[Pramāṇa](https://indike.org/pramana/) › [Studies](https://indike.org/pramana/ins) › [Polity, law and society](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity) › [The Social Organisation in North-East India in Buddha's Time](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897) › c10 # The Social Organisation in North-East India in Buddha's Time c10: Chapter IV. The Ruling Class The Social Organisation in North-East India in Buddha's Time c10 - **Language:** English ### Chapter IV. The Ruling Class ### [c10.2](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.2) It will, however, be well before we examine more closely the question of the participation of the \*khattiyas\* in the spiritual activities of that time, to make clear who the \*khattiyas\* were. We are accustomed to identify the Pali expression corresponding in Sanskrit to the word \*kshatriya\* with "warrior" and thus characterise the second highest caste in the Brahmanical theory as "warrior caste." If we, however, freeing ourselves from the influence of the theory consider the data relating to the \*kshatriyas\* contained in the epics, then we become aware that the expression "warrior" applies only in a certain sense to them, that we have rather to understand by a \*kshatriya\* a member of the ruling class which includes the king, his great lords and vassals, along with the higher portions of the army.¹ In a still more narrow sense is the concept of the \*khattiya\* of the Pali texts to be understood; it corresponds to the Vedic \*rájanya\* and is applied to the descendants of the victorious classes under whose leadership the Aryan people acquired their new dwelling-places in the Gangetic lands and to the conquerors of the aboriginal peoples who in their fight with foreign invaders maintained their independence. According to this, there belong to the \*khattiya\* class the kings standing at the head of the great monarchies of the east with their kinsmen—the rulers of Kośala, Magadha, Videha, etc.,—further, the ruling princely houses of the small bordering states of this kingdom, such as the family of the Sâkyas in Kapilavatthu, the Mallas of Kusinârâ and Pâvâ, the Licchavis of Vesâlî; on the other hand, the holders of high political and military offices do not belong as such to this class but only so far as they are connected with ruling houses. In the time of war, probably, there fell to the \*khattiyas\* who were also invested with the highest offices in the army, the chief part in the conduct of the war and so far they could be looked upon as “warriors \*par excellence\*”; but it would be a mistake to suppose that the \*khattiyas\* only held military offices or that the army was composed only of \*khattiyas\*.¹ ### [c10.3](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.3) ¹ Cf. Hopkins, l. c., p. 73. ### [c10.4](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.4) ¹ Of passages in which \*khattiya\* is used as a synonym for \*râjan\*, I have made the following list from the Jâtakas. II. 166; III. 106; 154; V. 99 sq., 112. When the talk is of the warriors of the king, the Pali texts have other expressions, such as \*balakâye\* (III. 319) or \*yodhâ\* (Mahâvagga I. 40.2); even the esteemed military leaders (\*senânâyake mahâmatte\*) hardly belonged to the \*khattiya\* caste—otherwise, they would have been described as such—but rather to the \*râjabhogga\* or \*râjañña\* class of which we shall speak later. ### [c10.5](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.5) The \*khattiyas\* are the representatives of political power; they symbolise the idea of a community which stands above the family, above the caste, the idea, namely of the State. If, however, this is so, the question naturally arises: Are we justified in combining all \*khattiyas\* into a unity, to which the word "caste" can be applied? In no way, if we take the word in its modern sense. The conflicting political interests of the different ruling families would alone prevent their union into an organised body; they must render absolutely illusory the exercise of judicial rights by which offences against caste prescriptions were punished by excommunication from the caste or in other ways. But even a caste in the sense of the Brahmanical theory we cannot properly see in the \*khattiya\* of the Pali texts as it lacks, for reasons just mentioned, the compactness of it. Certain customs, especially, those relating to connubium and the prohibition of all impurity, may be noticed in certain ruling families which led to separation from the rest of the population; but these customs—for whose existence, moreover, only isolated evidence can be found in the Jātakas—do not seem to have the authority of laws the observance of which was enjoined upon the \*khattiyas\* and whose transgression was made punishable. The king, however, according