal to 24 minutes of our reckoning. The Ghari was further divided into 60 Palas; so that a day and a night were composed of 3,600 Palas. The exact duration of a Pahar or Ghari was adjusted according to astronomical calculations, so that hardly any difficulty was experienced in finding out the exact time with the aid of a calendar. Babur and Abu’l Fazl have made detailed observations in this connection.

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Clepsydras were used to measure the time and Ghariyals or gongs to announce the hour to the people in the principal towns, as has already been noted more than once.

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4. Measures of distance.—The popular measure of distance was the Kroh (what is now a Kos). This term was univer sally used until the time of Akbar. We may count a *Kroh* as roughly two miles of our present reckoning.¹ The *Kroh* was subdivided into three stages or *Dhawas* for the convenience of administrative calculations for the postal runners and the movement of troops, etc.²

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¹ Compare the opinion of A.S. Beveridge in her rendering of Babur's memoirs; also A.A., I, 597, for a detailed discussion of the whole question.

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² Compare the opinion of Ibn Batuta. K.R., II, 2; also E.D., III 587.

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The Indian yard has had a very chequered history. Many different measures of a yard were in use which differed from one locality to another and even for various commodities. Sultan Sikandar Lodi introduced a uniform measure of yard (*gaz*) for official calculation which works out (with the addition of ¼th of an inch) at 30 inches of the present measure.³ So that our present yard stands in a ratio of 6 : 5 for purposes of rough calculation.

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³ Compare the opinion of Edward Thomas, 371; a detailed discussion in A.A., I, 295-6; also T.F., I, 394-5.

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5. *Coins.*—The distinctive feature of the coins of the period is their monetary and not token value. So much so, that under certain circumstances, goldsmiths and dealers of bullion in the South were authorized to manufacture coins of the correct weight and intrinsic value, by prescriptive right. The State took every precaution to maintain the purity and the weight of the coins.⁴ Sultan ‘Ala-ud-din Khalji made practically the only glaring attempt at debasing of coins. He contemplated reducing the silver *Tanka* from 175 to 140 grains of silver.⁵ The solitary attempt of Sultan Muhammad Tughluq at introducing token currency failed. So that we can take it as a rule that the coins were of pure metal and standard weight.

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⁴ Thomas, 344. Compare also A., 345 for a very interesting story of the Wazir of Sultan Firuz Tughluq who was himself instrumental in helping the acquittal of an accused who was charged with debasing the coinage. The Wazir explained to the Sultan that the coin to a Sultan was like a maiden daughter to a father. If purchance, rightly or even maliciously, doubts or reflections were cast on the chastity of a virgin, or her character was otherwise brought into disrepute, she could never find anyone who would agree to marry her, whatever her physical and mental accomplishments. Similarly, explained the wise Khan-i-Jahan, the purity of metal and the exac weight of a coin recommended it to the people.

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⁵ Compare Thomas, 158-9 and note:

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The earliest coins that are mentioned during the period are the *Delhiwals* of the "Bull and horseman" device.¹ Although it is not necessary to accept an identity between these coins and the later money of account, our copper *Jitals* were merely a continuation of these old Delhiwals of Hindu times.² The *Jitals* continued to be used until they were replaced by the *Bahloli*, instituted by Sultan Bahlul Lodi. We shall refer again to these developments. Like the copper *Jital*, the silver *Tanka* which was introduced by Sultan Iltutmish, of a mint standard approaching 175 grains, was also connected with the older Hindu monetary system. The *Tanka* held its place until it was succeeded by the *Rupia* of Sher Shah and Akbar and the *Rupee* of the present day. We have come across a few references to gold *Mohurs* but probably they were not used as money of account and do not concern us here.

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¹ Compare I.G.I., II, 144; Thomas, 47. Elphinstone is of the opinion that the earlier Muslim princes used the *Dinars* and the *Dirhams* of the Caliphs of Baghdad and these coins were succeeded by the *Tankas* and the *Jitals* respectively (History, 479-80).

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² Compare I.G.I., II, 144; Thomas, 47.

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The Muslims maintained the older system of division of silver coins into copper coins. The Hindus used a quarternary scale of enumeration. Fives and Tens were unknown quantities and decimals were of no account for them.³ The Sultans, therefore, divided the contents of a silver *Tanka* into 64 *Jitals* or *Kanis* of copper or 8 *Hashtkanis* (a coin equal to 8 *Jitals*).⁴ Bahlul Lodi instituted his *Bahloli* which like the *Dam* of Sher Shah and Akbar was reckoned at 1/40th of a *Tanka*. Sultan Sikandar Lodi instituted his ‘copper *Tanka*’, 20 of which constituted the change for a silver coin, which remained identical.⁵ This ‘*Sikandari Tanka*’ or double-*dam* was the predecessor of the Dam of Akbar.¹ Taking the value of the Tanka as fixed, the ‘Sikandari Tanka’ would come to 3 1/5 or 3.2 Jitals and the ‘Dam’ of Sher Shah and Akbar or the Bahloli to 1 3/5 or 1.6 Jitals.

