Administrative System of the Marathas c27.s3: 3. Farmans and Sanads
Administrative System of the Marathas c27.s3
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3. Farmans and Sanads
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These were the principles that the Muhammadan Emperors endeavoured to enforce; they were never tired of repeating them in every farman they issued to their Revenue officers. Two such farmans have been translated by Prof. Jadunath Sarkar in his *Studies in Mughal India*a and though the documents are very lengthy, their intrinsic interest and value will fully justify the quotation of some extracts from them. After the usual preamble, it is laid down—"That officers of the present and future and *'amils* of the Empire of Hindusthan from end to end, should collect the revenue and other [dues] from the *mahals* in the proportion and manner fixed in the luminous Law and shining orthodox Faith, and [according to] whatever has been meant and sanctioned in this gracious mandate in pursuance of the correct and trustworthy Traditions,—
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And they should not demand new orders every year, and should consider delay and transgression as the cause of their disgrace in this world and the next.
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*First.*—They should practise benevolence to the cultivators, inquire into their condition, and exert themselves judiciously and tactfully, so that [the cultivators] may joyfully and heartily try to increase the cultivation, and every arable tract may be brought under tillage.
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*Second.*—At the beginning of the year inform yourself, as far as possible, about the condition of every ryot, as to whether they are engaged in cultivation or are abstaining from it. If they can cultivate, ply them with inducements and assurances of kindness; and if they desire favour in any matter show them that favour. But if after inquiry it is found that, in spite of their being able to till and having had rainfall, they are abstaining from cultivation, you should urge and threaten them and employ force and beating. Where the revenue is fixed proclaim to the peasants that it will be realised from them whether they cultivate the land or not. If you find that the peasants are unable to procure the implements of tillage, advance to them money from the State in the form of *taqavi* after taking security.
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a Pp. 168-196.
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*Sixth.*—fix such an amount that the ryots may not be ruined.
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*Seventh.*—You may change fixed revenue into share of crop, or *vice versa*, if the ryots desire it: otherwise not.
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*Ninth.*—In lands subject to fixed revenues, if any non-preventable calamity overtakes a sown field, you ought to inquire carefully, and grant remission to the extent of the calamity, as required by the truth and the nature of the case. And in realising revenue in kind from the remnant, see that a net one-half [of the produce] is left to the ryots.
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*Fourteenth.—Concerning lands under fixed revenue:* If a man builds a house on his land he should pay rent as fixed before; and the same thing if he plants on the land trees without fruits. If he turns an arable land, on which revenue was assessed, for cultivation into a garden, and plants fruit trees on the whole tract without leaving any open spaces [fit for cultivation], take Rs. 2 3/8, which is the highest revenue for gardens, although the trees are not yet bearing fruit. But in the case of grape and almond trees, while they do not bear fruit take the customary revenue only, and after they have begun to bear fruit, take Rs. 2 1/4, provided that the produce of one canonical *bigha*, which means 45 x 45 ShahJahani yards, or 60 x 60 canonical yards, amounts to Rs. 5 1/2 or more.
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*Fifteenth.—*If any man turns his land into a cemetery or *serai* in endowment, regard its revenue as remitted.
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*Eighteenth.—*In *muqasema* lands, if any calamity overtakes the crop, remit the revenue to the amount of the injury. And if the calamity happens after reaping the grain or before reaping, gather revenue on the portion that remains safe."
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This *farman* was addressed to Muhammad Hashim, Dewan of Gujrat, in the 11th year of Emperor Aurangzib 'Alamgir. The document is so lengthy that it has not been possible to quote it in full with all the items and the commentaries. The second document translated by Prof. Sarkar was addressed to one Rasikdas. This officer is ordered to make a detailed enquiry about the condition of cultivation in the districts under his charge and the document reads almost like the concluding portion of Annaji Datto's circular letter quoted in Book I. The Emperor orders, "You should inquire into the real circumstances of every village in the *parganahs* under your *diwans* and *amins*, namely, what is the extent of the arable land in it? What proportion of this total is actually under cultivation, and what portion not? What is the amount of the full crop every year? What is the cause of those lands lying uncultivated? Also find out, what was the system of revenue collection in the reign of Akbar under the diwani administration of Tudar Mal? Is the amount of the *sair* cess the same as under the old regulations, or was it increased at His Majesty's accession? How many *mauzas* are cultivated and how many desolate? What is the cause of the desolation? After inquiring into all these matters, exert yourself to bring all arable lands under tillage, by giving correct agreements (*qaul*) and proper promises, and to increase the first-rate crops. Where there are disused wells, try to repair them, and also to dig new ones. And assess their revenue in such a way that the ryots at large may get their dues and the Government revenue may be collected at the right time and no ryot may be oppressed."
