Administrative System of the Marathas c21.s3: 6. The Cavalry
Administrative System of the Marathas c21.s3
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6. The Cavalry
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Before the introduction of the European methods in the Maratha army its main strength lay in the cavalry. The Peshwa maintained his personal force or Khasgi paga and the whole country was divided among Saranjamis or Jagirdars on military tenure. According to a paper published in the Kavyetihas Sangraha the principal Maratha leaders received Jagirs to the value mentioned against their name for maintaining a stipulated number of Sowars (horsemen).
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| | Sowars. | For a Jagir of |
| Malhar Rao Holkar | ... 22,000 | 95 lakhs. |
| Ananda Rao Pawar | ... 15,000 | 45 " |
| Patwardhans : | | |
| Chintaman Pandurang | | |
| and Gangadhar Govind | 3,000 | 11 " |
| Parshuram Ramchandra | 1,500 | 6½ " |
| Kurundvadkar | 300 | 2½ " |
| Pratinidhi | ... 5,000 | 14 " |
| Rastia | ... 3,000 | 21 " |
| Ghorpade of Mudhol | ... 800 | 4 " |
| Panse | ... Artillery | 3½ " |
| Throat | ... 500 | 1½ " |
| Bhapkar | ... 150 | 60 thous. |
| Nana Fadnavis | ... 700 | 4½ lakhs. |
| Tryambakrao Pethe | ... 1,200 | 7½ " |
| Raja of Akalkot | ... 1,000 | 4½ " |
| Sultan Rao | ... 500 | 1½ " |
| Purandare | ... 300 | 2,32,000 |
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The paper need not be quoted in full. It is noteworthy that while the Holkar enjoyed a Jagir of 95 lakhs for maintaining a force of 22,000 horse, Ananda Rao Pawar got a Jagir of 45 lakhs only for a force of 15 thousand. The Saranjami was usually a man of approved service and wide military experience. He was informed how many horsemen he was expected to bring to the field. In his Sanad his personal allowance including all usual items was clearly mentioned as well as the salary he was to pay to each of his Sowar. This varied from Rs. 250 to Rs. 300 a year. He was also expected to look after the civil administration of his Jagir and to provide for its agricultural improvement. The clerical work of the army under him was done by a number of Darakhdars appointed by the Peshwa, but paid out of the Jagir of the Saranjami or fief holder. Thus in the Sanad granted to Mahipat Rao Kavde in 1762-63 we read that he was to employ the undermentioned civil officers at the following annual salary²²:—
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²² P.D., Vol. IX, pp. 310-314.
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| | | Rs. per year. |
| Diwan | ... | ... 5,000 |
| Khasnis | ... | ... 5,000 |
| Fadnis | ... | ... 950 |
| Sabnis | ... | ... 400 |
| Daftardar | ... | ... 500 |
| Chitnis | ... | ... 400 |
| Parasnis | ... | ... 250 |
| Jamdar | ... | ... 300 |
| Potnis | ... | ... 400 |
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The incumbents of these offices were all mentioned by name and Mahipatrao was expected to bring his force for a general muster each year and to receive an acknowledgment after the Sowars had been counted:
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The Shiledars obtained an advance called *Nalbandi* for preliminary expenses and we learn from a document of Balaji Baji Rao's time that horses were divided into three classes according to their price. "A horse worth Rs. 400 should be classed as superior, that worth Rs. 200 as middling and that worth Rs. 100 as inferior. Any horse worth less than Rs. 100 should not be counted in the muster. A horse classed as superior but having a bad rider should not be counted in the muster."²⁵
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²⁵ P. D., Vol. III, p. 183, Parasnis's Summary.
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A cavalry regiment was generally served by a number of attendants, and that under Ranoji Bhonsle had no less than 5 Karkuns and 181 attendants though its fighting strength was 700. There were in this regiment, 9 Rikibdars (stirrup holders), 5 Farriers, 8 Camel-drivers, 4 Khijmatgars, 3 Musicians, 2 Scouts, 5 Kothavales (store-keepers), 2 Jamdars (wardrobe keepers), 13 Bhois (palanquin-bearers) 2 Saddlers, 1 Washerman, 2 Macebearers, 1 Leather-worker, 1 Sweeper, 2 Drummers, 4 Messengers, 1 Torch-bearer, 1 Barber, 1 Tailor, 7 Water-carriers, 2 Sunshade-bearers, 2 Trumpeters, 4 Mahatgadkaris (elephant drivers) 1 Potdar, and 99 Grooms. These non-combatants were paid very little by the Peshwas' government and there is reason to believe that they were not very regularly paid, for the army was always in arrears and the Peshwa and his chief officers were frequently subjected to *Dharna*, an extreme form of dunning, by the discontented soldiers.
