Administrative System of the Marathas c18.s24: 11. Irrigation

Administrative System of the Marathas c18.s24

Language: English

11. Irrigation

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The remission of rent in times of difficulty, and payment of compensation in case of damage done by the government, were no doubt good measures; but these were by no means all that the Peshwas did for their subjects. The question of irrigation and tagai grant did not escape their attention. In fact the Hindu kings had taken good care for effectual irrigation of cultivated areas from the earliest times of Indian history, as can be proved by Kautilya's *Arthashastra* Kalhana's *Raja Tarangini* and the Girnar rock inscription of the Shaka Satrap Rudradamana. The Peshwas also followed this traditional Hindu method for improving agriculture. Irrigation by aqueduct was very common and this gave origin to the word ‘patsthal’ (from *pat*, an elevated water-course to convey water to a plantation or field), and that well was also used for irrigation purposes may be proved by the word ‘motsthal.’ But generally rain and river water was stored up for future use by the construction of dams. Sometimes the entire expense for building a new dam or of repairing an old one was granted by the government while the government frequently gave a part of the necessary expenses while the remainder was levied by public subscription.

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“A letter to Govind Rao Yadava Kamavisdar of Pargana Kopal in Taluka Dharwar: The rice lands of the Pargana were irrigated by means of a dam in a canal in the Tungabhadra; the dam was damaged by rain. Two thousand Hons have recently been granted for repairing the dam, therefore, get it carefully repaired and the above-mentioned sum shall be deducted from the revenue of your Pargana.” ³¹

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³¹ P. D., Vol. VII, p, 18.

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“A letter to the Mokadam of Mauja-Nasrapur, Tarf Khedebare: Lakshman Krishna has been ordered to construct a dam near Shri Baneshwar in the aforesaid Mauja at an expense of Rs. 800. It has been settled that half of the sanctioned expenditure, Rs. 400, should be given by the government and the other half should be realised from those whose lands were to be irrigated. The owners of such lands should, therefore, pay according to their share of half the sanctioned expenditure and you should also pay the share due to your land without making any objection."³⁹

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³⁹ P. D., Vol. VII, p. 18.

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*12. Tagai:*

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The tagai served two purposes. It supplied the Rayats with necessary capital at a time of scarcity and famine, and at the same time saved them from the clutches of the money-lenders (Shahukars). The Peshwas were a century ago as much conscious of the impoverishing effect of a high rate of interest as the British Government is to-day. The Co-operative Credit Societies were still undreamt of, but the Peshwas tried their best to undo the evil in their own way. The economic theory of *Laissez Faire*, once popular and now practically rejected in Europe, was still unknown; and the Peshwa, as the father of his people, effectually interfered with the industrial organisation of the country. Such intervention was often beneficial, and there is no doubt that it was so, when he tried to save his Rayats from the cruel exactions of the unscrupulous. Although it will sound shocking to the worshippers of law, the Peshwas frequently excused emburdened tenants from paying interest and compelled the money-lenders to grant their victims easy terms of payment. At another place we have seen how the Zamindars and Patils of Taluka Shivner, unable to make their grievances known in any other way, had seceded to Kasba Ale; one of these grievances was that the Rayats were over-burdened with debt and an enquiry was demanded as to the justice of the money-lender's claims. Their demand and the government order have been summed up in the document in question as follows: "You represent that in different villages the Rayats are in debt to the Sawkars (money-lenders). If the just claim is settled after examining the accounts, and if we find that an adequate sum in cash is wanting for payment you will repay the debt from the produce of the villages (grains, etc.). An enquiry about the justice of the claims will be made and when you find the interest too high you should not pay that, but a reasonable rate of interest should be fixed and the debt should be liquidated by instalments out of the real produce of the village (grains, etc.)" ³³

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³³ P. D., Vol. VI, pp. 227-228.

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It is needless to point out that mere legal suppression of usury is useless. So long as there is a need for capital, men in want will borrow at any interest when money is not available on reasonable terms. The tagai removed this need. It was practically a state loan although the Mamlatdar had to provide for it out of his own resources. The Rayat was not oppressed for interest. Sometimes he got the loan without any interest and frequently easy terms of payment were granted. In the year 1750-51, Ragho Govinda was desired to advance Rs. 1,500 as tagai loan to Kasba Mukhde, in Pargana Patode and he was told that the money was to be recovered in two years.³⁴ No mention of interest is made in the letter. But in another document we find that while the current rate of interest was 75 per cent. the government reduced the interest to 25 p. c. on tagai advanced to the Rayats of Prant Rajpur.