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Rasikdas is further enjoined to make local enquiry through his *amils* as to the condition of the cultivation and to take a statistics of cultivators and ploughs, encourage the cultivator to increase the sowing and the extent of cultivation and to improve the quality of the produce, to make the *amils* work hard in order to induce the runaway peasants to return, to gather cultivators from all sides by offering them various inducements and to devise means for the reclamation of waste lands.⁴ The outstanding arrears were to be realised by instalments "according to the condition of the ryots."⁵ The exaction of prohibited *abwabs* was to be checked and prevented.⁶ And finally the papers of the records were to be gathered at the right time.⁷
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⁴ Studies in Mughal India, p. 191.
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⁵ Ibid, p. 192.
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⁶ Ibid, p. 194.
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⁷ Ibid, p. 196.
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The Marathas were no rivals of the Mughals in their literary achievements, and their language did not permit the flowery style and pompous grandiloquence for which Persian literature is famous. It will be therefore futile to expect that the terms of a Marathi appointment letter should in every detail and word for word tally with the revenue regulations quoted above. The Marathi document is terse, succinct and brief and lacks the preamble and the ornate style of a Mughal *farman*, but a close comparison of the two leaves no doubt that the one was inspired by the other so far as the general revenue principles were concerned. In the appointment letter of Lakshman Bhikaji, Mamlatdar of Wan and Dindori, for instance, we find the following instructions laid down for his guidance:
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1. The villages in the above-mentioned Parganas should be surveyed. The lands should be classed as superior, ordinary and inferior and also as jirayat and bagayat, patsthal and motsthal, and their area should be ascertained and the result should be reported to the Amin. The Amin should fix the rates to be charged and the assessment should be made accordingly.
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2. The waste and fallow lands should be brought under cultivation within two or three years from the current year. If you fail to bring waste lands under cultivation, you will lose your appointment.
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3. If any serious disturbance or rebellion takes place, remission of rent will be made according to the custom of the land.
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4. Fadfadmas will be fixed by the Government hereafter and paid accordingly.
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5. Kauls of istawa have been granted to certain villages in these Parganas. You should make an enquiry about them and having ascertained which villages are unprofitable, report the result to the Amin. The Amin will consider the report and make necessary arrangements by which you should be guided.
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6. Full information regarding the Parganas should be furnished to the Amin. He would then lay down the system of Jamabandi according to which collection should be made.¹
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¹ P.D., Vol. III, pp. 289-295.
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Of course we do not come across all the instructions quoted from the farman addressed to Muhammad Hashim. But it should be remembered that while Muhammad Hashim was the Dewan of a province, Lakshman Bhikaji was in charge of a few Parganas only. Similarly the farman addressed to Rasikdas also differs in certain details from that addressed to Muhammad Hashim. But some of the revenue regulations that we miss in Lakshman Bhikaji's sanad will be found in other sanads granted by the Peshwas' Government. Thus reference has already been made in Book II of tagai or taqavi loan mentioned in the Mughal farmans. In the same book mention has also been made of efforts made by the Peshwas' Government to induce runaway peasants to return to their villages and resume the cultivation of their deserted fields. In Book I a quotation has been made from Sabhasad to show how Shivaji also wanted his revenue officers to use conciliation and reassurances in gathering together cultivators from all sides with praiseworthy diligence. And the surveyors and inspectors mentioned by Abul Fazl naturally reminds one of the Maratha Pahanidars. This establishes beyond doubt the close intimacy between the Maratha and the Mughal systems.
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But it will be a mistake to suppose that the Muhammadans simply transmitted the old Hindu system and did not add to it anything of their own. It has not been possible to quote the two documents in full, but it is necessary to mention that in some of the omitted instructions the Emperor Aurangzib makes distinction between tithe-paying and rent-paying lands which is certainly Islamic in origin. This distinction naturally did not find any place in the Maratha system which as we have already noticed (in Book II) recognised the claims of Brahmans to various concessions.
