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Pre-Buddhist India: A Political, Administrative, Economic, Social and Geographical Survey of Ancient India Based Mainly on the Jataka Stories c4.t1: I. General Principles About Kingship

Pre-Buddhist India: A Political, Administrative, Economic, Social and Geographical Survey of Ancient India Based Mainly on the Jātaka Stories c4.t1

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English

I. General Principles About Kingship

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OF the four principal theories or conceptions about the origin of kingship, viz., Divine origin, origin in war, the theory of contract and the theory of elective kingship,¹ the last seems to have been more, in fact the only one, familiar to the *Jātakas*. In common with the united Hindu tradition—whether Brāhmaṇa, Buddhist or Jaina—, the *Jātakas*, as of course reflecting the general Buddhist thought, envisage a state of anarchy in the pre-State epoch when there was all disorder, the stronger devouring the weaker. This is characteristically exemplified in an anecdote contained in the *Mahāsutasoma Jātaka*² which relates how the larger fish (*mahāmaccha*) used to devour the smaller ones. This story *inter alia* brings before us the papular notion of the anarchical state known as the *Mātsya Nyāya*,³ in some respects corresponds to the Darwinian "Struggle for existence", the Spencerian "Survival of the Fittest", the Marxian "Class Struggle", and is based on the avowed principle of "Might is Right". The *Ulūka Jātaka*,⁴ which is in more than one aspects a veritable embodiment of Constitutional procedure, preserves for us the then prevailing popular notion about the 'Election of the King' in the dawn of History (*pathama Kappa*). "Once upon a time," says the *Jātaka*, "the people who lived in the first Cycle of the world gathered together, and took for their king a certain man, handsome, auspicious, commanding, altogether perfect."⁵ This of course refers us to the fuller version of the famous discourse on Creation of Kingship contained in the *Ajjañña Suttanta* of the *Dīgha Nikāya*.⁶ There the elected king is called Mahāsammata or 'chosen by general consent (the Great Elect) who is known to the *Jātakas*.¹ Thus the human and at the same time elective origin of kingship is remembered by the *Jātakas*. But as regards the conditions of contract (social and governmental) formed in this connection, so fully described in the above *Suttanta* and other works, nothing is said.² However the basic principle of protection underlying the contract can indeed be gleaned through the isolated utterances in the *Jātakas*, as will be seen.³

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¹ See Jayaswal, *Hindu Polity*, II, pp. 3-13; U. Ghoshal, *A History of Hindu Political theories*; D. R. Bhandarkar, *C. L. 1918*, pp. 114-39; Beni Prasad, *The Theory of Government in Ancient India*; Ajit Kumar Sen, *Studies in Hindu Political thought*; B. K. Sarkar, *Positive Background of Hindu Sociology*, 1921, 1926; K. V. Rangaswami Aiyangar, *Ancient Indian Economic Thought*; also Balkrishna, *The Evolution of the State*, in *I. H. Q.*, III, pp. 315-35.

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² J., V, pp. 462-4.

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³ Cf. for fuller treatment of the same, Dikshitar, *Hindu Administrative Institutions*, pp. 19-24.

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⁴ J., II, pp. 352-3.

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⁵ Ibid, p. 352. "*Atite pathamakappikā sannipatitvā ekam abhirūpam, sobhaggappattam, ānāsampannam sabbakāra-paripunnam purisam gahetvā rājānam karimsu.*"

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⁶ III, p. 92-3; *Dialogues of the Buddha*, III, pp. 88-9 Cf. *Mahāvastu* (Senart's. edition), I, pp. 347-8; The story in its elaborate form has travelled to Ceylon, Burma and Tibet: See Hardy, *Manual of Buddhism*, p. 68, Burmese *Damathat*, tr. Richardson, p. 7; Rockhill, *Life of the Buddha*, pp. 1-9, referred to by Bhandarkar *C. L.* 1918, p. 122 n; Beni Prasad, *The State in Ancient India*, p. 118 n.

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¹ J., II, p. 311; III, p. 454.

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² Cf. K. V. Rangaswami Aiyangar, *Ancient Indian Economic Thought*, pp. 46-50; see Ghoshal, *Hindu Political Theories*, pp. 137, 273-278, where several attempts at establishing an analogy between the Hindu and the Western theories on this point are criticised; counter-reply: *Ibid.*, II, p. 423; pp. 195-7-; 643-4.

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³ See for references to this point in other literature, Samaddar, J. B. O. R. S., VI, pp. 487-490.

