[Pramāṇa](https://indike.org/pramana/) › [Studies](https://indike.org/pramana/ins) › [Polity, law and society](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity) › [Shudras in Ancient India: A Social History of the Lower Order down to circa A.D. 600](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958) › c8 # Shudras in Ancient India: A Social History of the Lower Order down to circa A.D. 600 c8: Chapter I: Historiography and Approach Śūdras in Ancient India: A Social History of the Lower Order down to circa A.D. 600 c8 - **Language:** English ### Chapter I: Historiography and Approach ### [c8.2](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.2) The modern study of the ancient Indian social order owed its inception to the efforts of the East India Company, which could not govern an alien people without some knowledge of their institutions. The preface to \*A Code of Gentoo Laws\* (1776), one of the first English works which have some bearing on the early social history of India, states that "the importance of the commerce of India and the advantages of a territorial establishment in Bengal" could be maintained only by "an adoption of such original institutes of the country, as do not intimately clash with the laws or interests of the conquerors."¹ In his preface to the translation of the \*Manu Smṛti\* (1794) Sir William Jones, the father of modern Indology, adds that, if this policy is pursued, "the well-directed industry" of "many millions of Hindu subjects" "would largely add to the wealth of Britain."² Four years later, on the basis of these sources, Colebrooke wrote an essay on the "Enumeration of Indian classes",³ which appeared to him among the most remarkable institutions of India.⁴ Soon after, in 1818 these sources were utilised by Mill to describe the caste system in his \*History of India\*. Discussing the disabilities of the śūdras he came to the conclusion that the vices of caste subordination were carried to a more destructive height among the Hindus than among any other people,⁵ and remarked that the hideous society of the Hindus continued in his times. But from the same sources Elphinstone (1841) deduced that the condition of the śūdras “was much better than that of the public slaves under some ancient republics, and, indeed, than that of the villains of the middle ages, or any other servile class with which we are acquainted”.¹ He also perceived that such a servile class did not exist any longer in his time.² ### [c8.3](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.3) ¹ \*Vivādārṇavasetu\*, Translator's preface, p. IX. This work was translated from English into German in 1778. ### [c8.4](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.4) ² \*Institutes of Hindu Law\*, Preface, p. XIX. Cf. Discourse of Colebrooke in the first general meeting of \*RAS\*(15 March, 1823), \*Essays\*, i, 1-2. ### [c8.5](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.5) ³ \*Essays\*, ii, 157-70. ### [c8.6](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.6) ⁴ \*Ibid.\*, ii, 157. ### [c8.7](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.7) ⁵ \*The History of India\*, ii, 166; i, 166-9; 169 fn. 1. It seems that Mill's generalizations about the history of India exercised the most dominant influence on later British historians. ### [c8.8](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.8) ¹ The History of India, i, 34. ### [c8.9](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.9) ² Ibid., 107. ### [c8.10](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.10) But there is no doubt that many age-old social practices continued into the 19th century. The glaring contrast between the rising industrial society of England and the old decaying society of India³ attracted the attention of the educated intelligentsia, who were being permeated with the spirit of nationalism. They realised that the practices of sati, lifelong widowhood, child marriage, and caste endogamy were great obstacles to national progress. Since these practices were supposed to derive sanction from the Dharmaśāstras, it was felt that necessary reforms could be effected easily if they could be proved to be in consonance with the sacred texts. Thus in 1818 Rammohan Roy published his first tract against sati, in which he tried to show that, according to the śāstras, it was not the best way for the salvation of a woman.⁴ In the fifties of the same century Ishwarchandra Vidyasagar ransacked Smṛti literature in order to make out a case for widow remarriage.⁵ In 1879 Swami Dayanand, the founder of the Ārya Samāj, brought out a collection of original Sanskrit texts called the Satyārthaprakāśa to support widow remarriage, rejection of caste based on birth,⁶ and the śūdras’ right to Vedic education.⁷ We do not know how far the early social reformers drew inspiration from the contemporary works of the British scholar Muir,⁸ who tried to prove that the belief in the origin of the four varṇas from the primeaval man did not exist in ancient times,⁹ and from those of the German scholar Weber, who presented the first important critical study of the caste system on the basis of the Brāhmaṇas and the Sūtras.¹ ### [c8.11](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.11) ³ In 1902 an old Indian writer laments that the brāhmaṇas should be made to take their place below Eurasian (Anglo-Indian) industrialists. J. C. Ghosh, Brahmanism and Sudra, p. 46. ### [c8.12](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.12) ⁴ The English Works of Rammohan Roy, i, Introd., pp. XVIII; ii, 123-192. ### [c8.13](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.13) ⁵ R.G. Bhandarkar, Collected Works, ii, 498. ### [c8.14](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.14) ⁶ Satyārthaprakāśa, 4th samullāsa, pp. 83-92, 113-122. ### [c8.15](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.15) ⁷ Ibid., 3rd samullāsa, pp. 39, 73-74. ### [c8.16](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.16) ⁸ Original Sanskrit Texts, i. ### [c8.17](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.17) ¹ \*Indische Studien\*, x, 1-160. ### [c8.18](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.18) On the occasion of the introduction of the Age of Consent Bill in 1891, Sir R. G. Bhandarkar brought out a well-documented pamphlet citing Sanskrit texts to establish that a girl should be married only when she attains maturity. On the other hand B.G. Tilak, to whom any stick was good enough to beat the alien rulers, cited texts against this Bill.² ### [c8.19](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.19) ² R.G. Bhandarkar \*Collected Works\*, ii, 538-83. Also see Bhandarkar's criticism of Jolly's article on the "History of Child Marriage", \*Ibid.\*, 584-602. ### [c8.20](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.20) This tendency to quote ancient scriptures in support of modern reforms can be well summed up in the words of R. G. Bhandarkar (1895): "In ancient times girls were married after they had attained maturity, now they must be married before; widow marriage was in practice, now it has entirely gone out. ... Interdining among the castes was not prohibited, now the numberless castes...cannot have intercommunication of that nature."³ ### [c8.21](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.21) ³ \*Collected Works\*, ii, 522-23. ### [c8.22](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.22) But the attempt of the Indian scholars to present their early social institutions in a form more palatable to the modern mind did not always commend itself to western writers. Thus Senart (1896) pointed out that the castes are compared by Hindus of English upbringing with the social distinctions that exist among Europeans, but that they correspond only very remotely to western social classes.