to the Brahmanical lawbooks, stands above the caste for this reason, that the prescriptions relating to impurity do not apply to him. Probably, the remaining non-ruling members of the ruling houses were more subject to rules relating to marriage and prohibition of impurity than the king himself; instances which show the actual occurrence of cases in which the transgression of caste-rules was visited with some form of punishment, especially, with excommunication from the caste, are very rare in the Jātakas. ### [c10.6](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.6) The khattiyas of ancient times formed, in my opinion, like the dynasties of princes in other lands, a class by themselves, a class with only this difference, that it acquired in India to a greater extent than elsewhere the character of a caste or rather gradually acquired in course of time this character. For to the distinct consciousness of rank, the prominent characteristic of the ruling class in other lands, there was joined in India the customs, probably handed down from ancient times, which made marriage within the jāti the rule and tried to prohibit all impurity arising from mixture with the lower classes and even contact with them, and thus led to a specially sharp, caste-like division. ### [c10.7](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.7) We have already mentioned a significant instance to which further examples from the Jātakas can be joined. It is never heard that a Khattiya is addressed by his name or in the second person by any person belonging to the lower classes.¹ The mother of King Udaya whom the barber Gaṅgamāla calls by his family name (kulanamena, i.e., by the name of his father Brahmadatta) cries angrily. "This filthy son of a barber, of low origin (hīnajacca, III. 452), forgets himself so much that he calls my son, lord of earth, who is a Khattiya by caste, Brahmadatta." Even with regard to a Brāhmaṇa the Khattiya feels his superiority so much that king Arindama calls Sonaka, the son of a purohita, a man of low birth (hīnajacca V. 257). Himself he calls asambhinnakhattiyavamse jāta, born in a family with an uninterrupted succession of princes, i.e., in a family the members of which both on their father and their mother's side were recognised as khattiyas The khattiyas attached great importance to purity of blood and did not consider any person who through his mother or through his father belonged to another caste, of pure blood, even if they looked upon him as of the same status as themselves. Hence also the repeatedly occurring expression used of a king (I. 177; IV. 42; V. 123): \*mahārāja mātā-pitusu khattiya\*, “O great king, by father and mother, a khattiya.” ### [c10.8](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.8) ¹ Even in the epics the rule holds that younger persons or persons of the same age can be addressed "thou," but that a man must address his superior (older) neither by 'thou' nor by his real name. Mhbh, XII 193·25, twaṃkāraṃ nāmadheyaṃ ca jyeṣṭhānāṃ parivarjayet. Cf. Hopkins l.c.p. 25 note. ### [c10.9](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.9) ² For a Brāhmaṇa to be called hīnajacca even by a king is rare. A similar idea is found in Kalpasūtra, Jinacarita §17 to which Prof. Jacobi has drawn my attention. Brāhmaṇa families are here placed in the same class with lower, poor, begging families. ### [c10.10](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.10) If now even in our eyes, the khattiyas of the Pali texts have a caste-like character, on account of their consciousness of their high status and their attaching great value to purity of blood, we should not be surprised if they were looked upon by the authors of the Buddhistic canon as a “caste.” Too much influenced by the Brahmanical theory, too much inclined by virtue of their being Indians to schematise, with the result that they made distinctions between class, caste, common status and profession, they saw in the Khattiyas as much a caste as in the Brâhmaṇas. Consequently, everywhere in the Pali texts, khattiyas are spoken of as a “caste”; along with the Brâhmaṇas, Vessas and Suddas, they are mentioned and mentioned as the first in the caste-series. ### [c10.11](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.11) This circumstance that in the enumeration of the castes the khattiyas are mentioned first¹ (III. 19; IV. 205, 303) is not a matter of secondary importance. As from Brahmanical sources which place the Brâhmaṇas always at the head¹ whenever the castes are enumerated, not only the claim of the Brâhmaṇas to be the best caste but also their real position as such within the specially Brahmanical culture-sphere, can be inferred, so we have, in my opinion, in this assigning of the premier position to the Khattiyas a reaction brought about by the view which prevails in the