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A king was absolutely necessary. He was an essential factor for the well-being of the people. This was not only a theory but in actual feelings of the people of those times. As we shall see later on, the throne could on no account go vacant for a long time. Immediate steps were taken to raise a new king on the vacant throne. Well might the utterances of the people in the *Mahājanaka Jātaka*⁴ that 'the kingdom cannot be preserved without a king' echo the real feelings of the time. "A man needs king and warriors for protection" says a *gāthā* in the *Mahāukkusa Jātaka*.⁵ A condition of kinglessness (or more accurately statelessness) *arājatā* was always viewed with horror.⁶ The idea was so rampant in the minds of the people that not only human beings but "every species of animals—all bipeds and quadrupeds" were thought to have their own kings.⁷

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⁴ J., VI, p. 39. "arājakam nāma ratthaṃ pāletuṃ na sakkā" Cf. "appatissavāso nāma the palace door and taking the king to ask for not having any issue. J., V, 279; IV, 317.

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⁵ J., IV, p. 296-G. 59 "Rājāvatā Surāvatā ca attho sampanna sakkhiso bhavanti k'ete." Cf. "As a matter of fact ancient Indian Economics starts with the fundamental assumption that the State is a necessity. If we separate the adventitious accretions made to this idea in later writings, by the substitution of 'Monarch' for the 'State' we shall find that from our earliest literature down to the threshold of our own times there runs through the stream of Indian thought the repeated affirmation of the need of the State, the political community and group organisations." K. V. Rangaswami Aiyangar, *Ancient Indian Economic Thought*, p. 44.

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⁶ Cf. Manu, vii, 3 "Arājake hi loke'smin sarvato vidrute bhayāt," and Rāmāyaṇa, II, 67,8,31 also the vivid description of the misery of anarchy in the Mahābhārata, Sānti Parva, ch. 68—J.A.O.S., XI, 255; XIII 135-6. Kautilya says "Protected by Danda the State prospers" Arthaśāstra, I, 4; Arājata King (State) lessness has up to this day come down to mean "anarchy." See discussion over this term. Dikshitar, op. cit., pp. 23 & note, 24.

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⁷ Monkeys, J., I, p. 282; Birds, J., II, 352; Fish, J. V, p. 462.

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The ten kingly duties (*Dasarājadhamme*) so often⁸ referred to and enumerated fully in a *gāthā* of the *Nandiyamiga Jātaka*⁹ have become a stock-phrase in the *Jātakas*. They are:

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⁸ J., I, p. 260; II, p. 118, III, p. 470; IV, p. 153.

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⁹ J., III, p. 274-G. 73; also J., V. p. 378-G.176,

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*Dānaṃ Sīlaṃ Pariccāgaṃ Ajjavaṃ Maddavaṃ Tapaṃ*
*Akkodhaṃ Avihimsā ca khanti ca Avirodhanaṃ.*

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"Alms, morals, charity, justice and penitence," "Peace, mildness, mercy, meekness, patience."

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Of course, Fick¹ is right to a certain extent in saying that these duties do not give us a picture of the king, no idea of the essence of the kingly power, of the obligations and functions of the Rājan, because ‘they are nothing else than prescriptions of the general Buddhistic morality applicable to all lay disciples. However, it must be remembered that this code of morality is not purely Buddhistic. For is not the above gāthā itself reminiscent of the old Upaniṣadic Ideal² or of that which is inculcated in the Bhagavadgītā in precisely the same words³ and which runs throughout in Indian Literature?’⁴ But these are ideals, no doubt. What about realities? Yes, the Jātakas also give us more practical and realistic precepts applicable to a king, which show a considerable knowledge of, and acquaintance with, the machinery of administration as it then existed. As an instance we might cite the following remarkable gāthās from the Tesakuṇa Jātaka⁵ which is, so to say, a compendium of maxims on Political Philosophy and which is sufficiently attractive to deserve more than a passing reference:

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¹ op. cit., pp. 100-1; 105. The same is the case with the five Kurudhammas which are only five general virtues (silae).

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² Chāndogya Upaniṣad, 3.17.4 “Tapodānamārjavamahimsāsatyavacanam.”

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³ XVI, 1-2 “Dānam Damaśca yajñaśca svādhyāyam tapa ārjavam Ahimsā Satyamakrodhastyāgaḥ śāntirapaiśunam.”

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⁴ Cf. MBH. V. 59; See Hopkins, J. A. O. S., 13, p. 116.