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In granting Saranjam the Peshwas took care to place rival chiefs in the same area and to make some use of their mutual jealousy. Govind Pant Bundele, the founder of the Sagar family, was used as a check on the Bhonsla of Nagpur. The revenue of Malwa was divided among the Sindhia, the Holkar and the Pawar, the Peshwa retaining a share for himself. Thus the grant of Saranjams in conquered territories stimulated the spirit of conquest, and the division of the revenue was calculated by the Peshwa to check any undue increase of the Sardars' power, and at the same time to secure co-operation by unity of interest. But the Peshwas failed to secure the last result. For Sardars like Sindhia and Holkar grew more and more powerful, and although grave national dangers rallied them to the Peshwa's side, the feudal tendency and individual jealousy ultimately led to the disruption of the empire. The Sindhia fought against the Holkar, the Bhonsla of Nagpur levied *Ghasdana* on the Peshwas' subjects, and constant war resulted in public insecurity. This was the real source of weakness of the Maratha empire.
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7. *A career open to all* :
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One point however should be noted here. In the Maratha army, a career was open to every man of ability, and every soldier carried a Marshal's baton in his knapsack, and many Sardars, like Napoleon's generals, rose from very low position. Says an English writer about Napoleon's Marshals, "Those men who under the Emperor are the greatest in the country have been the one a waiter, the next a wine-smuggler, the next a cooper of barrels, and the next a house painter. Those are the trades which gave us Murat, Massena, Ney and Lannes." Of the Maratha Sardars Ranoji Sindhia was the slipper-bearer of the Peshwa, Malhar Rao Holkar was a goatherd, Govindpant Bundele, a cook. Balaji Vishvanath, the founder of the Peshwa family, was a village clerk and the ancestor of the Ramdurgkars was a domestic servant. Fate Sing, Raja of Akalkot, can be regarded as a foundling. This similarity between the French army under Napoleon I and the Maratha army under the Peshwas, however, is extremely superficial. The latter lacked the solidarity and discipline that characterised the former.
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Darakhdars held their hereditary office in the army of Saranjamis as a check upon them. But as the Saranjams were generally hereditary, this method proved of little effect.
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8. *The Pendharis:*
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The policy of the Maratha rulers accentuated the hardships of war instead of mitigating it. Over and above the regular soldiers, Pendharis in large number were allowed to accompany the army on every expedition,—in return of a tax called *Palpatti*. These Pendharis were authorised robbers, and plunder was their only profession. They shared their spoils with the government (the tax amounted to 25 p. c. of their booty) and had no consideration for their friends or fellow-countrymen. Sometimes even Hindu temples were not spared. One instance of their sacrilegious depredation will suffice. Nilkanth Appaji wrote to Bala Saheb of Miraj on the 23rd April of 1791 during the second expedition against Tipu:—"The Lamans and Pendharis of Dada Saheb's army plundered the temple of Shri Shankaracharya at Shringeri, and took elephants and other property worth several lakhs of rupees in all; and yesterday brought their spoils to a place about two miles from the camp."²³ When Shri Shankaracharya's temple was not secure from the Pendharis of the Peshwa's army, we may easily guess what little security private property of ordinary people had. The Brahmans were sometimes protected by Sardars of high position, but we do not think that their protection had much effect against these professional robbers. The Siddis of Janjira also sent "chortas" or authorised thieves to rob the Peshwa's subjects, and although these were ruthlessly punished when caught, the Peshwa's government could afford but little protection against depredations of the feudal army. This, and not the corruption of the Maratha officers, was the weakest point in the Maratha government. The whole situation has been so nicely summarised by Tone, that an extract from his letter will bear quotation here. "In a country such as this where revolutions are so common, the great spur to industry, that of security is taken away; the Rayat who cultivates his grounds this year, is by no means sure of possessing them the next, or if he should, it is highly probable that in a Government that holds its supremacy only by sword, some large detachment may be quartered by the neighbourhood; than which a greater blow cannot be given to industry; for a Maratha army are more indefatigable and destructive than myriads of locusts. The property of friends and enemies falls equally a prey to their indistinguishing depredations.