eastern Buddhistic lands and by the balance of power which rules here. The superior position of the khattiyas in the eastern countries and the corresponding decline of Brahmanical influence present themselves to us with irresistible necessity when we study the Pali literature; even the Jâtakas affirm the correctness of this view. ### [c10.12](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.12) ¹ Digha Nikâya III 1.15, even in the mouth of a Brâhmaṇa. This no doubt fits in ill with the following words: “Of these (four castes), three, kh. v. and s., exist only to serve the Brâhmaṇas.” ### [c10.13](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.13) ¹ Cf. Weber, \*Collectanea über die Kastenverhältnisse in den Brâhmaṇa und Sûtra\*. Indische Studien, Vol. 10, p. 37. ### [c10.14](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.14) In the introduction to the Jâtakas, in the Nidânakathâ which in a legendary form contains the history of Buddha before his last birth, as well as his life-history before the attainment of his \*Buddha\* condition, it is narrated that the future Buddha reflects in which caste he will be re-born. "The Buddhas," he thinks, "have never been born in the Vessa or the Sudra caste, but they have been born in one or other of the two highest classes, the Khattiya caste or the Brâhmaṇa caste; and because \*just now the Khattiya caste is the highest\*¹ (I. 49), I will take my rebirth in this caste.” One should never, however, attach much importance to this sentence as well as to the prominence given to Khattiya monks in other passages of the Nidânakathâ and in the explanation of the commentator mentioned above (§ 10 of Chap. 2), because the Nidânakathâ,² in which really we see no portion of the Jâtakas but rather a tradition independent of it and externally connected with it, as well as the commentary is of later origin and because its author probably imagines that the caste to which Buddha actually belonged is the highest. On the other hand, it must be admitted that such haughtiness as is exhibited in the words of Arindama (V. 257) already quoted, is hardly thinkable if the Khattiya did not as a matter of fact feel himself as of higher rank than the Brâhmaṇas. This perfectly agrees with the description given in the Digha Nikâya of the interview between the Brâhmaṇa Pokkharasâdi and the Kosala King Pasenadi: "The latter"—so it is said (III. 26)—"never allows the Brâhmaṇa who is a dependant of his to see his face; even when he consults him he speaks to him through a curtain." This is further in agreement with the complaint of the Brâhmaṇa Ambaṭṭha regarding the conduct of the haughty Sâkyas.¹ The complaint is as follows: He came one day to Kapilavatthu and entered the hall of the Sâkyas where they were seated upon high chairs. At his entrance he was pushed back with the finger² amidst a loud outburst of laughter, and indeed they made merry at his expense and nobody asked him to take his seat. ### [c10.15](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.15) ¹ The same view is found expressed in very similar words in the Lalita Vistara Ch. III: “The Bodhisattva was not born in lower families (hînakuleshu), Caṇḍâla families or in the families of flutemakers or wheelwrights (rathakara), or in Pukkasa families. Rather he has appeared only in two castes (kuladvaye), in the Brâhmaṇa caste and the Kshatriya caste. When the Brâhmaṇas are held in great esteem in the world he appears in Brâhmaṇa families; when the Kshatriyas stand in high esteem, he is born in Kshatriya families. Now-a-days, their monks hold the Kshatriyas in the highest esteem; therefore, the Bodhisattvas appear in the Kshatriya caste. ### [c10.16](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.16) ² I. 57: sace pi Buddho bhavissati khattiyasamaṇeh’ eva purakkhataparivârito vicarissati. ### [c10.17](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.17) ¹ Even the Jâtakas narrate this haughtiness of the Sâkyas, thus (I, 88) : Sâkiyâ nâma mânajâtikâ mânatthaddhâ ; IV. 145 : ime Sakyâ nâma jâtiṃ nissâya atimânino. ### [c10.18](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.18) ² The "pushing with the finger" (aṅgulipatodaka) relates to the offence noted in Pâtimokkha. Patimokkha: Pâcittiya 52. Acc. to the explanation given in Suttavibhaṅga it consists in this, that every one touches the body of every one else in order to make him laugh. Cf. Vinaya Piṭaka ed. by H. Oldenberg, Vol. 3, p. 84 ; Vol. 4, p. 110 sq. ### [c10.19](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.19) This account, borrowed from the incidents of everyday life, too circumstantial to be considered a purely fictitious example, an evidence of the haughtiness of the members of the ruling class in their dealings with the Brâhmaṇas, seems to me of no less weight than the later, (III. 1.24) more theoretical