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⁵ J., V pp. 112 ff.—GG. 3-47.

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“First of all, should a king put away
All falsehood and anger and scorn;
Let him do what a king has to do,
Or else to his vow be forsworn....
When a prince in his rule groweth slack,
Untrue to his name and his fame,
Should his wealth (bhoga) all at once disappear,
Of that prince it is counted as shame....
In a man energetic and bold (utthānaviriye) we delight⁶,
If from jealousy free....
To all, O great king, be a friend,
So that all may thy safety insure....
For courage as virtue he holds
And in it goodness true espies.
Be zealous to do what is right,
Nor, however reviled, yield to sin,
Be earnest in efforts for good,
No sluggard can bliss ever win......”
And again—
“The matter, my friend, is set forth
In a couple of maxims (padakāni) quite plain—
To keep whatever one has (laddhassa anurakkhana)

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⁶ Cf. Arthaśāstra, I, 19; Aśoka's Edicts. R. E. VI.

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And whatever one has not, to gain (aladdhassa ca yo lābho).¹ Take as counsellors men that are wise Thy interests clearly to see (atthassa kovide)² Not given to riots and waste, From gambling and drunkenness free.³ Such an one as can guard thee aright And thy treasure with all proper zeal⁴ As a charioteer guides his car, He with skill steers the realm's commonweal. Keep ever the folk (antajano) well in hand⁵ And duly take stock of thy feef (cittam).⁶ Ne'er trust to another a loan or deposit (nidhim ca iṇadānam.) But act for thyself.... What is done or undone to thy profit and loss (āyavyaya) It is well thou shouldst know. Ever blame the blameworthy, And favour on them that deserve it bestow. Thou thyself, O great king! shouldst instruct Thy people in every good way Lest thy realm and thy substance Should fall to unrighteous officials (adhammikā yutā), a prey.

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¹ Kauṭilya, Arthaśāstra, I, 20, adds two more, viz., increasing what is protected and dispensing the wealth thus increased on meritorious purposes. Cf. also Junāgaḍh Rock inscription of Skandagupta, Fleet, G. I No. 14 (455-6 A. D.)

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² Persons versed in the Arthaśāstra or Politics. See Arthaśāstra, XIV. 1.

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³ Cf. Śukranītisāra, I, 11, 215-29.

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⁴ Cf. Arthaśāstra, II, 8; VII, 5.

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⁵ Is it the inner apartment, the harem, which was to be guarded carefully according to Kauṭilya?

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⁶ The text has cittam, while the Commentary takes it as vittam.

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See that nothing is done by thyself Or by others with overmuch speed. For the fool that so acts Without doubt will live to repent of the deed. To wrath (Kodha) one should never give way, For should it due bounds overflow, It will lead to the ruins of kings And the proudest of houses lay low.⁷ Be sure that thou never as king Thy people misled to their cost. Lest all men and women alike In an ocean of trouble be lost...."

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⁷ Cf. Prāyaśaḥ Kopavaśāḥ rājānaḥ prakṛtikopaiḥ hatāḥ śrūyante. Arthaśāstra, VIII, 3.

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How wonderfully these stanzas echo the clear voice of Kauṭilya and other Hindu Political Philosophers, can very well be seen from a comparison of these with Arthaśāstra works.⁸ Even the words and phrases italicised in the above citations, remarkably agree with those employed in the *Arthaśāstra* works with their technical significance.

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⁸ Cf. specially Arthaśāstra, I, 19. Other references on the point may be pointed out; J., I, 280-G. 56; III, 441-2, G. 27-32; V, 99-100-G. 305-315; VI, 94-G. 95; 375-6 G.

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Evils that attend to the slothful king are very aptly described in the *Gaṇḍatiṇḍu Jātaka*¹ which reflects a bold philosophy of action and does not preach passivity as is generally attributed to Buddhism. "*Appamādo amatapadam, pamādo maccuno padam*".² "Zeal is the way to Eternal Bliss, but sloth leads to Death"—is the keystone, the essence, of this sturdy doctrine. A slothful king paves the way for the ruin of himself and his kingdom which falls a prey to robbers and spoilers. Whereas the man who arising betimes (*kālutthāyin*) unwearied and orderly is, his oxen and kine thrive apace, and riches increasing are his.

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¹ V, pp. 99-100 G. 305; 315; Cf. also J. III, 141-G. 175-6.

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² This is repeated in *Dhammapada*, V. 21.