⁴ Similarly Hopkins (1881) stated that the position of the śūdra was not different from that of the American house slave before 1860.⁵ Reviewing Hopkins' generalizations, Hillebrandt (1896) held that the position of the śūdras should be judged in comparison with the slaves of the ancient world and not in the context of developments in later times.⁶ ### [c8.23](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.23) ⁴ \*Caste in India\*, pp. 12-13. ### [c8.24](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.24) ⁵ \*Mutual Relations of the Four Castes in Manu\*, p. 102. ### [c8.25](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.25) ⁶ Hillebrandt, "Brāhmaṇen und Śūdras", \*Festschrift für Karl Weinhold\*, p. 57. ### [c8.26](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.26) Criticising Hopkins, Ketkar (1911) complains that European writers are influenced by their ideas of racial discrimination against the Negroes, and hence unduly exaggerate this in their treatment of the caste system.¹ The main trend noticeable in the works of recent Indian writers such as Ketkar, Dutt, Ghurye and others is to present the system in such a way as may help to recast it in response to present requirements.² Thus it would appear that problems of ancient Indian society have been largely studied against the background of struggle between the reformist and orthodox schools. The dominant motives of reform and nationalism have undoubtedly produced valuable works on India’s early social life; but what appeared to be seamy and ugly in comparison with modern standards came to be either ignored or explained away unconvincingly. For instance, it has been argued that the disabilities of the śūdras did not reduce their happiness or well-being.³ ### [c8.27](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.27) ¹ Ketkar, \*History of Caste\*, p. 78, fn. 3. ### [c8.28](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.28) ² Ketkar, \*op. cit.\*, p. 9; Radhakrishnan’s foreword to Valavalkar’s \*Hindu Social Institutions\*. The works of Dutt and Ghurye display a better historical sense, but see Dutt, \*op. cit.\*, Preface, p. VI. ### [c8.29](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.29) ³ On the basis of the \*Śukranīti-sāra\*, Sarkar, \*Hindu Sociology\*, p. 92-95. cf. K. V. Rangaswami Aiyangar, \*Indian Comeralism\*, p. 85. ### [c8.30](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.30) It is this tendency to concentrate on favourable aspects of early social life that accounts for the almost complete absence of works on the position of the śūdras in ancient India. Even European writers gave their attention mainly to the study of the upper classes of Hindu society. Thus Muir devoted 188 pages to the legends of struggles between brāhmaṇas and kṣatriyas,⁴ and Hopkins (1889) presented a comprehensive study of the “Position of Ruling Caste in Ancient India.”⁵ The admirable work of Fick (1897) on the social organization of north-eastern India also mainly confined itself to the treatment of kṣatriyas, brāhmaṇas and gahapatis or seṭṭhis. It is difficult to explain these writers’ lack of interest in the fortunes of the lower orders unless we suppose that their vision was circumscribed by the dominant class outlook of their age. ### [c8.31](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.31) ⁴ \*Original Sanskrit Texts\*, i, Ch. IV. ### [c8.32](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.32) ⁵ \*JAOS\*, xiii, 57-376. ### [c8.33](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.33) The first independent work on the śūdras was a short article by V. S. Śāstri (1922), who discussed the philosophical basis of the term śūdra.¹ In another article (1923) on this subject he tried to show that the śūdras could perform Vedic rituals.² In a paper published in 1947 Ghoshal dealt with the status of the śūdras in the Dharmaśūtras.³ A valuable article was by a Russian writer G. F. Ilyin (1950),⁴ who, on the basis of the Dharmaśāstra evidence,⁵ demonstrated that śūdras were not slaves. The only monograph on śūdras (1946) was published by a well-known Indian politician, who confined himself to the question of their origin.⁶ The author was entirely dependent for his source-material on translations,⁷ and, what is worse, he seems to have worked with the fixed purpose of proving a high origin for the śūdras, a tendency which has been very much in evidence among the educated sections of the lower caste people in recent times. A single passage of the Śānti Parvan, which states that the śūdra Paijavana performed sacrifice, is sufficient to establish the thesis that śūdras were originally kṣatriyas.⁸ The author did not bother himself about the complex of various circumstances which led to the formation of the labouring class known as the śūdras. A recent work⁹ (1957), allied to our subject, brings together scattered information on labourers in ancient India, but does not make any significant addition to our knowledge. The main object of this book is to explore the field of Labour Economics in ancient India, and in doing so the author notices in the past parallels to modern wage-boards, arbitrators, social security etc., with the result that this work suffers from much modernism. Moreover, the book mainly draws on the \*Arthaśāstra\* of Kauṭilya, is sketchy, and lacks historical sense. ### [c8.34](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.34) ² “The Status of the Śūdra in Ancient India”, Viswa Bharati Quarterly, i, 268-278. ### [c8.35](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.35) ³ IC, xiv, 21-27. 4. Śūdras und sklaven in den altindischen Gesetzbüchern” in Sowjetwissenschaft, 1952, 2 tr. from Vestnik drevnei istorii. 1950, No. 2, pp. 94-107. ### [c8.36](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.36) ⁵ Kane’s compilation of the Dharmaśāstra extracts regarding śūdras provide valuable raw material for an historical study of their position. Chitra Tiwari’s Śūdras in Manu (1963) does not add to our understanding. ### [c8.37](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.37) ⁶ Ambedkar, Who were the Shudras? 7. Ibid., Preface, p. IV. ### [c8.38](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.38) ⁸ It is to be noticed that in recent caste movements man śūdra castes claim to be kṣatriyas. Thus the Dusādhas claim to be the descendants of Duḥśāsamana, and the Goālās those of the Yadus. ### [c8.39](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.39) ⁹ K. M. Saran, Labour in Ancient India. ### [c8.40](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.40) The present work has been undertaken not only to provide an adequate treatment of the position of the śūdras in ancient times, but also to evaluate their modern characterizations, either based on insufficient data, or inspired by reformist or anti-reformist motives. An attempt will be made to present a connected and systematic account of the various developments in the position of the śūdras down to \*circa\* A. D. 500. ### [c8.41](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.41) Since the śūdras were regarded as the labouring class, in this study particular attention has been paid to the investigation of their material conditions and the nature of their economic and social relations with the members of the higher varṇas. This has naturally involved the