discussions between Buddha and Ambaṭṭha relating to the question whether a son born of the union of a Khattiya’s son with a Brâhmaṇa girl was legitimate or not. The young Brâhmaṇa must accept the answer that a son born of such a mixed marriage would get his seat and water among the Brâhmaṇas, that he would participate in the sacrifices and in the meals, that he would be instructed and that he could marry their women, but that, on the other hand, the Khattiyas would never take him up into their caste. For on his mother’s side, he is not of equal rank with them. Similarly, should the two castes look upon a son born of the union of a Brâhmaṇa’s son and a Khattiya’s daughter; here also the Brâhmaṇas should look upon him as of equal rank, while the Khattiyas cannot regard him as their equal, on account of his not being of the same rank on his father’s side. Even this Ambaṭṭha has to admit that the Brâhmaṇas, when they have driven one of their members for any cause out of the kingdom or town and disgraced him, cannot take him back into their society but can safely allow a Khattiya excommunicated from his caste to participate in meals, in sacrifice and in instruction, and even to marry amongst them. "Consequently, O Ambaṭṭha," cries out Buddha at the end of the discourse, "even when a Khattiya has fallen into the lowest depths, he is still the best and the Brâhmaṇas are (in comparison with him) low," and adds the verse which occurs repeatedly in Buddhistic Suttas: "The Khattiya is considered the highest by men who attach value to family" (Khattiya seṭṭho jane tasmim yo gottapaṭisârino). ### [c10.20](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.20) One cannot help noticing, while reading this paragraph, the influence of a subjective bias on the part of the Buddhistic author; it is not to be supposed that orthodox Brâhmaṇas, proud of their caste, recognised even in Buddhistic lands a Khattiya excommunicated from, and despised by his caste as a Brâhmaṇa and treated him as such; such cases may occasionally have taken place; in its general form, Ambaṭṭha's admission does not seem to me at all acceptable. ### [c10.21](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.21) But even when we ascribe a great portion of the pre-eminence of the Khattiyas appearing in the Pali texts to the monks who were ill-disposed towards Brahmanism, there remains enough ground for supposing an actual superiority of the ruling class.¹ And this superiority of the Khattiyas appears not only in the social domain which was assured to them through their material power itself; just in the spiritual region, the princely families of the East fought for supremacy with Brâhmaṇas engaged in the ceremonial of the sacrifice as well as with grossly worldly Brâhmaṇas. We need not confine ourselves to Buddhistic literature to prove this; it is a known fact that in the Upanishads kings appear very often as teachers of Brâhmaṇas.¹ This circumstance makes the supposition well-grounded that the deep thoughts of the Upanishad doctrine which ### [c10.22](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.22) ¹ Chalmers explains (Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1894, p. 342) the pre-eminence of the Khattiya caste in the Piṭaka by saying that this confirms the old tradition which represents the original conception, according to which "the kingly classes as they arose first held the ### [c10.23](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.23) ¹ Deussen, System des Vedanta, Lpz. 1883, p. 18: "Numerous indications point to this, that the proper guardians of this thought were not originally so much the priestly classes who were content with ceremonials as the Khattiyas; over and over again, we meet in the Upanishads with the situation that the Brâhmaṇa asks for instruction from the Kshatriya which the latter, after all manner of reflexions on the impropriety of such a procedure, gives him." Cf. also the essay of Garbe, Die Weisheit des Brahmanen order des Kriegers? in "Nord und Süd," 1895. ### [c10.24](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.24) supreme position in Indian society" and that it represents the transition period in which the Brahmanical claim to pre-eminence, although advanced with great arrogance, was not universally recognised, at least not from the side of the Khattiyas. If this is true, then the Brâhmaṇa texts which assert the superiority of the priestly classes as an indisputable fact represent a later stage of evolution of Indian culture, which assumption will not, however, do. The difference between the account in the Pali texts and that in the Brahmanical ones lies partly in the real balance of power which in the east was never on the side of the priestly class and partly in the subjective bias of the Buddhistic authors, on the one hand who oppose Brahmanism and that of