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Says a *gāthā* of one *Jātaka*: "Right should never be violated.... If Right is destroyed, it destroys."³ This *Dhamma* then was very comprehensive, embracing the whole bundle of laws that formed the basis of social, economic and political order. To abide by these laws was the supreme duty of a king. These are no abstract principles of righteousness as the citations quoted above will show. The significant, practical and positive character of these will also be seen from the oftrepeated passages in the *Jātakas*⁴ which mean by *Dhamma* the fulfilment and maintenance of the rights belonging to relations, subjects, communities and officials and servants: "*Dhammam cara mahārāja mātāpitusu . . . puttadāresu . . . mittāmccesu . . . raṭṭhe Janapade . . . samaṇabrāhmaṇe . . . migapakkhisu.*"

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³ J., III, p. 456-G. 45.

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⁴ J., V, p. 123-GG. 38-47; 223-GG. 114-23; VI, p. 94-GG. 401-10.

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Ideals and thoughts, whether political, social or economic, are at once the source and the reflex of actual conditions. This may not be wholly true. However the fact remains that noble and sublime kings like Aśoka rose to be so from the *Dhamma* precepts and also created the actualities for later thoughts to grow upon. The reciprocal influence of man and environment must be recognised.

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The guiding motive which impelled a king to cling to this ideal was chiefly the common belief in *Sagga* (Svarga) or heaven as the *Summum bonum* to be attained for leading a virtuous life on earth. Such is the oft-repeated precept for a king, as for instance given in the *Sāma Jātaka*.⁵

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⁵ VI, p. 94-GG. 401-10; also J., V, p. 123-GG. 38-47; 223-G. 123.

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*Dhammam cara Mahārāja mātāpitusu khattiya*
*Idha dhammam caritvāna*
*Raja saggam gamissati.*

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Again, why was Aśoka so earnest in his *Dhamma*? In his scheme of values, he considered the other world as of supreme consequence and as the objective of life (*paratrikameva Mahā-phala menāti Devānam piyo.*)⁶

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⁶ Mookerji, *Aśoka*, p. 75. *Rock Edict XIII*—Cf. R. E. X. where he plainly discloses "whatever exertions King Piyadasi, beloved of the gods, puts forth are (all) with reference to the other world."

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With this guiding motive in view the king was constantly advised to look after the happiness of every being. The parable enunciated by the monkey in the *Mahākapi Jātaka*¹ before the king is significant in this connection. The last of the *Gāthās* is:—

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¹ J., III, pp. 370-375-GG. 84-89.

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“The happiness of kingdom and of army and of steed
And city must be dear to thee, if thou wouldst rule indeed.”²

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² *Ibid.* G. 89.

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—an ideal inculcated even by Kauṭilya³ and so earnestly followed by Aśoka.⁴ The paternal conception so eloquently advocated by Kauṭilya and Aśoka⁵ is considered also in the *Jātakas* as one of the basic principles of good government.⁶

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³ *Arthaśāstra*, I, 10.

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⁴ As for instance in *R. E.*, VI, where he asserts the promotion of the good of all (*sarva-lokahita*) as the most important duty of his and in *Pillar E. II* where he refers to his many and various kind and good deeds in respect of both men and beast, birds and aquatic creatures.

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⁵ *Arthaśāstra*, II, 1; IV, 3; *Separate Kalinga Edicts*. See Bhandarkar, *Aśoka*, p. 36; Dikshitar, *Mauryan Polity*, pp. 98-9.

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⁶ J., III, p. 470.

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As a leader and protector of his subjects, the king was entrusted with responsibilities which were of a grave nature. His was the duty to support law and order in this world. “But if he himself was unjust or wicked,” such was the idea, “how will law and order be supported?” In short, he was deemed personally responsible for all the sins and misfortunes of his subjects and even for seasonal vicissitudes.⁷ People follow the king. If the king is just, the people will be so ; if he is unjust, so will also be his followers as kine do after a bull! This is the gist of the several illuminating *gāthās* of the *Rājovāda Jātaka*.⁸ “Yes, Your Excellency,” says the ascetic of the above *Jātaka*, “in the time of unjust kings, oil, honey, molasses and the like as well as the wild roots and fruits, lose their sweetness and flavour, and not these only, but the whole realm becomes bad and flavourless.”⁹ Everything is alright only when the kings are just. Even if there is no rainfall, it is king’s fault. All the people gather together before his palace and ask him to atone for his sins. He is asked to give alms, keep the holy day, make vows of virtue and to lie down for seven days in his chamber on a grass pallet as was used to be done by former monarchs.¹⁰

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⁷ *Cf.* K. V. R., Aiyangar, *op. cit.*, pp. 66, 145.