study of the position of slaves, with whom the śūdras were considered identical. The untouchables are also theoretically placed in the category of śūdras, and hence their origin and position has also been discussed in some detail. ### [c8.42](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.42) The position of the lowest order in ancient Indian society cannot be studied without raising a few questions. What led to the formation of the śūdra community? If the śūdras were meant for serving the three higher orders, can they be categorised as slaves? Was ancient Indian society a slave society? How far does the ritual status of the śūdras correspond to their economic status? Did the reforming religious sects bring about any fundamental change in the position of the lower orders or did they try to contain and stabilise the changes that had occurred on account of other factors? Did the role of the lower orders in the economic system undergo any change over the centuries? How is it that the twice-born vaiśyas came to be reduced to the level of the śūdras and śūdras placed on a par with the vaiśyas? How do we explain the proliferation of the servile orders towards the end of the period of our study? How did the śūdras react to their servility and disabilities? Why are social revolts comparatively absent in ancient India? We have tried to tackle these and similar other problems. ### [c8.43](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.43) This study has to be mainly based on literary sources, the precise dating of which or of their various parts has been a baffling problem. We have adopted the generally accepted chronology of the literary texts, but in the case of differences of opinion we have indicated our own reasons for adopting an unconventional dating. ### [c8.44](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.44) Although the texts belong to different periods, they repeat \*ad nauseam\* the same formulae and terminologies, which make it difficult to detect changes in society; hence special attention has been paid to the study of variants. Many of these texts cannot be understood without the aid of the commentators, who not unoften project the ideas of their own times into earlier periods. ### [c8.45](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.45) Further, the literary texts, brāhmaṇical and non-brāhmaṇical, seek to establish the supremacy of the brāhmaṇas or of the kṣatriyas, or of both, but they hardly show any sympathy for the śūdras. It is argued that the Dharmaśāstras and other treatises are books written by the enemies of the śūdras and as such have no evidential value.¹ But the law-books of other ancient societies also follow the principle of class legislation as the Dharmaśāstras do; unfortunately for lack of sufficient data we cannot definitely say how far the Dharmaśāstra laws were followed. ### [c8.46](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.46) ¹ Ambedkar, \*op. cit.\*, p. 114. ### [c8.47](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.47) Myths and rituals with which ancient texts are replete form an important source for the reconstruction of social history. Recently under the influence of some sociologists a few Western Sanskritists have started questioning the validity of this method. They attribute all kinds of symbolical meanings to rituals and connect many of them with the creation processes. We cannot ignore fertility rites, but it should be noted that they underscore the importance of the production of plants, animals and human beings. The operation of rituals in day-to-day life shows that they originate in reality, and change with change in real life. Hence studies in rituals cannot be discarded by social historians. Some shreds of reality cannot be denied to myths. It was in response to certain social needs that the original 8000 verses of the \*Mahābhārata\* were first raised to 24000 and then finally to 100000. ### [c8.48](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.48) Since the history of social classes cannot be followed in isolation from developments in material life, changes in material culture in time sequence have been indicated on the basis of archaeology and inscriptions. At various stages the impact of settled agricultural life, flourishing trade and land grants on the social formation has been examined, and its implications for occupational and territorial mobility discussed. ### [c8.49](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.49) In order to explain and illustrate certain developments in the position of the śūdras, wherever possible comparisons have been made with similar developments in other ancient societies and among primitive peoples known to anthropology. ### [c8.50](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.50) In 1847 it was suggested by Roth that the śūdras might have been outside the pale of the Āryan society.¹ Since then it has usually been held that the fourth varṇa of brāhmaṇical society was mainly formed by the non-Āryan population, who were reduced to that position by the Āryan conquerors.² This view continues to derive support from the analogy of conflict between the white-coloured Europeans and the non-white population of Asia and Africa. ### [c8.51](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.51) ¹ ZDMG, i, 84. ### [c8.52](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.52) ² VI, ii, 265, 388; R.C. Dutt, A History of Civ. in Anc. India, i, 2; Senart, Caste in India, p. 83; N. K. Dutt, Origin and Growth of Caste in India. pp. 151-52; Ghurye, Caste and Class, pp. 151-52; D. R. Bhandarkar, Some Aspects of Ancient Indian Culture, p. 10. ### [c8.53](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.53) In such a postulate the Āryan conquerors are codsidered to be identical with the Ārya race, and the non-Āryans with the Dāsa and Dasyu races. But it has been shown by H. W. Bailey that the racial import cannot be drawn uniformly from the term ārya in all the Ṛg Vedic references in which it is used. The term can be derived from the base ar, which means to get.³ In the Iranian references the term ārya stands for possessor or noble,⁴ and its extension ārya does not have a different sense in the Vedic texts,⁵ not to speak of its use in the sense of noble or civilised in post-Vedic Sanskrit and Buddhist and Jain texts.⁶ "The ārya are the party of the poets, and certainly it is a laudatory epithet".⁷ From all this it may be inferred that the leaders of the Rg Vedic people or gods who are extolled in the hymns as ārya were either possessors of wealth or noble or both. But too much cannot be made of their wealth. In a predominantly pastoral society the existing forms of property could not be accumulated on any scale.