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³⁴ P. D., Vol. III, p. 28..

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"A letter to Khandoji Mankar : You represented that about five or six hundred khandis of grain have been given as tagai during the present year as well as during the last year. An order has been issued to realise it with the usual compensation. The present rate of interest is fifty or seventy-five p. c. The Rayats cannot pay so much. You have, therefore, prayed that some remission may be granted for the welfare of the Rayats. Taking into consideration the welfare of the Rayats it is now settled that the five or six hundred khandis of grain given as tagai should be fully realised with an interest of twenty-five p. c., before the month of Magh. Not a seer should be permitted to remain unpaid."³⁵

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³⁵ P. D., Vol. III, p. 237.

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A third document directs an officer, Lakshman Hari, not to dun Ibhramji Nadkar, Khot of Kasba Govale of the same Tarf, for the repayment of tagai as the crops had failed that year (1743-44).³⁶

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³⁶ P. D., Vol. III, p. 236.

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The tagai was advanced in both cash and kind, and generally by the Kamavisdar or the Mamlatdar out of his own purse, and in case of his dismissal before the recovery of the tagai loan, it was repaid by his successor in office.³⁷ Thus we see that the Peshwas did almost everything necessary and possible for the improvements of cultivation. Grants were made for irrigation works, special terms were offered for the reclamation of waste lands, tagai loan on reasonable interest and easy terms of payment was advanced to the Rayats to save them from the oppression of the money-lenders and finally to create interest in the permanent improvement of their land, kauls were granted for three to seven years and alienation by sale or mortgage was prohibited.

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³⁷ P. D., Vol. VI, p. 240. "Therefore encourage the cultivation of the aforesaid Pargana by advancing Tagai. If you are dismissed your money should be with interest paid by the next incumbent of the Mamlat."

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Nana Fadnavis

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Mr. Ranade remarks, "The system of revenue management under Balaji Bajirao, Madhavrao and Nana Fadnavis was, on the whole, careful. New sources of revenue were developed, and the old improved. The land settlements made by the Peshwas during this period show that, while anxious not to oppress the rayats, every care was taken to insist on the rights of the government. Whenever the country needed that relief, leases varying from three to seven years were granted on the terms of Istawas, *i.e.*, gradually increasing assessments."³³

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³³ Ranade, The Miscellaneous Writings, p. 358.

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The result of this liberal policy was that Wellington during his first campaign in the Maratha country found it "highly cultivated" and Elphinstone recommended the continuation of the Maratha system after the conquest of the Peshwa's territories by the English. The land revenue system of the Peshwas will not suffer by comparison with that of contemporary Ireland. The Maratha peasant was certainly better off than his Irish brother and he had practically gained the fixity of tenure and a fair rent for which the Irish were vainly crying even in the first decade of the 19th century. The Maratha peasants had been relieved of forced labour by Peshwa Madhava Rao I, while the French were still labouring under similar disadvantages until the red flood of the Revolution washed away all inequities. But theirs were not rights fought for and bought by blood. The gifts of a paternal despot could be taken away by another less benevolent, and the whole system was upset by that infamous prince Baji Rao II "born of the weakness of Raghunath Rao and wickedness of Anandi Bai." He reintroduced the old Muhammadan system of revenue-farming abolished by Shivaji so long ago. Mahals and Mamlats were sold to the highest bidder and the Peshwa's favourites were induced to bid high. The result was that Districts changed hands every year, and Mamlatdars no longer felt any interest in the welfare of the Rayats. If the Patil refused to assist the revenue-farmers, collection was made without his agency. So even the excellent village system of Maharashtra failed to be a remedy against the misrule of a wicked man.

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Before concluding this chapter we shall take a short notice of the Batai system here. As we have seen, the Maratha peasant and the Maratha government preferred a fixed rent either in cash or in kind. Their collection was always flexible, as "large remissions were made, whenever the seasons were found to be unfavourable. Under the old revenue system, cultivated lands alone paid revenue; and in bad years the revenue fell, and remissions had to be constantly made in the State accounts."³⁹

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³⁹ Ranade, The Miscellaneous Writings, p. 359.