the Brâhmaṇas, on the other, who worship their caste inordinately. ### [c10.25](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.25) culminated in the identity of the Âtman, the All-One, with one’s own self did not proceed from Brahmanical circles but that we have to look for the intellectual originators of this doctrine in the ranks of the Khattiyas. To them also fell not a small share in the further development of the ideas contained in the Upanishads, in the building up of the doctrine of the migration of souls and emancipation, and after the ground had been prepared, through a growing influence of pessimistic views, for a doctrine of salvation which showed the way out of the painful circles of the migration of souls, it was reserved for a Khattiya to show this path, namely, Gotama of the family of the Sâkyas of Kapilavatthu. ### [c10.26](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.26) Moreover, we can strengthen the proposition that there fell to the ruling class an essential portion of the duty of solving the problems which agitated all minds before and in Buddha’s time by the proof—without this it would probably have only an aerial foundation—that, according to the accounts of the Jâtakas, the Khattiya of the eastern lands enjoyed a spiritual culture similar to that of the Brahmana. It is true that, in accordance with the law books even in the distinctly Brahmanical¹ lands, the three Vedas were prescribed for the king; as a matter of fact, however, this prescription, as the epics show, was purely theoretical; the knowledge of the Veda which is demanded of a prince, relates evidently to the dhanurveda, “the Veda of the bow,” archery, the science of war.¹ On the other hand, there occur various passages in the Jâtakas which leave no room for doubt that the sons of princes had to devote, like the Brâhmaṇa youths, a certain time of their life to religious studies. In the Gâmaṇicaṇḍa Jâtaka the king himself gives the prince instruction for seven years in the three Vedas and in all worldly duties (tayo vede sabbañ ca loke kattabbam. II. 297). Generally, the prince is sent to a Brâhmaṇa and is taught by him. The Vedas are not always mentioned distinctly as the subject of the studies to which the Brâhmaṇa introduces the young princes; what is said, on the contrary, most generally is that the prince learnt the sciences (sippâni II. 2) or “the science” (sippam. II. 278). Other passages make it appear probable that in this concept of sippa the three Vedas are included. Thus we read in the Dhonasâkha Jâtaka: “Princes and Brâhmaṇa youths from all parts of India learnt the science from him (\*khattiya-māṇavā ca brāhmaṇamāṇavā ca tass' eva santike sippam ugganhimsu\*. III. 158). Even the son of the King of Benares learnt the Vedas from him.” Similarly, it is said in the Thusa Jātaka: “The Bodhisatta was a world-renowned teacher in Takkasilā and instructed many princes and young Brāhmaṇas in the science (\*bahū rajakumāre ca brahmanakumāre ca sippam vācesi\*. III. 122). Even the son of the King of Benares went to him at the age of sixteen and learnt the three Vedas and all the sciences” (\*tayo vede sabbasippāni ca\*). So also in the Dummedha Jātaka, mention is made at first of the instruction of sixteen-year-old princes in general (\*soḷasavassapadesiko hutvā Takkasilāyaṃ sippaṃ ugganhitvā\*. I. 259), and then there are mentioned in detail, as subjects of study, the three Vedas and eighteen branches of knowledge¹ (\*tiṇṇaṃ vedānaṃ pāraṃ gantvā aṭṭhārasannam vijjaṭṭhānānaṃ nipphattim pāpuni\*). We shall have therefore to understand by \*mante\*,² which the Brāhmaṇa learnt in Takkasilâ and which he then, himself a world-renowned teacher, introduces to the young princes and Brâhmaṇas in Benares, very probably the Vedic hymns. ### [c10.27](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.27) ¹ Gautama XI. 3; Manu VII. 43. ### [c10.28](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.28) ¹ Cf. Hopkins, l. c. p. 108 sq. ### [c10.29](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.29) ¹ On the aṭṭhārasa vijjaṭṭhānāni, see the remark on the discussion concerning the study of the Brāhmaṇas in the eighth chapter. ### [c10.30](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.30) ² In this sense the expressions \*mante\* and others are used in the Tittira Jātaka, where it is said of the partridge that it listens, while the teacher teaches his pupils the \*mante\* and that in this way it learns the three Vedas (\*ācariyassa mānavānaṃ mante vācentassa sutvā tayo pi vede ugganhi\*. III. 537.) ### [c10.31](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.31) The following point also I might make good, and that is, that the young Khattiyas did not simply outwardly pursue the study of the Vedas, which, according to the law-books, is a duty binding upon all the "twice-born." In all places where the question is of the education of the Khattiyas, the age at which the youth leaves his paternal home and goes to his teacher is universally given as the sixteenth year of life (I. 259, 262, 273; II. 2, 87, 277; III. 122). If the young prince had up to then been instructed in his father's house in the elementary sciences and physical exercise, there followed, on the attainment of maturity, the higher spiritual culture, the religious study.