¹ Therefore the Rg Vedic society was organised neither on the basis of social division of labour nor on that of differences in wealth. The Rg Vedic society was primarily organised on the basis of kin, tribe, and lineage. The terms used for various types of kin-based units occur frequently. Thus jana is mentioned about 275 times and viś about 170 times. Similarly gaṇa and vrāta repeatedly occur. These units seem to be fairly large, because kula, which stands for family and later for noble family, is mentioned only once in the Rg Veda, and that too as a part of the term kulapā. However if the term gṛha is taken in the sense of family, it is mentioned many times in the Rg Veda, although these occurrences are less than 100 and therefore far less frequent than those in the case of jana and viś. The ‘Aryan’ tribes mentioned in the Rg Veda may not have belonged to the same ethnic stock, but they were united by a common language and a common style of life. The term Āryan therefore used by us may be understood in this sense. ### [c8.54](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.54) ³ H.W. Bailey, "Iranian Arya and Daha-", Transactions of the Philological Society, 1959, 71-83. ### [c8.55](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.55) ⁴ The relevant passages to which these meanings suit have been quoted in Ibid., 70-94. ### [c8.56](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.56) ⁵ Ibid., 103-104. ### [c8.57](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.57) ⁶ Ibid., 102-103. ### [c8.58](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.58) ⁷ Ibid., 102. ### [c8.59](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.59) ¹ R. S. Sharma, “Forms of Property in the Early Portions of the Rg Veda,” Essays in Honour of Prof. S.C. Sarkar, pp. 39-50. ### [c8.60](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.60) Although it has been argued that the Dāsas and Dasyus were racially not non-Ārya,² in our opinion this is far more true of the Dāsa. As will be shown later, the Dasyus are represented as speaking probably a different language and having a different life-style, which does not seem to be the case with the Dāsa. Further the Dāsas were organised into tribe called viś, which is a term used for Vedic people or tribes. Seen in this light the conflict between the Ārya and the Dāsa would appear to be the one within the fold of the Vedic tribes leading more or less the same type of life. In the numerous hymns of the Rg Veda, which are repeated in the Atharva Veda, the Āryan god Indra appears as the conqueror of the Dāsas, who mostly appear to have been human beings. It is said that Indra consigned the base Dāsa varṇa to the cave.¹ As the controller of the world, he takes upon himself the task of bringing the Dāsas into subjection,² and is asked to prepare himself for their destruction.³ The recurring theme of the Ṛg Vedic prayers to Indra is the request for the overthrow of the Dāsa tribes (viśas).⁴ Indra is also represented as having deprived the Dasyus of all good qualities, and as having subjugated the Dāsas.⁵ ### [c8.61](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.61) ² Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, ii, 387. ### [c8.62](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.62) ¹ yenémá víśvācyávanā kṛtáni, yó dásam várṇamádharam gúhakaḥ. RV. II. 12. 4. AV, XX. 34. 4. ### [c8.63](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.63) ² ...yathāvaśám nayati dásamáryaḥ RV, V. 34. 6. ### [c8.64](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.64) ³ ...dásaveśdya cávaḥ. RV, II. 13.8. Sāyaṇa interprets this as the destruction of the dāsas, but VI, i, 358 takes it as the name of a Dāsa. ### [c8.65](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.65) ⁴ RV, II, 11.4; VI. 25.2; and X. 148.2. ### [c8.66](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.66) ⁵ RV, IV. 28.4. ### [c8.67](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.67) There are more references to the destruction or subjugation of the Dasyus by Indra than of the Dāsas. It is stated that having killed the Dasyus he protected the Āryan varṇa.⁶ Prayer is made to him to fight against the Dasyus in order to increase the strength of the Āryans.⁷ It is significant that there are at least twelve references to the slaughter of the Dasyus, mostly by Indra.⁸ On the contrary, although there are references to the killing of individual Dāsas, the word dāsahatya does not occur anywhere. This indicates that the two were not identical and may suggest that the Āryans followed a policy of ruthless extermination towards the Dasyus, which, in the case of the Dāsas, was tempered with moderation. ### [c8.68](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.68) ⁶ ...hatví’dásyūnpráryam várṇamāvat. RV, III. 34.9; AV, XX. 11.9 (not in the Paippalāda recension). ### [c8.69](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.69) ⁷ I. 103.3; AV, XX. 20.4. ### [c8.70](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.70) ⁸ The term dásyu-hátyā occurs in RV, I. 51.5-6, 103. 4; X. 95.7, 99.7. Dásyu-ghná occurs in RV, IV. 16. 10 and dásyu-hán in RV, X. 47. 4. Dásyuhán-tama occurs in RV. VI. 16.15, VIII. 39.8, and is reproduced in VS, XI. 34. There are many other references to the hostility between the Āryans and Dasyus, viz. RV, V. 7. 10, VII. 5.6. etc. Indra is called dásyu-há in RV, I. 100. 12; VI. 45.24; VIII. 76. 11, 77. 3. There are similar references to the slaughter of Dasyus by Indra in AV, III. 10 12; VIII. 8. 5, 7; IX, 2.17 & 18; X. 3.11; XIX. 46.2: XX. 11.6, 21.4, 29.4, 34.10, 37.4, 42.2, 64.3, and by Agni in AV, I. 7.1; XI, 1.2. Manyu is called dásyu-há in AV, IV. 32.3. ### [c8.71](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.71) The fight between the Āryans and their opponents mainly took the form of the destruction of the fortresses and walled settlements of the latter. Both the Dāsas and Dasyus were in possession of numerous fortified settlements,¹ which are also associated with the enemies of the Āryans in a general way.² This naturally reminds us of the later discoveries of fortifications in the Harappā settlements,³ although so far we have not been able to get any clear archaeological evidence of mass-scale confrontation between the Āryans and the Harappans. It seems that the nomadic Āryans coveted the wealth of their enemies accumulated in the settlements, for the possession of which there went on a regular warfare between them.⁴ The worshipper expects that all those who make no oblation should be killed and their wealth should be given to the people.⁵ The Dasyus are described as rich (\*dhaninaḥ\*) but without sacrifice.⁶ Mention is made of two Dāsa chiefs who are called wealth-seeking.⁷ Desire is expressed that through Indra⁸ the might of the Dāsa be subdued, and his collected wealth be divided among the people. The Dasyus also possessed jewels and gold, which probably excited the greed of the Āryans.⁹ But to a people of cattle culture such as the Āryans it was primarily the cattle of their enemies which held the greatest temptation. Thus it is argued that the Kīkaṭas, who probably lived in Haryana, do not deserve to have cows because they make no use of milk products in the sacrifice.¹⁰ On the other hand it is likely that the enemies of the Āryans valued the horses and chariots of the latter. A Ṛg Vedic legend tells us that the Asuras had captured the city of a royal sage named Dadhīti, but on their retreat were intercepted and defeated by Indra, who recovered cattle, horses and chariots and restored them to the prince.¹ ### [c8.72](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.72) ¹ \*RV\*, I. 103.3; II, 19.6; IV. 30.20; VI. 20.10, 31.4. ### [c8.73](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.73) ² \*RV\*, I. 33.13, 53.8; VIII. 17.14. ### [c8.74](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.74) ³ Wheeler, \*The Indus Civilization\*, pp. 90-91. ### [c8.75](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.75) ⁴ \*RV\*, IV. 30.13; V. 40.6, X. 69.6. ### [c8.76](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.76) ⁵ \*asmābhyamasya védanaṃ daddhī sūriścido hate. RV\*, I. 176.4. ### [c8.77](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.77) ⁶ \*RV\*, I. 33.4. ### [c8.78](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.78) ⁷ \*áhandāsā vṛṣabhó vasnayántodávraje varcīnam śámbaram ca. RV\*, VI. 47.21. ### [c8.79](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.79) ⁸ \*vayám tád asya sámbhṛtam vásu índreṇa vibhajemahi. RV\*, VIII. 40.6. ### [c8.80](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.80) ⁹ \*RV\*, I. 33. 