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Item fourteenth of Muhammad Hashim's farman claims our special attention, as it deals with jirayat lands converted into bagayat and also with special concession made for costly plantations which do not yield any immediate profit to the cultivator. The principle, as laid down here, is based on the orthodox Muhammadan theories of finance. Aghnides says that the rates for trees, palms and sugarcane plantations, according to al-Mawardi were ten, eight and six dirhams respectively. "The above taxes," says he, "concerning trees applied only in case they were closely planted in such a way that cultivation of the intervening space was impossible, for isolated trees growing in cultivated fields were exempt from tax for the land was then taxed as a cultivated land." ⁹ This principle the Marathas did not accept *in toto*. They laid special rates for the orchards and sugarcane plantations, while cocoanut palms as well as Undani and jack fruit trees were taxed as individual trees. But no tax was levied until the palms and trees began to pay. Thus in this case the Marathas did not either reject or accept in full the principle of taxing palms and other trees, as enunciated by Muhammadan theologians and introduced in India by Musulman conquerors, but somewhat altered it to suit their purpose.
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⁹ Aghnides, Mohammedan Theories of Finance, p. 379.
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4. *Paymalli Compensation*:
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It was not infrequently that the Marathas accepted the policy or principles, good, bad, or indifferent, as they had been transmitted by their Muhammadan predecessors. One such instance is found in the Maratha custom of compensating aggrieved peasants and villagers for *paymalli* or loss caused by the Peshwas' forces when encamped near a village by treading on the crops in the neighbouring fields. Abdul Hamid Lahori, the author of *Badshah Nama*, tells us that such *paymalli* compensation was paid by Emperor Shah Jahan in the seventh year of his reign. "His Majesty's sense of justice and consideration, for his subjects," says Abdul Hamid, "induced him to order that the *Bakshi* of the *ahadis* with his archers should take charge of one side of the road, and the *Mir-atish* with his matchlock-men should guard the other, so that the growing crops should not be trampled under foot by the followers of the royal train. As, however, damage might be caused *daroghas*, *mushrifs* and *amins* were appointed to examine and report on the extent of the mischief, so that raiyats, and jagirdars under 1000, might be compensated for the individual loss they had sustained." ¹⁰ It may however appear from the language of Abdul Hamid that this compensation was a pure act of kindness and grace on the part of Shah Jahan, and not an obligation. Of course there is no obligation for an autocrat, but it was really a common practice of the Delhi Emperors and was continued by Shah Jahan's successors. Irvine says, "Even in the best time of the monarchy and under the strictest commanders the course of an army was marked by desolation. There were great destruction of growing crops when the army passed through a fairly cultivated country. Compensation under the name of *paemali* "foot treading," was certainly allowed, according to the rules, in the shape of a remission of revenue on the land injured, but this must have been a very incomplete indemnification for the loss of the crop." ¹¹ It was "in the shape of a remission of revenue on the land injured" that the Peshwas' Government paid the *paemali* compensation, and there is reason to believe that in their case too the remission bore but a poor proportion to the loss sustained. It is, therefore, clear that in this instance at least the Marathas meekly followed the Mughal example which so far as the compensation itself was concerned was a laudable one. But the compensation naturally reminds one of the cause of the loss. It was as Irvine informs us the "great destruction of growing crops" by the Mughal forces, which could not be prevented by the strictest commander even in the best days of the monarchy.¹² So the Marathas were not the only offenders. Desolation was caused and growing crops had been destroyed by the Mughal forces too even while passing through the imperial territories in peaceful times, but the Maratha horseman has earned his unenviable notoriety as a plunderer and robber, because perhaps he was more thorough, more quick, more cunning and not because he was more ruthless, or less amenable to discipline than his Mughal brother.
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¹⁰ Elliot and Dowson, Vol. VII, p. 43.
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¹¹ Irvine, Army of the Indian Moghuls, pp. 192-193.
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¹² Manucci writes about the oppression of the Mughal army: "Besides all these inflictions they have other losses, for when the soldiery passes through they plunder every thing they can lay hands on, cattle, food-supplies, grass straw; they destroy houses to get fire wood and on the villagers' heads they load their baggage, and by dint of blows force them to carry it". Manucci, ed, Irvine, Vol. II, p. 452.
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REVENUE POLICY (*concluded*)