Administration and Social Life under Vijayanagar c9.s6: Section VIII. Foreign Policy

Administration and Social Life under Vijayanagar c9.s6

Language: English

Section VIII. Foreign Policy

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Any vast empire will have a large number of important problems to solve among which foreign policy is one ; and that is generally of a complicated nature. The Vijayanagar empire was no exception to this. It had to pursue a vigorous and vigilant foreign policy calculated to strengthen its position. Hemmed in by the Muhammadans on the north, by the Gajapatis on the north-east, by the refractory feudatory vassals studded over the frontiers of the empire and by the Portuguese on the coastal regions on the west and east, the Vijayanagar kings had a difficult problem. Of course religious fanaticism and racial prejudice to some extent influenced their relations with the Muhammadans ; but it must be said that the Vijayanagar kings did not fall below the standards set up by the kings of ancient India in their foreign policy.

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One of the striking features of their policy was the maintenance of frontier governorships which were in the nature of Wardenships of the Marches and which were quite necessary in those days in view of the constant menace of foreign invasions into the Vijayanagar dominions and of rebellions fomented from abroad. Among such buffers were the kingdoms of Bengapor, Gasopa, Bacanor, Calecu, Batecala on the west and south, and a large number of others. Kṛṣṇadēva Rāya gives certain concrete suggestions for the policy to be followed towards neighbouring states and their officers. He says: "If you think that the holder of foreign fortresses on your frontier can easily be worsted then it is fit to overcome him. If you do not think so the best course is to make friendship with him. Of what use is the holder of a foreign (enemy) fortress when the governor of your own fortress is your enemy? The fortress should be protected for his own sake".¹⁸⁹ Likewise the suggestions of the emperor with regard to the subjugation of the forest tribes are very practical and wise. In dealing with the semi-civilised and refractory tribes he wants their psychology to be taken into consideration. He says: "If the people of the forest (wild tribes) multiply in any state the trouble to the king would not be small. The king should make such people his own by destroying their fears. Because they are people of very little advancement, faith and want of faith, anger and friendship, bitter enmity and close friendship, result from insignificant causes . . . The wildest forest tribes can be brought under control by truthfulness (keeping one's engagements with them)".¹⁹⁰ In the Vijayanagar empire there were many such wild tribes as the Kurumbars, and in dealing with them the kings must have followed the principles laid down by Kṛṣṇadēva Rāya in his *Amuktamālyada*. Military stations or cantonments (*Paḍai-parrus*) were also established at important places to maintain order and peace in the empire.

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¹⁸⁹ *Amukta.*, canto IV, v. 286.

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¹⁹⁰ *Ibid.*, vv. 222 and 225.

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The military organisation of the Vijayanagar kings was supplemented by an elaborate system of espionage. The practice of employing a secret service in the empire can be traced to very early times in Indian history; and most modern states find still much use for it. In Vijayanagar these secret agents travelled everywhere and gathered information about the condition of the enemy states and carried news to the king. The *Amuktamālyada* like the *Arthaśāstra* of Kauṭalya says that kings should employ spies even in watching the actions of their ministers, lest they should get conceited and advise them to undertake unnecessary things.¹⁹¹ That great value was attached to the information furnished by the spies is shown by the evidence of the same work where the author says: "Do not spurn an informer at the very outset; ponder over and over again what he says. If what he reported proves to be false then dispense with him, but see that he is in no way disgraced."¹⁹² The spy was expected to reside in the capital, was to be conversant with languages, and acquainted with the spies of other countries, was to have no special marks; and he was to get from the king more money than he expected. Kṛṣṇadēva Rāya clearly states that "others should not enter the profession."¹⁹³

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¹⁹¹ Canto, IV, v. 265.

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¹⁹² Ibid., v. 220.

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¹⁹³ Ibid., v. 279.

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The employment of the spies in the wars of the period is testified to by many writers. The *Kṛṣṇarāyavijayamu* states that Kṛṣṇadēva Rāya sent his spies to the kingdoms of his northern neighbours to get information about their movements, and they returned with valuable news about their activities.¹⁹⁴ According to the *Rāyavācakamu* the spies sent by Kṛṣṇadēva Rāya brought news about the strength of the enemies and the atrocities committed in Kṛṣṇa's territory by them.¹⁹⁵ In describing the march of the Hindu forces Nuniz speaks of a few spies who were like scouts and had to spy out the country in front of the army and move at a distance of three or four leagues in front.¹⁹⁶

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¹⁹⁴ S. K. Aiyangar, *Sources*, p. 130.

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¹⁹⁵ Ibid., p. 112.

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¹⁹⁶ Sewell, op. cit., p. 328.

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It was customary in ancient and mediaeval India to announce the declaration of war to the neighbouring neutral states. The Vijayanagar rulers also followed this practice. This we are able to know from Kṛṣṇadēva Rāya's war policy. According to Nuniz, he gave an account to the Muhammadan Sultans of the north as to what had taken place between himself and the Sultan of Bijapur and how he had determined to make war on him, to which he received replies from them approving of his conduct, and promising him help as far as they could.¹⁹⁷ Nuniz himself examines the reason why Kṛṣṇadēva Rāya did so, and says: “The king had sent the letters out of his craftiness for he told them of what he was about to do in order to seduce them to his side—so far at least as concerned their good will, seeing that in the matter of troops he had no need of them because if they had joined the Ydallcão he (the king) would never have conquered as he did.”¹⁹⁸

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¹⁹⁷ Sewell, op. cit., pp. 325-26.