7-8. ### [c8.81](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.81) ¹⁰ \*kím te kṛṇvanti kīkaṭeṣu gávo náśtraṃ duhré ná tapanti gharmám. RV\*, III 53.14. ### [c8.82](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.82) ¹ \*RV\*, II. 15.4. ### [c8.83](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.83) The Dasyu way of life further antagonised the Āryans. Apparently the tribal and semi-settled life of the Āryans based on cattle keeping was incompatible with the sedentary and urban life of the people of the indigenous culture.² The predominantly tribal life of the former expressed itself through several communal institutions such as the \*gaṇa\*, \*sabhā\*, \*samiti\* and the \*vidatha\* in which sacrifice played a very important part. But the Dasyus had nothing to do with sacrifice. This was true of the Dāsas as well, for Indra is described as coming to the sacrifice distinguishing between the Dāsa and the Ārya.³ A whole passage occurring in the seventh book of the \*Rg Veda\* consists of a string of adjectives such as \*akratūn\*, \*aśraddhān\* and \*ayajñān\* applied to the Dasyus emphasise their non-sacrificing character.⁴ Indra is asked to discriminate between the sacrificing Āryans and non-sacrificing Dasyus.⁵ They are also called \*ayajvānaḥ\*.⁶ The word \*anindra\* (without Indra) is used as several places,⁷ and presumably refers to the Dasyus, Dāsas and perhaps some Āryans dissenters. In the Āryan view the Dasyus practised black magic.⁸ Such a belief is especially found in the \*Atharva Veda\*, in which the Dasyus appear as evil spirits to be scared away from the sacrifice.⁹ It is said that an all-powerful amulet enabled the sage Aṅgiras to break through the Dasyus' fortresses.¹⁰ The evil character of the Dasyus in the \*Atharva Veda\* seems to have been based on their fighting record in the \*Rg Veda\* period. According to the \*Atharva Veda\* the god-blaspheming Dasyus are to be offered as victims.¹¹ It is believed that the Dasyus are treacherous, do not practise the Āryan observances, and are hardly human.¹² ### [c8.84](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.84) ² Wheeler, \*The Indus Civilization\* pp. 90-91. ### [c8.85](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.85) ³ \*RV\*, X. 86.19; \*AV\*, XX. 126.19. ### [c8.86](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.86) ⁴ \*RV\*, VII. 6.3. ### [c8.87](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.87) ⁵ \*RV\*, I. 51.8. ### [c8.88](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.88) ⁶ \*RV\*, I. 33.4. ### [c8.89](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.89) ⁷ \*RV\*, I. 133.1; V. 2.3.; VII. I. ### [c8.90](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.90) ⁸ I 6; X. 27.6; X. 48.7. ### [c8.91](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.91) ⁸ \*RV\*, IV. 16.9. ### [c8.92](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.92) ⁹ \*AV\*, II. 14.5. ### [c8.93](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.93) ¹⁰ \*AV\*, X, 6.20. ### [c8.94](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.94) ¹¹ \*AV\*, XII. 1.37. ### [c8.95](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.95) The difference between the Āryan and the Dasyu way of life was further brought out by indicating the relation in which the Dasyus stood to the Āryan vrata, generally meaning law or ordinance.¹ If it be possible to establish some connection between this word and vrāta, which means tribal troops or groups, it may be suggested that the term vrata probably means tribal law or usage. The Dasyus are generally described as avrata² and anyavrata.³ The word apavrata is used at two places and perhaps applies to the Dasyus and dissenting Āryans.⁴ It is notable that such adjectives are not applied to the Dāsas, which again indicates that they were more amenable to the Āryan way of life than the Dasyus. ### [c8.96](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.96) ¹ P.V. Kane, JBBRAS, NS. xxix. 12. ### [c8.97](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.97) ² RV, I. 51.8-9; I. 101.2; I. 175.3; VI. 14.3; IX. 41.2. The term avrata, however, has nowhere been applied to the Dāsas. ### [c8.98](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.98) ³ RV, VIII. 70.11; X. 22.8. ### [c8.99](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.99) ⁴ RV, V. 42.9; in V. 40.6 the term apavrata is identified with darkness. ### [c8.100](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.100) There are reasons to think that there was difference of colour between the Āryans and their enemies. It appears that the Āryans, who are called human (mānusi prajā), worshipping Agni Vaiśvānara, on occasions set fire to the settlements of the dark-hued people (asiknivisah), who deserted their possessions without fighting.⁵ The Āryan deity Soma is described as killing people of black skin, who apparently were Dasyus.⁶ Further, Indra had to contend against the Rākṣasas of black skin (tvaca-masiknim),⁷ and at one place he is credited with the slaughter of fifty thousand ‘blacks’ (kṛṣṇas) whom Sāyaṇa regards as Rākṣasas of black colour.⁸ The god is also described as tearing off the black skin of the Asura.⁹ An important exploit of Indra, which may have some historical basis, refers to his fight against a hero known as Kṛṣṇa. It is stated that, when Kṛṣṇa encamped on the Amśumatī or Yamunā with ten thousand soldiers, Indra mobilised the Maruts (the Āryan \*viś\*) and fought against the \*adeviḥ viśaḥ\* with the help of the priest-god Bṛhaspati.¹ \*Adeviḥ viśaḥ\* are explained by Sāyaṇa as Asuras of black colour (\*kṛṣṇarūpāḥ asurasenāḥ\*). It is suggested that Kṛṣṇa was the non-Āryan dark hero of the Yādava tribe.² This seems likely because later traditions speak of hostility between Indra and Kṛṣṇa. There is also reference to the killing of the \*kṛṣṇagarbhā\*, doubtfully interpreted by Sāyaṇa as pregnant wives of an Asura named Kṛṣṇa.³ Similarly mention is made of the overthrow of the \*kṛṣṇayoniḥ dāsiḥ\* by Indra.⁴ Sāyaṇa fancifully takes them as the lowest demon-like troops (\*nikṛṣṭajātiḥ...āsuriḥ senāḥ\*), but Wilson takes \*kṛṣṇa\* in the sense of black. If the latter meaning be correct, it would appear that the Dāsas were black in colour. But the description ‘black’ may have been applied indiscriminately to them as it was to the Dasyus and other enemies of the Āryans. The above-mentioned references however, leave little doubt that the Āryan followers of Indra, Agni and Soma had to fight against the black people of India. In one reference, the Ṛg Vedic hero Trasadasyu, son of Purukutsa, is described as the leader of the ‘dark-complexioned’ men.⁵ This may indicate that he had established his hold over them. ### [c8.101](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.101) ⁵ RV, VII. 5.2-3. Geldner’s tr. The end of Harappā culture at Rānā Ghundai III is marked with ‘a great conflagration’. B.B. Lal, AI, 9, p. 88. ### [c8.102](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.102) ⁶ ghnántaḥ kṛṣṇám ápa tvácam...sāhvāṃso dásyumavratám. RV, IX. 41. 1-2. ### [c8.103](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.103) ⁷ RV, IX. 73.5. ### [c8.104](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.104) ⁸ RV, IV. 16.13. Geldner, however, does not introduce the Rākṣasas in this context. ### [c8.105](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.105) ⁹ RV, I. 130.8. ### [c8.106](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.106) ¹ ...