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²³ Khare, *Aitihasik Lekha Sangraha*, Vol. IX, p. 4474.
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Hence it is that no man raises more than barely serves him and the produce of the year is just equivalent to its consumption."
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We will again turn to the army. When wounded the men and officers were well attended to and rewarded. When killed in action, their children if of age were taken into the Peshwa's service, if minor, enjoyed a liberal pension until they should come of age and enter the army. Higher officers were encouraged by grant of Saranjam, Jaripatka, and similar honours. Some of the government "Kurans" or grasslands were set aside for the cavalry, and village artisans like the Chambhar, the Lohar and the Sutar were sometimes requisitioned for professional work in the cavalry. When disciplined battalions officer-ed by Europeans came into fashion, the Peshwa also decided to maintain two battalions. These battalions or kampus did not lag behind their undisciplined brethren in the matter of plunder. The depredation committed by a kampu under one Dalton Saheb is mentioned in more than one letter.²³
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²³ Rajwade, Vol. X.
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9. Forts:
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The Maratha forts were in the Peshwa days of the same primitive type as in the time of Shivaji. "In the art of fortification," Blacker observes, "the Natives of India are still less advanced. In this country, it is in the same state as it was in Europe before the introduction of the regular systems. Even though some judicious works have been constructed by European engineers for Indian powers, they appear to have neither imitated the example nor appreciated its superiority. They place their reliance more in a strong profile than in a judicious plan." As a consequence, impregnable as these strongholds appeared to the Indian armies, they could offer but little resistance to the superior military science of the west.
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Generally, the revenue of some villages was granted for maintaining these forts and their garrison. The pay of an ordinary soldier serving in a fort was about seven Rupees and he was paid for eleven months only though he was expected to serve for twelve months. When he lived in the fort with his family, he got an extra allowance. The pay of the Sabnis, the Karkhannis, the Havaldar and the Sarnobat varied with the importance of the fort under their charge. In the year 1763-64 the Havaldar and the Sarnobat of Fort Bahula got Rs. 125 each per year while the Sabnis and the Fadnis were paid at the rate of Rs. 200; the Subhedar got Rs. 250 per year. The Havaldars of Chawand and Ahmadnagar, however, got Rs. 360 and 300 respectively.
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As in the days of Shivaji no officer enjoyed undivided supreme authority in the fort. Surety was, as before, taken at the time of enlisting the garrison as well as the officers. The salary of the Karkhannis was so low that we learn from a letter of Balaji Baji Rao's time that in 1750-51 the Karkhannis of fort Trigodi found it impossible to serve on the old pay and he was replaced by a new man on a higher salary, *vis.*, Rs. 100 a year.²⁴
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²⁴ P. D., Vol. III, p. 191.
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All the important forts were furnished with some pieces of artillery, the heavy guns were cleaned once a year and the smaller pieces more frequently.²⁵ There was also a Darukhana or magazine as well as an Ambarkhana or granary in each fort. Old grains were sold out at intervals at the market price and new grains were stored. Towards the close of the Peshwa period the Arabs were largely employed for garrisoning the more important forts of the Maratha empire. Sir Thomas Munro tells us that some small strongholds in the Karnatak were garrisoned by hereditary servants enjoying rent-free land in lieu of their service. Their commander alone was appointed by the state, such an arrangement, it is superfluous to say, could not be conducive to discipline or efficiency.
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²⁵ P. D., Vol. III, p. 191.
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10. *The Artillery* :
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The artillery formed a separate department and was generally manned and officered by the Portuguese and Indian Christians. The pay of an ordinary Portuguese gunner varied from Rs. 15 to Rs. 30 per month during the administration of Balaji Baj Rao as a letter addressed to Shripat Rao Bapuji ²⁸ in 1753-54 shows: "The following artillerymen are sent to you. They should be paid on the first day of each month at the following rate :
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²⁸ P. D., Vol. III, p. 177.