¹ When it is explained in the Gâmaṇicaṇḍa Jâtaka (II. 297) that a prince who has been instructed by his father for seven years in the three Vedas, is only seven years old at the time of his father's death, we have to do with a marvellous child, a true prince of fiction,¹ whilst the remaining passages give us throughout the impression of a plain narrative. ### [c10.32](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.32) ¹ In contrast with this, the fulfilment of the duty of studying the Veda is looked upon in the epics as a purely external form. The education of the young noble seems here to end with the sixteenth year and in any case, it is inconceivable how a boy at this age not only attained perfection in the use of arms but also fortified his memory with the collection of hymns of one of the three Vedas. Cf. Hopkins, i, page 109 sq. ### [c10.33](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.33) ¹ Probably, the Maṇḍavyakumâra is to be placed in the same category, of whom it is said (IV. 379) that he was taught by Brâhmaṇas the three Vedas from his seventh or eighth year. ### [c10.34](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.34) As the place where the young princes go for their studies, Takkasilâ is invariably mentioned. The town, in Sanskrit Takshaśilâ, lies in Gandhâra land, in north-west India, and thus, far from the centres of Buddhistic culture. It seems clear that at the time to which our source refers this Takkasilâ was the centre of the spiritual life of India, a high school of Brahmanism, greater in importance than even Benares, for it is repeatedly mentioned that the kings of Kâsî send their sons to the distant Takkasilâ for study. It sounds improbable when we read of such journeys of young princes mentioned at the foot of the page² (II. 277), and we are inclined to ascribe their origin to the imagination of the narrator who knew the town probably only by name. Still one should consider that even in other Pali texts, Takkasilâ is mentioned as a great seat of learning and the destination of youths with a thirst for knowledge. Thus, we have Mahavagga VIII. 1.6, where it is explained that in Takkasilâ a world-renowned physician lived, to whom the young Jîvaka went from Râjagaha in order to learn his art. It seems to me therefore that there is no reason to compel us to mistrust the words in which the narrator praises the pedagogic wisdom of the kings of ancient times: "They sent"—so it is said in Tilamutthi Jâtaka (II. 277)—"their sons, although in their own city there lived a world-renowned teacher, to a great distance over the borders of the kingdom for learning the sciences, and they thought, in this way, their pride and haughtiness will be broken, they will learn to bear heat and cold and learn also the ways of the world." ### [c10.35](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10.35) ² All that the king gives his sixteen-year-old son is a pair of sandals with simple soles, a sunshade made of leaves and 1,000 kahâpaṇas, an equipment which cannot be called extravagant, when we learn that the money is not for boarding expenses but has to be handed over untouched to the teacher who asks the new-comer about the honorarium (âcariyabhâga) after he has learnt his position and family (II. 277 sq. Cf. V. 457). ## Linked texts (9) - [Jātaka](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.theravada.sp.khuddaka.jataka.211) — Pāli - [Dīghanikāya](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.theravada.sp.digha.3.1) — Pāli - [Mahāvagga](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.theravada.vp.khandhaka.mahavagga.1.40.2) — Pāli - [Mahāvibhaṅga](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.theravada.vp.suttavibhanga.maha.pj.3.5.18.22) — Pāli - [Mānava Dharmaśāstra](https://indike.org/pramana/in.niti.dharma.manu.7.43) — Manu & Bhṛgu, Sanskrit - [Gautamadharmasūtra](https://indike.org/pramana/in.vedanga.kalpa.dharma.gautama.11.3) — Gautama (dharmasūtrakāra), Sanskrit - [Mahābhārata](https://indike.org/pramana/in.lit.mahabharata.vyasa.12.193.25) — Vyāsa, Sanskrit - [Kalpasūtra](https://indike.org/pramana/in.jaina.sveta.cheda.1.kalpasutra) — Bhadrabāhu, Ardhamāgadhī Prakrit - [Pātimokkha](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.theravada.vp.patimokkha) — Pāli --- Source: [https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.fick-1897.c10) · Pramāṇa