\*ádha drapsó amśumátyā upásthé dhārayattanvám titviṣāṇáḥ; víśo ádevirbhyá carantir bṛhaspátinā yujéndrāḥ sasāhe. RV, VIII. 96. 13-15.\* ### [c8.107](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.107) ² Kosambi, \*JBBRAS, NS, xxvii, 43.\* ### [c8.108](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.108) ³ \*yáḥ kṛṣṇágarbhā niráhann ṛjiśvánā. RV, 1. 101.1.\* ### [c8.109](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.109) ⁴ \*sá vṛtrahéndraḥ kṛṣṇayóniḥ purandaródásīrairyadví...RV, II. 20.7. Sāyaṇa’s comm. But Geldner suggests that dasiḥ implies understood púraḥ, and that the poet is thinking in terms of pregnancy.\* ### [c8.110](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.110) ⁵ \*RV, VIII. 19. 36-37.\* ### [c8.111](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.111) If the word \*anāsa\*⁶ applied to the Dasyus is taken in the sense of ‘noseless’ or one with a flat nose, and the term \*vṛṣaśipra\* applied to the Dāsas⁷ as ‘bull-lipped’ or having big protruding lips, it would appear that the enemies of the Āryans were physiognomically different. ### [c8.112](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.112) ⁶ \*RV, V. 29.10. Sāyaṇa explains anāsa as one without speech (āsyarahita).\* ### [c8.113](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.113) ⁷ \*RV, VII. 99.4.\* ### [c8.114](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.114) The term \*mṛdhravāk\*, which occurs in its different forms at several places in the \*Ṛg Veda\*,⁸ gives some idea of difference in the manner of speech between the Āryans and their enemies. It qualifies Dasyus at two places.¹ Sāyaṇa explains it as ‘of hostile speech’, and Geldner renders it as ‘of wrong speech’.² Unless the term mṛdhravācaḥ is taken in the sense of ‘unintelligible speech’ it does not give any evidence of linguistic difference between the Āryans and the Dasyus, but only shows that the latter hurt the sentiments of the Āryans by their improper speech. Thus although the main issue in the war between the Āryans and their enemies was the possession of cattle, chariots and other forms of wealth, differences in race, religion and mode of speech also served to exacerbate relations. ### [c8.115](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.115) ⁸ \*RV, I, 174.2.; V. 29.10, 32.8; VII. 6.3, 18.13. Not at only four places, as in Who were the Shudras, p. 71.\* ### [c8.116](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.116) ¹ RV, V. 29.10, VII. 6.3. ### [c8.117](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.117) ² In RV, I. 174.2 Geldner translates mṛdhravācaḥ as ‘missrederd’. ### [c8.118](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.118) If inferences can be drawn from the relative occurrences of the terms dāsa and dāsyu in the Ṛg Veda, it would appear that the Dasyus, who are mentioned eighty-four times, were obviously numerically stronger than the Dāsas, who are mentioned sixty-one times.³ The struggle against the Dasyus was attended with much bloodshed. The Āryans, who in the early stage of their expansion coveted cattle for their upkeep, naturally did not understand the value of urban settlements and organised agriculture.⁴ The Āryans seem to have played some part in the destruction of the pre-Āryan urban settlements, although the evidence for intrusive elements in late Harappā culture is not very strong. While the spoils of war, especially cattle, must have added to the power of the warriors and priests, raising them above the viś, it was slowly realised that the peasants of the older culture could provide labour power with which the Āryans could carry on agriculture. ### [c8.119](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.119) ³ Computed on the basis of refs. given in Viśvabandhu Śāstri’s Vedic Kośa. ### [c8.120](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.120) ⁴ Wheeler suggests the complete break-up of organised agriculture on account of the invasion of uncivilised nomads (i.e. Āryans) op. cit., p. 8. ### [c8.121](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.121) Alongside the conflict between the Āryans and their enemies there went on the internal conflict in the Āryan tribal society. Through a battle song addressed to Manyu (personified Wrath), his aid is invoked for covercoming the two kind of enemies, Āryans and Dāsas.¹ Indra is asked to fight against both the godless Dāsas and Āryans who are described as the enemies (\*śatravaḥ\*) of his followers.² It is said that Indra and Varuṇa killed the Dāsas and Āryans who were the adversaries of Sudās and thus protected him.³ On behalf of the good and righteous people prayer is made to the two chief Ṛg Vedic deities Agni and Indra to counteract the hostile activities and oppressions of the Āryans and Dāsas.⁴ Since Āryans were one of the chief enemies of their fellow men, it is no wonder that along with the Dāsas they also are said to have been destroyed by Indra.⁵ If Wilson’s translation of a Ṛg Vedic passage be accepted, Indra is lauded for having saved the people from the Rākṣasas and Āryans on the bank of the seven rivers, and is further called upon to deprive the Dāsas of their weapons.⁶ ### [c8.122](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.122) ¹ \*sāhyāma dāsamāryam tvāyā yujā sāhaskṛtena sāhasā sāhasvatā, RV\*, X. 83.1 identical with \*AV\*, IV. 32.1. ### [c8.123](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.123) ² \*RV\*, X, 88.3; cf. \*AV\*, XX. 36.10. ### [c8.124](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.124) ³ \*dāsā ca vṛtrā hatámāryāṇi ca sudāsam indrāvaruṇḍvasāvatam. RV\*, VII. 83.1. ### [c8.125](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.125) ⁴ \*RV\*, VI. 60.6. ### [c8.126](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.126) ⁵ \*RV\*, VI. 33.3; cf. X. 102.3. ### [c8.127](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.127) ⁶ \*yá ṛṣādámhaso mucádyóváryāt saptásíndhuṣu; vádhardāsásya tuviṛmṇa nīnamaḥ. RV\*, VIII. 24.27. Geldner takes the passage in the sense of Indra’s turning aside the weapon of the Dāsa from the Āryan. ### [c8.128](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.128) Of thirty-six occurrences of the word \*ārya\* in the \*Ṛg Veda\* nine make clear mention of hostility among the Āryans themselves.⁷ At one place the Āryan enemies are lumped together with the Dasyus, and at five places with the Dāsas, which again suggests that the Dāsas were on better terms with a section of the Āryans than were the Dasyus. They were considered natural allies of the Āryans in their inter-tribal conflicts, which gradually undermined the tribal basis of their society, and helped the process of fusion between the Āryans and Dāsas. Five of these references occur in the earlier portions of the \*Ṛg Veda\*, which shows that the internal conflict was a fairly old process. ### [c8.129](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.129) ⁷ \*RV\*, VI. 33.3, 60.6; VII. 83.1; VIII. 24.27 (a disputed passage); X. 38.3, 69.6, 83.1, 86.19, 102.3. Four of these refs. have been correctly quoted by Ambedkar, \*op. cit.\*, pp. 83.4. ### [c8.130](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.130) The most important evidence for internal conflict within the Āryan fold at an early date is the record of the \*Dāśarājña\* battle, which is the only important historical event in the \*Ṛg Veda\*, Geldner thinks that \*RV\*, VII. 33, which speaks of this battle, belongs to an early period.