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Joki (Joachim ?) Rs. 30. Manik (Manuk ?) Rs. 25. Pharasis Rudrak (Francisco Rodrigues?) Rs. 12-8. Jacob Rujel (Rozario?) Rs. 12-8. Malakmalkar(?) Rs. 15. Manvel (Manoel ?) Rs. 15."
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The Peshwas had their own factories for manufacturing cannons and cannon balls. Captain William Gordon writes on June 30th, 1739: "I visited the foundry, where I saw many coehorns and bomb shells said to have been cast there, and a form of a thirteen-inch mortar. I was told they make such with great ease, and have learned the art of running iron for making shot." ²⁷ Tone says of Sindhia's firelocks, "His are very excellent ones far superior to the ordinary European arms to be met with in the Bazars." A cannon-ball factory was established at Ambegavan near Votur in Prant Junnar in 1765-66 and a new factory was established at Poona four years later for manufacturing cannons. Unfortunately the Marathas relied mainly on the English and the Portuguese for the supply of artillery and munitions. Maratha officers were often commissioned to purchase these from Bombay ²⁸ while the Portuguese undertook to supply the Peshwa with artilleries of the latest type.²⁹
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²⁷ Forrest, Maratha Series, Vol. I, p. 97.
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Lt. Moor was of opinion that the park of artillery was more of a source of weakness than strength to a Maratha army on march. The following account of the park of artillery from the pen of Major Dirom is of very great interest : "The park of artillery, where all their guns are collected, made an extraordinary appearance. The gun-carriages, in which they trust to the solidity of the timber, and use but little iron in their construction, are clumsy beyond belief; particularly the wheels, which are low, and formed of large solid pieces of wood united. The guns are of all sorts and dimensions; and having the names of their gods given to them, are painted in the most fantastic manner; and many of them, held in esteem for the services they are said to have already performed for the state, cannot now be dispensed with, although in every respect unfit for use. Were the guns even serviceable, the small supply of ammunition with which they are provided has always effectually prevented the Maratha artillery from being formidable to there enemies. * * On a marching day, the guns......move off soon after daylight......the guns and tumbrels, sufficiently unwieldy without further burden, are so heaped with stores and baggage that there does not seem to be any idea of its ever being necessary to unlimber, and prepare for action on the march. As there are no pioneers attached to the Maratha artillery to repair the roads, this deficiency is compensated by an additional number of cattle, there being sometimes a hundred or a hundred and fifty bullocks, in a string of pairs to one gun.³⁰ The European officers who saw the Maratha artillery in operation had all of them a very poor opinion of the men who served it.
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³⁰ Dirom, A Narrative of the Campaign in India, 1792, pp. 11-12.
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The artillery department had also its contingent of Darakhdars as the Sabnis and the Fadnis for its account and clerical work.
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Space will not permit a more detailed treatment of the Maratha military system here, but it will not be out of place to take note of one significant change in the character of the Maratha leaders. They were no longer the hardy simple warriors who could rightly call the saddle their home. When Shivaji led his army to the Carnatak he had with him only two rough small tents, one for himself and the other for his ministers. But the Maratha chiefs who accompanied Sadashiv Rao to the fatal field of Panipat needed like the Mughal officers of Aurangzib costly tents, splendid equipments and comforts and luxuries of all sorts. Even the followers of the homeless Raghoba could not do without a certain amount of pomp and splendour. Forbes writes—"The Maratha cavaliers of distinction frequently ornament their saddles with the bushy tails of the Thibet cows, as also the horse's head. On one side an attendant carries a rich umbrella, called an aftaphgere, generally of velvet, embroidered with gold; on the other, is a man with a large fan, or chouree, formed of the tail of the wild cow from Thibet, covered with long flowing hair, delicately white, and soft as silk: the handle is gold or silver, sometimes studded with jewels........ The cruppers, martingales and bridles of the horses, are ornamented, according to the rank and wealth of the owner, with gold or silver plates, knobs, coins, and a variety of decorations: the tails of the grey horses are frequently dyed of a red and orange colour, and the manes plaited with silk and ribbands, interspersed with silver roses :...... The great men have also servants with gold and silver staves of rich workmanship running before them, called chopdars and assaburdars: a sort of heralds, who sing their praises, and proclaim their titles in the hyperbolic style of the east :... The magnificence of the Indian tents, pavilions, and summinianas, or canopy far exceeds anything of the kind in Europe...... The Mahrattas seem to prefer their tents to houses, and enjoy more pleasure in a camp than a city." ³¹
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³¹ Forbes, Oriental Memoirs, Vol. II. pp. 41-44.