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The Batai arrangement was, therefore, made where the soil was very poor and the produce extremely variable. "Whenever the Batai or system of crop division obtained, the Government, after deducting for seeds and other necessary charges paid by the rayats, left ½ or ⅓ of the crop to the cultivator, and took the rest for the State. In Shivaji's time, the proportions are stated to have been ⅖ and ⅗. The Batai system was not much in favor." ¹⁷ ⁴⁰

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⁴⁰ Ranade, The Miscellaneous Writings, p. 358.

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CHAPTER VI

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In addition to the rent the Maratha government levied other taxes. It will not be possible to discuss all of them in detail here and I shall simply quote a list of these various taxes from Elphinstone's Report. We shall have to remember that these taxes called *Sivay Jama* or extra revenue varied in different places, and all of them were never simultaneously levied.

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*1. Extra Revenue :*

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1. *Duhuk Puttee*—a tax of one year's rent in ten on the lands of the Daishmookh and the Daishpande.
2. *Huk Choutaee*—a fourth of the fees levied every year.
3. *Mahr Mahillee*—a tax on the Inams of the Mahars.
4. *Meeras Puttee*—an additional tax once in three years on Meerasdars.
5. *Inam Tijaee*—a payment by Inamdars of ⅓ of the Government share of their lands annually.

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6. *Inam Puttee*—an occasional tax imposed in times of exigency on the Inamdars.

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7. *Pundee Gunna*—an additional levy equal to 12 p.c. on the Tunkha once in 12 years.

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8. *Vihir Hoonda*—an extra tax on lands watered from wells.

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9. *Ghur Puttee* or *Amber Saree*—a house tax levied from all but Brahmins and village officers.

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10. *Bat Chappanee*—a fee on the annual examination of weights (this specially affected the retail traders but fell on others too) and measures.

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11. *Tug*—a similar fee on examining the scale used for bulky articles.

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12. *Luggun Tukka*—a tax on marriage.

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13. *Pat-dam*—tax on widow re-marriage.

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14. *Mhys Puttee*—a tax on she-buffaloes generally at the rate of one Rupee for a she-buffalo.

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15. *Bakra Puttee*—a tax on sheep.

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16. *Fudmash*—an occasional contribution in kind; often paid in commutation of service.

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All these taxes were collected in the village by the Patil, although in the towns the government had a separate officer for that purpose. In addition to the levies enumerated above, the government also derived some income from other sources, those worth mentioning being:
1. *Beitul Maul*—or escheats.
2. *Wan Charaee*—paid by cattle grazing on Government lands.
3. *Ghaskuttanee*—or grass cut on Government lands.
4. *Dewastan Dubhee*—derived from offerings to idols.
5. *Khur-Boozwaree*—a tax on melon gardens on river beds.
6. *Watan Zapti*—produce of lands belonging to Zemindars sequestrated by Government.
7. *Succession Duty*—called *Nazar*. If a son succeeded his father he was exempted from this tax, unless he was a Jagirdar or a Government servant. And to these may also be added—
8. *Kotwalee* or town duty—which comprised besides the taxes included in the Sewai Juma a variety of other imposts, the most considerable of which was a tax of 17 p. c. on the sale of a house.¹

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¹ Elphinstone's spelling is retained here. The list is not exhaustive. Many local taxes are not mentioned.

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2. *Census*: Sometimes, when the normal means of the government proved inadequate for meeting the financial pressure, the government levied a *Jasti Patti* or *Karja Patti* on all land-holders, Inamdars included, and the tax generally amounted to a year's income. Some of the above-mentioned levies were farmed and some of them were paid in kind. But as we have seen in relation to the assessment and collection of land revenue, the Peshwa's government relied much on inspection and what may be regarded as statistical reports. Thus we find that an officer was sent to take a census of the houses, and she-buffaloes, in Pargana Ghosala in the year 1741-42, and papers of the preceding year's census were given to him.²

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² P. D., Vol. III, p. 328.

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"Ganesh Dattaji has been sent to ascertain the taxable houses and she-buffaloes (belonging to cow-herds) in the Pargana of Ghosala; give him the papers of the preceding year." The next year (1742-43) Karkuns were deputed for the same purpose to Tarfs Pal, Ashtami, Nagothane, Ghosala, Birwadi and Mamla Tale.³ It, therefore, seems that such statistical information was annually gathered (as Tarf Ghosala is mentioned also in the previous document).

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³ P. D., Vol. III, p. 329.

Linked texts (2)

Rājataraṅgiṇī — Kalhaṇa, Sanskrit
Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra — Kauṭilya, Sanskrit