Caste and Race in India c13: Chapter IX. Conclusion
Caste and Race in India c13
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Chapter IX. Conclusion
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WE have seen that the practice of caste has changed, and also that a section of the Hindus have not only acquiesced in that change but have actively helped it. The orthodox Hindus do not like the modifications that have come about owing to changed circumstances. They actually deprecate them, and if they had the power they would fain reinstate the old situation. The progressive elements on the other hand not only welcome the changes but propose further modifications. Among these there are at least three, more or less clearly distinguishable, schools of thought. There are those who believe that the best way to bring about the desired end is to hark back to the imagined pure state of Hindu society which was characterized by the existence of only the four traditional castes, viz. Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaiśya, and Śudra. The greatest exponent of this point of view is Mahatma Gandhi.¹ There are others who would go ahead rather than look back on the past in the vain hope of reinstating it under totally different conditions. But they think that the only way in which abolition of caste can be achieved as a concrete fact is, in the first place, to amalgamate the various sub-castes of a present day caste, which have much cultural unity and economic similarity. Then the castes which are approximately on a footing of equality should be consolidated, and the procedure may be followed till society becomes casteless. They contend that this process being slow would afford sufficient time for education and the formation of informed opinion, with the necessary adjunct of the requisite mental adjustment of those classes which are not yet prepared for a wholesale change in their agelong customs. The third point of view considers caste, especially in its present form, so degrading in some of its aspects and so anti-national in others, that it would abolish it altogether without any hesitation or delay.
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¹ *Young India*, by Mahatma Gandhi, 1919-22, pp. 479-83.
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Mahatma Gandhi has not given us a complete programme by means of which he proposes to reinstate the four old orders. It is not quite clear whether persons would be assigned to one or the other of these classes on the ground of their birth in a particular caste or on the strength of the occupation they now follow. Yet as he lays great stress on birth and heredity and subscribes to the view "once born a Brahmin always a Brahmin", he would no doubt rather rearrange the other castes into their proper groups on the basis of birth. If it were sought to put this procedure into operation we do not hesitate to think that there would be great strife among the various castes. The Kshatriya, Vaiśya, and Śūdra classes have not remained as distinct and intact as the Brahmins. There is much difference of opinion as to which of the castes should be included in one or the other of the above three classes. Even if an amicable settlement on this point were possible, what about the untouchable classes? Gandhi is vehemently opposed to untouchability, and he would naturally propose some respectable status to these classes. Where are they to be provided for? Wherever it may be proposed to include them, there is bound to be a tremendous protest from that class. The criterion of birth in a caste for the purposes of the proposed fourfold classification is thus found to be quite unsatisfactory. If the actual occupation of an individual is to be the test of his status, how are the modern occupations to be accommodated in this old scheme of fourfold humanity? Even if we successfully adjust the claims of all persons and classify them properly, it is an open question if marriage between the classes is to be permitted or prohibited, or if any social restrictions in the matter of food, etc., are still to continue. Altogether it appears to us that a return to the old fourfold division of society is impracticable, and even if accomplished would serve no more useful purpose than that of reminding us of our past heritage.¹
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¹ In this connection attention may be drawn to A. J. Toynbee's criticism of Plato's ideal of four castes: *vide Ency. of R. and E.*, vol. x, p. 552 (b).
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To propose to abolish caste by slow consolidation of the smaller groups into larger ones is to miss the real problem. The method has been tried in the Bombay Presidency for the last twenty years and more with disastrous results. The sub-castes that join together to create a super organization retain their internal feelings of exclusiveness with undiminishing vigour. The new organization takes up a rather militant attitude against other castes, especially those which are popularly regarded as immediately higher or lower than the caste which it represents. And, as pointed out in the last chapter, caste-consciousness becomes more definite and virile. We have seen that, even among the castes which are grouped together for political purposes, the common aim of fighting other castes has not proved strong enough to induce individual castes, comprised in the group, to ignore their claims at the time of the distribution of the spoils of office. As we envisage the situation and as our analysis of contemporary caste must make it clear, the problem of caste arises mainly out of caste-patriotism. It is the spirit of caste-patriotism which engenders opposition to other castes, and creates an unhealthy atmosphere for the full growth of national consciousness. It is this caste-patriotism that we have to fight against and totally uproot. If the procedure advocated by the protagonists of the second viewpoint were to prove successful, we believe the problem of diminishing caste-patriotism will be ever so much more difficult. It would lead to three or four large groups being solidly organized for pushing the interests of each even at the cost of the others. Acute conflict will be the only consequence. Further, during this lengthy process of slow amalgamation those who will marry in defiance of the barriers of sub-caste will still be imbued with caste-mentality. The main problem will thus remain for years as acute as at present.
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The true remedy against the present evil of caste is that we must fight it all round with a bold front without making any compromise. It is caste-patriotism that must be killed. Anything, either in our individual capacity or in our administration that gives prominence to caste tends to create in the minds of the members of a caste tender feelings about it. It follows from this that in order to diminish caste loyalty the first step that we should take is to ignore it altogether. The State must make it clear by its actions that it does not recognize caste as caste, though its individual members may be guided by its group existence. It ought forthwith to cease making any inquiry about a citizen's caste. Caste
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must be regarded as a purely individual concern with which the State as the national organization should have nothing to do. Neither in official records, nor in applications, nor in statistical returns must the caste of a citizen be recorded. The Census need not busy itself with recording the castes of individuals nor should it present any tables by castes.