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³ Compare Thomas, 220.

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⁴ Compare E.D., III, 582-3, for the opinion of the *Masalik-ul-absar*; also K.R., II, 142, for the observations of Ibn Batuta. The *Masalik* definitely speaks of the identity of the *Kani* and the *Jital*, and of 8 *Hashtkanis* as equal to one *Tanka*. Ibn Batuta mentions 8 *Dirhems* as equal to one ‘*Dinar* of Delhi’ which is a substitution of the *Hashtkani* and *Tanka* respectively. In contradistinction to the *Tanka* of silver or ‘the white *Tanka*’ (*Tanka-i-Safid*) the *Jital* was called the ‘Black *Tanka*’ (*Tanka-i-Siyah*). Vide T.A., I, 199. It may be mentioned in this connection that Firishta (text I, 199) is led to believe that the *Tanka* was equal to 50 *Jitals*. He does not, however, make a positive statement, but only confines himself to saying that people used to give 50 *Jitals* in exchange for a *Tanka* which does not indicate the standard of exchange and may have been due to local conditions of exchange.

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⁵ Thomas, 367.

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¹ Ibid. ,441. ² I.G.I., IV, 514. ³ Compare Moreland, from Akbar to Aurangzeb, 182-5. ⁴ I.G.I., IV, 514. ⁵ Compare ibid., I, 145-6, for the currency reforms of Sher Shah and their relation to the present system. ⁶ Moreland, India, etc., 55; also I.G.I., vi. ⁷ Compare I.Y.B., 1931, 869.

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The relative values of copper and silver, and gold and silver were, however, changing periodically. About the time of Sher Shah, the copper fell from 64 to 73 : 1.² Moreland has shown for the later period that while silver remained more or less constant (except in Bengal) the copper increased in value being 80 Gujarati pice up to 1616 and only 60 or less from 1627 onwards. By the close of the reign of Shah Jahan, however, it had again adjusted itself to the normal level.³ The ratio of gold to silver which was 1 : 8 in the earlier period and had fallen to 1 : 7 after the conquest of the Deccan by ‘Ala-ud-din had come to be 1 : 9.4 by the time of Sher Shah.⁴ These progressive changes in the relative values of copper and silver persuaded Sher Shah to introduce certain currency reforms. He abolished the indeterminate mixture of silver and copper which had gone on before him and remodelled the whole system by a revision and adjustment of the relative values of the lower metals, silver and copper. His Rupia of 178 grains was thus an advance of 3 grains on the old Tanka, which it replaced.⁵ The Rupia of Akbar was 172 1/2 grains in weight and was identical in weight with the modern Rupee which contains 165 grains of pure silver.⁶ The Rupee is stabilized in relation to sterling at present at one shilling and sixpence.⁷

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6. Weights and numbers.—There was no uniformity in the standards of weight. The dealers of precious metals, the corn merchants, the dealers of scent, all had their own standards of weight, which even differed from one locality to another. To take an instance, the Seer according to Abu’l Fazl before the time of Akbar was sometimes 18 Dams in weight, at others 22, again 28 and when Abu’l Fazl recorded it, it was 30 Dams.¹ Under these anarchical conditions, when a uniform and equalized measure of weight or measurement was introduced by a wise ruler, the reform was considered worthy of being sung by the bards and poets.² The official weights under the Sultans of Delhi have been fixed at an average of 28.78 lbs. avoirdupois to a maund (Man) or a little over a quarter of a hundredweight or less than half a bushel of wheat.³ The Seers and Chittaks may be calculated accordingly. This calculation, however, is based on the account of the Masalik-ul-absar and on the estimates of the French edition of Ibn Batuta. We do not know for certain how far it applies to the earlier and the later period. If we take the entry of Abu’l Fazl as the standard for the reign of Akbar, his maund (taking a maund equal to 40 seers) would come to 388,725 grains in weight or 55 lbs. avoirdupois for practical purposes, or 56 lbs. or just half a cwt. for rough comparisons. So that 40 of Akbar’s maunds would make a ton as against 27 of the maunds now in ordinary use.⁴

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¹ A.A., II, 60.

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² Compare Tod, II, 946, for an illustration from the history of Marwar in the 15th century.

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³ Thomas, 162.

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⁴ Moreland, India, etc., 53. The present official standard maund weighs 82.28 lbs. (I.G.I., II, vii). The present scale of weights used generally throughout Northern India and less commonly in Madras and Bombay may be thus expressed : one maund—40 seers; one seer—16 chittaks or 80 tolas. The actual weight of a seer varies greatly from district to district, and even from village to village; but in the standard system the tola is 180 grains Troy (the exact weight of the rupee) and the seer thus weighs 2.05 lbs. and the maund 82.28 lbs. (Vide I.G.I., Introduction, vii.) Thus for a rough calculation the standard maund of our period was half the standard maund of Akbar. So that we may roughly state that our maund stands in a ratio of 27 : 80 to the present maund, or 3⅓ of our maunds would be equal in weight to the present maund.