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⁸ J., III, p. 111—G. 133-136.

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⁹ *Ibid.* p. 111.

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¹⁰ J., II, p. 368.

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“For him no rain falls in the time of rain,
But out of season pours and pours amain.”¹¹

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¹¹ J., II, p. 124—G. 84; *Cf.* also J. III; 458-G. 48; J., V, p. 193.

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Under such an unjust king three kinds of fear overcome men, viz., fear of famine, fear of pestilence and fear of the sword.¹ An oppressive ruler is held responsible for all the miseries of mankind. An old man's foot is pierced with a thorn—it is due to the king; the poor anxious mother of two grown-up but unmarried daughters falls down from a tree and cries out in frantic anger:

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¹ J., II, p. 124—"Chātakabhayaṃ rogabhayaṃ satthābhayaṃ ti imāni tiṇi bhayāni." also J., II, p. 368.

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"Oh! When will Brahmadatta die,
For long as he shall reign
Our daughters live unwedded
And for husbands sigh in vain."

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The ox of a ploughman is struck accidentally with his ploughshare, and for this again the king is to blame; a milkman is kicked and upset by a vicious cow early in the morning—the king is at fault; a mother-cow is sore at heart on seeing her dear dappled calf killed—for this the village boys curse the king; even a frog does not spare him when it is beaten by the hungry crows.²

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² J., V, pp. 101-107,—G.G. 316, 321, 325, 330, 335, 339.

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Thus a monarch was regarded as the refuge and succour of the people. And in case of his turning evil, there was no end to the miseries of the people. There is thus a great amount of truth in what the people in the *Gaṇḍatindu Jātaka* speak out oft and anon:—

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"By night to thieves a prey are we,
To publicans by day,
Lewd folks abound within the realm,
When evil kings bear sway."³

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³ J., V, pp. 102-106, GG. 319, 324, 328, 333, 338.

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What such an oppressive rule led to, when people became desperate, we shall see later on.

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Having all these dangers in view, the king was constantly advised to be up and doing everything for the welfare of his subjects. Some of the practical aspects of these teachings we have already noticed in the long extracts given in the *Tesakuṇa Jātaka*.⁴ A few others may here be noticed. The king was asked to mould his governmental policy according to the opinion of his subjects which counted a great deal, as we shall see. He must personally see things with his own eyes and give due regard to well-meaning suggestions of others.⁵ And with this end in view perhaps we find the kings of the *Jātakas* going out in disguise—*incognito*—to see for themselves and hear what his subjects do or talk about.⁶

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⁴ Supra pp. 81-2.

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⁵ J., V, p. 100-G. 315

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⁶ J., II, pp. 2, 427; IV, p. 370.

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If the king wanted to rule safely and peacefully, he must have the goodwill of the people at heart. To do this, he should put into practice the four elements of popularity (*catuhi saṅgahavatthūni*)¹ by which he could win the hearts of the people. Of all the five elements that go to constitute the strength of a king, that of wisdom (*paññā*) is considered to be the best, and the king is advised to attach the greatest importance to it which is the procurer of material interests (*atthamvindati*). The remaining four elements of power (*balam*) are *bāhubalam* (power of limb—physical strength), *bhogabalam* (power of possession—material strength), *amaccabalam* (power of counsel) and *abhijaccabalam* (power of high birth—aristocratic privileges.)²

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¹ J., III, p. 470 ; IV, p. 176 ; V, p. 352 : *cf* saṅgahaka, J. III, p. 262-GG. 53-4, IV, p 110-G. 50 ; V, p 362. Childers names these four *saṅgahavatthus* as largesse, affability, beneficient rule and impartiality : Pāli Dictionary, *suv. voc.* Such were the efforts of Aśoka, who spared not a moment from out of his zealous works of public welfare. So also did Khāravela gain popularity by following these traditional methods, by constructing works of public utility (Line 3), remitting taxes and duties (L. 7) and entertaining his subjects (L. 4). *Hāthigumphā Inscription* ; Barua, *Brāhmī Inscriptions*, p. 257.

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² J., V, pp. 120-121, GG. 27-29. The same enumeration of the five elements of power with almost the same phrases, is given in the MBH. V, 37, 52-55; *Cf.* Hopkins, *J.A.O.S.* 13, p. 152 note.

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