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Every educated and progressive Hindu leader ought to ignore caste. He must not only denounce the institution on the platform and in the press, but must show by his way of living that his professions are sincere. He should never associate himself with any caste council, even though it may be doing some little immediate good to its members, always remembering that even the good emanating from a fundamental evil is so much tainted that it loses the moral characteristics of the good. If prominent leaders continue dinning into the ears of their followers that thinking in terms of caste is an unadulterated evil, and if they further carry out their precepts in practice, we are sure the sentiment of caste loyalty will slowly die a natural death. We have to create an atmosphere where even partially educated people should be ashamed of boasting of their caste and of decrying the caste of others in place of the present situation where individuals proudly and blatantly speak of their castes and caste-associations. We contend this can be achieved by constant preaching and unfailing practice of the leaders.
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Fusion of blood has been found to be an effective method of cementing alliances and nurturing nationalities. The history of royal families and of European nations is replete with such examples. To further our national ideals we must resort to the same procedure. Caste sets its face against such a custom, as it is of the essence of caste that marriage must be within its limits. That parents must seek mates for their children from among the members of their caste is a circumstance that forces people in no small measure to make friendships in the caste and in other ways to help its aggrandizing programme. Economic progress of one's caste means increased facility for finding out well-to-do husbands for one's daughters or wives for sons. Once marriage becomes free and unfettered by extraneous considerations, one of the inner motives for participation in the organized activities of a caste will vanish.
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The Special Marriage Amendment Act, though not perfect in its provisions, now makes it possible for persons to marry outside their caste with self-respect and honesty. More and more individuals must be found to take advantage of the Act and to enter into inter-caste marriages. We believe this culmination is not far off. As marriage comes to be arranged by the young parties in preference to their elders, restrictions of caste on marriage will vanish in proportion. We have seen that most of such inter-caste marriages that have taken place were managed by the youth, and their parents and guardians had no effective voice therein. As marriage becomes an affair to be managed among the young by their own choice, proper opportunities for the young people to come into touch with those of the opposite sex must be provided. Otherwise marriage either becomes difficult or maladjusted. That is the experience of many parents and guardians who have educated their daughters or female wards up to the highest standards of university education. It appears to us that co-education at all stages of instruction is the best method of bringing together young people of opposite sex, apart from its being the best prophylactic for sex morals. The enthusiasm of youth will surely transcend the artificial bounds of caste.
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Thus while caste would be ignored and caste-patriotism actively denounced, the people who marry without reference to caste would not only create a casteless atmosphere for the management of civic affairs, but would rear up the next generation, which would be still more hostile to caste. Even though uneducated and village folk may continue to marry in their own castes, the further evil effects of endogamy, viz. the creation of caste-patriotism, would be effectively checked.
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In the previous chapter we have shown that untouchability is the last of the social disabilities of the caste regime still present with us. We have also indicated that it must be rigorously put down in all public institutions. We have also suggested, contrary to our confirmed view about ignoring caste, that the present untouchable classes should be given special educational facilities. For education, with the consequent amelioration of economic position, will alone enable the reformers to solve the problem of untouchability,
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and no amount of mere propaganda against it can achieve that end.
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As the result of our analysis we saw that the old bonds of this finely graded society have dwindled away. Some of these bonds, viz. of the village economy, are such that, however we may regret their decadence, we cannot reinstate them. We are sorry; but, in full realization of the tremendous changes in the social condition of man, we make peace with the new era. On the other hand, the feature of contemporary Hindu society which tends to snap the running thread of common priesthood is to our mind fundamentally harmful. It is not suggested that we should like to see the Brahmin enthroned once again as the monopolist of priestly services in direct opposition to the pronounced views of some of the higher castes amongst the non-Brahmins. We think that the facts must be squarely faced by all the leaders of Hindu society and particularly by the orthodox ones. We strongly believe that the time has arrived when the Hindus must not leave their priestly function in the hands of anybody who chooses to parade himself as a priest. A central organization with provincial branches should be started to impart training in priesthood. Only those who hold the requisite certificates from this association should be allowed to practise the profession. In the matter of admission, the orthodox section should unconditionally surrender itself to the reformed view, and allow any one possessing the minimum standard of education the right to join the institutions maintained by this association for training in priestcraft. No longer should the old distinction between Vedic rites and non-Vedic ones be maintained. It must be the choice of the worshipper to ask his priest to conduct his service either according to the Vedic formulæ or the Puranic ones. So long as the overwhelming majority continue to believe in ritualism, with all the past sins of the priestly class, it is better to have well-informed priests, who should be asked to pledge themselves that they shall conduct their service according to the dictates of the worshipper as to whether the one or the other type of formulæ be used. It would provide Hindu society with its old bond of a common priesthood, based not on hereditary right but on liking and capacity. It would at the same time take the edge off the non-Brahmin clamour against the Brahmin priests.
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The present political upheaval has liberated tremendous psychical energy which, it appears to us, if properly utilized by the leaders, should lead to the achievement of the reforms advocated above. Perhaps a sceptic whispers, "Such revolutions are not brought about in the lethargic types of Indian climes." Him we only remind that this apparently lethargic land and its peoples have, in the past, proved themselves capable of truly great achievements. The phenomenon of the conquering Indo-Aryans, who were passionate eaters of flesh and drinkers of intoxicating beverages, settling down as the upper castes of Hindu society and abjuring their coveted food and drink for centuries, is a moral triumph of the people of India, for which there is hardly any parallel in human history. The same people, now called upon to throw off caste, would rise to the occasion and achieve a still greater triumph.