¹ The Battle of Ten Kings was primarily a conflict between two main branches of the Ṛg Vedic Āryans, namely the Pūrus and the Bhāratas, in which the non-Āryans may have joined as auxiliaries.² While the Bhāratas were led by the famous Ṛg Vedic hero Sudās and assisted by their priest Vasiṣṭha, their enemies comprised ten kings belonging to the five well-known tribes — Anus, Druhyus, Yadus, Turvaśas and Pūrus, along with five less known tribes — Alina, Paktha, Bhalānas, Śiva and Viṣāṇin. The opposing confederacy was organised by the priest Viśvāmitra and led by the Pūrus.³ It appears that the battle was, in fact, a memorable attempt of the lesser Āryan tribes to maintain their separate identities, but they were completely routed by the Bhāratas under Sudās on the Paruṣṇi. There is no indication of the treatment of these conquered Āryans, but essentially it might have been the same as in the case of the non-Āryans. ### [c8.131](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.131) ¹ VI, i, 356, fn. 4 of \*s.v.\* Dāśa-rājña. ### [c8.132](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.132) ² \*RV\*, VII. 33.2-5, 83.8. The actual battle hymn occurs in \*RV\*, VII. 18. ### [c8.133](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.133) ³ \*VA\*, p. 245. On account of their hostility to other Āryans the Pūrus are called \*mṛdhravācaḥ\* in \*RV\*, VII. 18.13. ### [c8.134](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.134) It is not unlikely that there were many other inter-tribal conflicts of this kind, of which we have no records. Indications of such struggles are found in references which represent the Āryans as violators of \*vratas\* established by the gods. Five such passages quoted by Kane from the \*Ṛg Veda\* can be interpreted in this light.⁴ In a dialogue between the primeval priest Atharvan and Varuṇa, the priest boasts: "No Dāsa by his greatness, not an Āryan, may violate the law that I will establish."⁵ ### [c8.135](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.135) ⁴ \*JBBRAS\*, NS, xxix, 11. ### [c8.136](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.136) ⁵ \*ná me dásó náryo mahitvá vratám mīmāya yádahám dhariṣyé\*. \*AV\*, V. 11.3; \*Paipp.\*, VIII. 1.3. ### [c8.137](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.137) Muir quotes as many as fifty-eight passages from the \*Ṛg Veda\*, which he interprets as containing denunciations of religious hostility or indifference shown by the members of the Āryan community.⁶ Many of these passages belong to the kernal (Book II — VII) of the \*Ṛg Veda\* and may be taken as reflecting the conditions prevailing in the earliest period of the Aryan settlements. Several of these are directed against the illiberal people who are called \*arādhasam\*,¹ \*apṛṇatam\*² or \*apṛṇataḥ\*.³ At one place Indra is described as the enemy of the prosperous (\*edhamānadvit\*) probably of Āryans who rendered him no service;⁴ since Dāsas and Āryans who concealed their treasure from the people were considered objects of attack.⁵ For the sake of his people Agni is said to have captured property whether situated in the plains or the hills, and to have overcome their Dāsa and Āryan enemies.⁶ These passages suggest that even the Āryan enemies were deprived of their possessions (presumably cattle) and consequently reduced to the status of impoverished non-Āryans. ### [c8.138](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.138) ⁶ \*JRAS\*, NS, ii, 286-294. ### [c8.139](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.139) ¹ \*RV\*, 1.84.8. ### [c8.140](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.140) ² \*RV\*, I. 125.7 3. \*RV\*, VI. 44.11. ### [c8.141](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.141) ⁴ \*RV\*, VI.47. 16; \*JRAS\*, NS, ii, 286-294. ### [c8.142](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.142) ⁵ \*yāsyāyāṃ viśva āryo dāsaḥ śevadhipā artha\*. \*RV\*, VIII. 51.9. Sāyaṇa’s comm. to this passage, and also that of Uvaṭa and Mahidhara to a similar passage in \*VS\*, XXXIII, take \*dāsa\* as an adjective of \*ārya\*, but Geldner (\*RV\*. VIII. 51.9) takes \*ārya\* and \*dāsa\* as two independent nouns. In any case it is clear that the Aryan was also an object of attack. ### [c8.143](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.143) ⁶ \*sāmajryā parvatyā vāsūni dāsā vṛtrānyāryā jigetha\*. \*RV\*, X. 69.6. ### [c8.144](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.144) Many passages show a general hostility towards the people known as Paṇis.⁷ Muir understands them as niggards.⁸ According to the authors of the \*Vedic Index\* Paṇi in the \*Ṛg Veda\* denotes a person who is rich, but who does not give offerings to the gods, or bestows \*dakṣiṇās\* on the priests, and who is therefore an object of intense dislike to the composers of the Saṃhitā.⁹ In one passage they were described as \*bekanāṭas\* or ‘usurers’ (?) subdued by Indra.¹⁰ The fact that the Paṇis were capable of making sacrifices and entitled to wergeld shows that they were members of the Āryan fold.¹¹ Hillebrandt identifies them with the Paṇis¹² who formed part of “the Dahae, a great group of Scythian tribes of horsemen and warriors”.¹ The authors of the \*Vedic Index\* think that the term is wide enough to cover either the aborigines or hostile Āryan tribes.² ### [c8.145](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.145) ⁷ \*RV\*, I. 124.10; 182.3; IV. 25.7, 51.3; V. 34.7. VI. 13.3, 53.6-7. ### [c8.146](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.146) ⁸ \*JRAS\*, NS, ii, 286-294. ### [c8.147](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.147) ⁹ \*VI\*, i, 471. ### [c8.148](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.148) ¹⁰ \*Ibid\*. \*RV\*, VIII. 66.10. ### [c8.149](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.149) ¹¹ \*VI\*, i, 472. ### [c8.150](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.150) ¹ Ghirshman, \*Iran\*, p. 243. ### [c8.151](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.151) ² \*i\*, 472. ### [c8.152](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.152) Of the passages which represent Paṇis as niggards, and condemn illiberal people in general, some may have been inspired by greedy priests eager for gifts, but on the whole they seem to reflect the tendency among certain Āryans to accumulate wealth at the cost of their fellow tribesmen, who naturally expected some share in their acquisitions through sacrifices made to Indra and other gods,³ thus providing frequent occasions for the common feasts of the community. Failure to check this process was bound to give rise to economic and social inequalities. ### [c8.153](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.153) ³ \*RV\*, VII. 40.6. ### [c8.154](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.154) It remains to be examined how the extra-tribal and inter-tribal struggles of the Āryans led to the disintegration of tribal society and the formation of social classes. Although the word \*varṇa\* is applied to the Āryan⁴ and Dāsa⁵ in the \*Ṛg Veda\*, it does not indicate any division of labour, which became the basis of the broad social classes of later times. \*Ārya\*- and \*Dāsa-varṇas\* represent two large tribal groups, which were in the process of disintegration into social classes. There is sufficient evidence for this in the case of the Āryan people. Criticising Senart Oldenberg rightly points out that caste does not exist in the \*Ṛg Veda\*,⁶ but the collection does give the impression of slowly emerging social classes in their embryonic stage. The word \*brāhmaṇa\* occurs