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¹⁹⁸ Ibid., pp. 325-26.

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Diplomatic agents were sent to foreign courts whenever necessity arose. They were appointed to carry on “particular business of a special nature” in the foreign courts. The system of accrediting ambassadors permanently from one court to another is of modern origin, and was unknown in mediaeval India.¹⁹⁹ The office of ambassador though temporary had grave responsibilities. The declaration and announcement of war and the conclusion of peace were all in the hands of these diplomatic agents.

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¹⁹⁹ Cf. S. V. Viswanatha, *International Law in Ancient India*, p. 64.

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These ambassadors were shown great respect wherever they went for they were the accredited representatives of their respective kings. Kṛṣṇadēva Rāya truly says that “the friendship of an enemy king could be brought about by honouring and rewarding his ambassador.”²⁰⁰ Disrespect shown to him would lead to war. If Ferishta can be believed, when Muhammad Shāh sent an ambassador to the court of Bukka I “with a draft on the treasury of Vijayanagar,” he was placed on an ass’s back, paraded through all the quarters of the city and sent back with every mark of contempt and derision. This led to war.²⁰¹ But Kṛṣṇadēva Rāya generally followed his precept. He gave many gifts even to the messengers who brought the letters from the Sultan of Birar, Bidar and Golkonda in which they had threatened to join the Ādil Shāh of Bijapur to help him in recovering his lost territories unless Kṛṣṇadēva Rāya of his own accord restored them to him.²⁰² According to Kṛṣṇadēva Rāya a frank talk was necessary with an ambassador, and he says: “A king should freely converse in his court with the ambassadors of kings of neighbouring states and speak to them about administration and wars so that his followers may understand his point.”²⁰³

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²⁰⁰ *Amukta.*, canto IV. v. 225.

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²⁰¹ Scott, Ferishta, I, p. 23; Sewell, op. cit., pp. 32-33.

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²⁰² Sewell, Op. cit, p. 349.

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²⁰³ *Amukta.*, canto IV, v. 259.

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The envoy was always a much respected person. The importance of that person rose with the importance of his mission. The Bijapur envoy for instance who had a very important message to deliver to the king of Vijayanagar “had with him all his people with their trumpets and drums as was customary”.²⁰⁴ He was also given some presents by the Hindu kings. When Abdur Razāk visited the court of Dēva Rāya II he was given several bags of *faṇams* and betel reserved for the king’s use.²⁰⁵

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²⁰⁴ Sewell, op. cit., p. 351.

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²⁰⁵ Elliot, op. cit., IV; p. 120; for the presents of Kṛṣnadēva Rāya to the Bijāpūr envoy see Sewell, op. cit., p. 352.

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The kings of Vijayanagar maintained friendly relations with foreign powers, and sent embassies to their courts. Their object in so doing was either to make acquaintance with them or to renew and strengthen old friendships. In 1374 Bukka I sent a friendly embassy through his chief explainer to the court of Taitsu, the Ming emperor of China, with tributes and large presents among which was a stone which had the property of neutralising poison.²⁰⁶ But the purpose of the embassy is hard to find. Even the name of the envoy is difficult to identify. Abdur Razāk, the Persian ambassador, visited the Vijayanagar court in 1443. The treatment he received there clearly shows that those who had no letters of credence from their emperors were not shown great respect, though in his particular case he received great attention from the emperor, for he had requested him to come to his court from the court of the Sumeri of Calicut, to which court alone the ambassador had letters of credence. Hence a report that he was not the accredited ambassador of the Persian emperor was spread at Dēva Rāya’s court.²⁰⁷ Dēva Rāya II sent an embassy to Shāh Rukh, the emperor of Persia, with presents and stuffs including a letter in which he said: “It was our intention to commend myself to his sacred Majesty by royal presents and gifts, but certain parties represented that Abdur Razāk was not His Majesty’s servant.”208

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²⁰⁶ Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, Vol. II, p. 211; Ind. Ant., Vol. XL, p. 140.

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²⁰⁷ See Elliot, op. cit., IV, pp. 112-13, 120 and 122.

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It was the desire to secure the friendship of the Portuguese that made the kings of Vijayanagar send embassies to the court of their viceroys at Goa. To them their friendship was valuable for two reasons. One was they could secure the monopoly of the trade in horses, and the other was their assistance in the wars with the Muhammadans. In 1511 Kṛṣṇadēva Rāya sent his ambassador to the Portuguese court “in order to establish a perpetual friendship with the king of Portugal.” This was answered by a counter embassy from the king of Portugal who was also anxious to secure the friendship of Vijayanagar.²⁰⁹ In 1601 Veṅkaṭa II sent his ambassadors to the court of Ayres de Saladana, the new Portuguese Viceroy. The reason for this embassy was the king’s “desire to be the brother-in-arms (ally) of the king of Portugal,” probably to strengthen his position against the possible designs of Akbar who entertained the idea of conquering South India.²¹⁰ It was again the same anxiety of the king to secure the friendship of the British that prompted him to send an embassy to the English traders at Masulipatam with a letter written upon a leaf of gold in which he wished to be excused for his former faults, and allowed them to build a house at Pulicat.²¹¹

Cites (3)

Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra — Kauṭilya, Sanskrit
Āmuktamālyada — Kṛṣṇadevarāya 1515, Telugu
Rāyavācakamu — Telugu