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We may note here for the sake of information that a lac is one hundred thousand; a million is 10 lacs; and a kror is 10 millions.

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The purchasing power of the Tanka and the standard of incomes.—We have already referred to the difficulty of fixing the average income. We shall only recapitulate some figures for better appreciation and comparisons. Taking the wages of the slaves of Muhammad Tughluq and Firuz Tughluq, we may say that 10 Tankas per month was about the minimum wage for an employee of the Sultan. The soldier was paid at 19½ Tankas per month. The cost of living works out at a figure of 5 Tankas per month for the average family, if we take as a basis the evidence furnished by *Tarikh-i-Daudi* and *Masalik-ul absar*. All these figures, however, are obviously rough and tentative and do not take into account the bewildering variety of the incomes of various social classes.

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It is similarly difficult to fix the present purchasing power of the Tanka. We have pointed out elsewhere the various factors which damage the value of figures of market prices. Considering, however, that Mr. Moreland has worked out roughly the purchasing power of the rupee of Akbar, we may say that our Tanka was, roughly speaking, twice the *Rupia* of Akbar, *i.e.*, the Tanka provided double the amount of necessities that could be purchased with the silver coin of the reign of Akbar.¹

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¹ Let us consider some facts in this connection. The ratio of silver to copper has been roughly 1 : 64 ; the weight of the Tanka has been between 179 and 175 grains of pure silver in accordance with the relative value of silver and copper. The Dam of Akbar comes to 1 3/5 times of Tanka in value or bears a ratio of 5 : 8. We know further that the maund of Akbar was about twice our maund in weight. The measure of a ‘Sikandary’ yard had a very slight difference of 1/4 inch in comparison with the yard of Akbar. We have fixed an average of 5 Tankas per month as the maximum average cost of living for a family. The wages of labourers, namely the bricklayers, the carpenters, the builders, the matchlockman and the archers are given as between 5 Rupees and 1½ Rupees (vide Thomas, 429-30). Let us compare the prices of necessities under Akbar with those of the reign of Sultan ‘Ala-ud-din Khalji which we have taken as the norm for the period. We have reduced the prices of Akbar into Jitals :—

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| Commodities. (Prices per Maund). | UNDER AKBAR. | UNDER ‘ALA-UD-DIN IN JITALS |
| | *In Dams* | *In Jitals* | |
| 1. Wheat ... ... | 12 | 9 3/5 | 7 1/2 |
| 2. Wheat flour ... ... | 22 to 15 | 12 | ... |
| 3. Barley ... ... | 8 | 6 2/5 | 4 |
| 4. Rice ... ... | 20 | 16 | 5 |
| 5. Pulses ... ... | 18 | 14 2/5 | ... |
| 6. Mash ... ... | 16 | 12 4/5 | 5 |
| 7. Grain ... ... | 16 1/2 | 13 1/5 | 5 |
| 8. Month ... ... | 12 | 9 3/5 | 3 |
| 9. Jowar ... ... | 10 | 8 | ... |
| 10. Sugar (white) ... ... | 128 | 102 2/5 | 100 |
| 11. Sugar (unrefined) ... ... | 56 | 44 4/5 | 20 |
| 12. Ghi ... ... | 105 | 84 | 16 |
| 13. Oil ... ... | 80 | 64 | 13 4/5 |
| 14. Salt ... ... | 16 | 12 4/5 | 5 |
| 15. Meat ... ... | 65 | 52 4/5 | ... |
| 16. Mutton ... ... | 54 | 43 1/5 | 10 |

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This will give to our Tanks about 12 times the purchasing power of the present *Rupee* before the Great War.

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We may say that the prices of our period on the whole stand in a ratio of 1 : 2 to those of the reign of Akbar. Moreland has worked it out that a rupee of Akbar, for general purposes, would equal in purchasing power six rupees of the period before the Great War; or, in other words, a monthly income of five rupees would provide the same quantity of necessities as could be purchased from an income of thirty rupees in 1912 (*vide* India on the death of Akbar, 56). In other words, if our calculations are not altogether misleading, we may say that a Tanka of the period under review will purchase twelve times the necessities that could be purchased with a rupee before 1914. This, of course, is a very rough calculation, but will help us to appreciate better some of the facts of economic life.

Linked texts (3)

Tārīkh-i Firishta — Muḥammad Qāsim Hindū Shāh Firishta 1606, Persian
تحفة النظار في غرائب الأمصار وعجائب الأسفار — Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, Arabic
Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī — Minhāj al-Dīn Jūzjānī