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Shivaji could not countenance the introduction of women into the camp on any account, and he had made it a capital offence. But in the Peshwa days not only the feudal chiefs but even the ordinary horsemen were accompanied by their womenfolk and dancing girls, jugglers and fakirs all flocked to the Maratha camp as a good place of business. Lt. Moor writes, "The number of women with this army (Parsharam Bhau Patwardhan's) could they be at all accurately computed, would not be believed; our estimate so far exceeds the bounds of probability, at least strangers would deem it so, that we are afraid to give it." ³² In the market place or camp bazar not only necessaries of life but commodities of all descriptions found customers. "Raghoba's encampment" Forbes informs us, "covered a space of many square miles; the bazar or market place, belonging to his own division, and to the principal generals, contained many thousand tents, where every trade and profession was carried on with as much regularity as in a city. Goldsmiths, jewellers, bankers, drapers, druggists, confectioners, carpenters, tailors, tent-makers, corn-grinders, and farriers, found employments; as did whole rows of silver, iron, and copper smiths;³³ the bazar did not lack wine-stalls as we learn from Broughton, and votaries of Comus had no grievance. It is needless to say that the non-combatants in a Maratha army far exceeded the combatants.
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³² Moor, Little's Detachment, p. 29.
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³³ Forbes, Oriental Memoirs, Vol. II, p. 48.
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The army was further encumbered by a large number of animals, deemed unnecessary in Shivaji's time. "The number and variety of cattle necessarily attendant on an Asiatic army is astonishing;" writes a European eye-witness, "there were at least two hundred thousand in the Maratha camp of every description; the expense of feeding these animals, as also the difficulty of procuring provender, is very great; and their distress for water in a parched country and sultry climate, often fatal. Exclusive of the Mahratta cavalry trained to war, were many thousand horses belonging to the camp-followers; the bazar alone required twenty thousand bullocks to convey the commodities of the shop-keepers, besides a number of small horses and asses. Some thousand camels were employed to carry the tents and baggage; but the elephants, proud of their distinguished elevation, were appropriated to some honourable service, or covered with caparisons of embroidered velvets and scarlet cloth, decorated with gold and silver fringe, were destined to carry the houdahs of Ragobah and his chief officers with majestic pace to join the princely retinue on state occasions." ³⁴
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³⁴ Forbes, Oriental Memoirs, Vol. II, p. 54.
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This vast horde of men, women, children and cattle relied for a steady and regular supply of grains on the Brinjaras, a hardy tribe of nomads and brave carriers who plied the double trade of plunderers and corn-dealers. They did not hesitate to procure their merchandise by force when it could not be obtained by honourable purchase and were always prepared to take an active part in the military operations of their warlike customers.
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It is needless to say that the vast feudal army of the Peshwas could not be mobilised at a moment's notice. The Feudal chiefs were scattered all over the empire, and when an urgent summons reached them they were not always able to hasten to the Peshwa's standard. Ambitious and powerful chiefs like the Sindhia found it necessary to maintain a big army, but the lesser barons found it profitable to employ in times of peace as few horsemen as possible. The Peshwa, moreover, was unable to finance a military expedition and the feudal chiefs had to find money for themselves. It appears that very few Maratha chiefs had a surplus or reserve fund to fall upon and on such occasions they had to rely on moneylenders. It is on this account that rich bankers like Gokul Parekh could rise to the position of Daulat Rao Sindhia's principal minister.³⁵ When the war was over the Peshwa's government had to grant fresh Jagirs to the feudal chief to pay off the debt he had incurred in the service of the state. This however led to numerous and interminable altercations between the feudal Barons and the audit officers of the Peshwa. The ultimate result was invariably an addition to the feudal chief's Jagir and consequent increase of his power. The process went on till in the closing years of the Maratha empire, the ruling Peshwa had very little power or prestige left. The personal defects of the last Peshwa did to a certain extent contribute to this result, but it was not a little due to the inherent defects of the system.
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³⁵ Imperial Records Nomenclature, 1814, Vol. 129, p. 107.