fifteen times and \*kṣatriya\* nine times. Nevertheless, as would appear from the repeated occurrences of words such as \*jana\* and \*viś\*,⁷ and from the nature of its institutions, Ṛg Vedic society was basically tribal in character. We do not know whether the Āryans possessed slaves at the time of their first advent in India. ### [c8.155](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.155) ⁴ \*RV\*, III. 34.9. ### [c8.156](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.156) ⁵ \*devāso manyúṃ dāsasya ścamnanté na á vakṣantsuitáya várṇam\*. \*RV\*, I. 104.2; III 34.9. ### [c8.157](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.157) ⁶ \*ZDMG\*, ii, 272. ### [c8.158](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.158) ⁷ \*Jana\* is mentioned about 275 times and \*viś\* about 170 times. ### [c8.159](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.159) The Vedic Indians were primarily pastoral;¹ at least this holds good of the Āryans known from the early parts of the \*Ṛg Veda\*. Anthropological investigations show that some pastoral tribes also keep slaves although in a relative sense slavery is more developed among agricultural tribes.² ### [c8.160](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.160) For lack of data it is difficult to get a precise idea of the effects of the Āryan impact on chalcolithic society and \*vice versa\*. Spoils of war must have added to the wealth and social status of the tribal leaders, who could afford to patronise priests by making gifts of cattle, and in some cases of women slaves. Thus a sacrificer is described as moving with his chariot "first in rank and wealthy, munificent and lauded in assemblies".³ ### [c8.161](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.161) Despite the paucity of information reasonable hypotheses may be made about the social adjustment between the Āryans and members of pre-Āryan chalcolithic societies and other peoples. In the first flush of the Āryan expansion the destruction of the settlements and the peoples such as the Dasyus seems to have been so complete that very few people in north-western India would remain to be absorbed into the new society. But this may not have been the case in the succeeding stages of their expansion. While the majority of the survivors and especially the comparatively backward peoples would be reduced to helotage, the natural tendency would be for the \*vis\* of the Āryan society to mix with the lower orders and for the Vedic priests and warriors to mix with the higher classes of earlier societies. That in some cases the enemies of the Āryans were given high status in the new composite society is clear from two references. At one place Indra is described as converting the Dāsas into Āryas.⁴ Sāyaṇa explains this as teaching them the Āryan way of life. At another place Indra is said to have deprived the Dasyus of the title of the \*ārya\*.⁵ May this suggest that some ### [c8.162](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.162) 1. R.S. Sharma, "Forms of property in the Early Portions of the \*Ṛg Veda\*" \*Essays in Honour of Prof. S.C. Sarkar\*. A hymn devoted to agricultural operations (Bk. IV. 57) is considered to be an interpolation by Hopkins. 2. Landtman, \*Origins of Social Inequalities\*, p. 230. 3. RV, II. 27.12. 4. \*yāyād āsānyāryāṇi vṛtrākāro vajrintsutukā nāhuṣāṇi\*. RV, VI. 22.1. 5. \*ahám śuṣṇasya śnáthitā vádharyamam ná yó rarā āryam nāma dāsyave\*. RV, X. 49.3. ### [c8.163](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.163) Dasyus were raised to Āryan status and then deprived of it, presumably on account of their anti-Āryan activities? We may also consider the suggestion that \*arya\* or its extension (\*vṛddhi\*) \*ārya\* means a man of substance;¹ on this basis some Dasyus seem to have been dispossessed of their property. All this leads us to suppose that some of the surviving priests and chiefs from the enemy peoples were given corresponding positions (possibly of inferior nature) in the new Āryan society. ### [c8.164](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.164) ¹ H. W. Bailey, “Iranian Arya—and Daha—,” \*Transactions of the Philological Society\*, 1959, 84. ### [c8.165](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.165) It has been contended that Brāhmaṇism is a pre-Āryan institution, and there may be some element of truth in it.² The equation of the word \*brāhmaṇa\* with the Latin \*flāmen\*, the designation of a type of priest whose office was created during the period of the Roman kings,³ seems to be a far-fetched philological exercise. However we have the well-known similarity between the Atharvan priests of Vedic Indian and Athravans of Iran. But nevertheless a major objection remains to be answered. Keith says that the state of Ṛg Vedic belief and the comparative magnitude of the Vedic pantheon must have been the product of much priestly effort and the outcome of wholesale syncretism.⁴ Further, sufficient evidence has been adduced from Vedic and epic traditions to show that Indra was a brahmicide, and that his chief enemy Vṛtra was a \*brāhmaṇa\*.⁵ This also confirms the hypothesis that developed priesthood was a pre-Āryan institution, and implies that all the conquered peoples were not reduced to the position of the dāsas and śūdras. And hence, though it is difficult to trace the origin of the \*brāhmaṇa\* as an institution, the priestly class of the Āryan conquerors may have been largely recruited from the conquered.⁶ Though there is nothing to indicate the proportion, it seems that some of the pre-Aryan priests found their way into the new society. It would be wrong to think that all the ‘blacks’ were reduced to the status of the śūdra helots, since there are some references to black seers. In the \*Rg Veda\* the Aśvins are described as presenting fair-skinned women to black (śyāvāya) Kaṇva,¹ who probably is named \*kṛṣṇa\* ‘black’ at another place² and is the poet of the hymns (\*RV\*, VIII. 85 and 86) addressed to the twin gods. It is perhaps again Kaṇva who is mentioned as \*kṛṣṇa ṛsi\* in the first book of the \*Rg Veda\*.³ Similarly Dīrghatamas, mentioned as a singer in one hymn of the \*Rg Veda\*, may have been of dark colour, if his name was given to him on account of his complexion.⁴ It is significant that in several passages of the \*Rg Veda\* he is known by his metronymic Māmateya alone, and a later legend says that he married Uśij, a slave girl, and begot Kākṣīvant.⁵ Again in the first book of the \*Rg Veda\* priestly Divodāsas, whose name suggests a dāsa origin,⁶ are described as composing new hymns,⁷ while in the tenth book the Aṅgiras author of the \*RV\*, X. 42-44 is called ‘black’.⁸ Since most of such references occur in the later portions of the \*Rg Veda\* it would appear that towards the end of the \*Rg Veda\* period some of the black seers and Dāsa priests were worming their way into the newly organised Aryan community. ### [c8.166](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.166) ² Pargiter, \*Ancient Indian Historical Tradition\*, pp. 306-08. ### [c8.167](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.167) ³ Dumezil, \*Flāmen-Brahman\*, Chs. II & III. For another view see Paul Thieme, \*ZDMG\*, NF. 27, pp. 91-129. ### [c8.168](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.168) ⁴ \*CHI\*, i, 103. ### [c8.169](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.169) ⁵ W. Ruben “Indra’s Fight against Vṛtra in the Mahābhārata,” \*S.K. Belvalkar Commemoration Volume\* (in press; shown by the courtesy of Dr. A.S. Altekar), pp. 116-88; D. Kosambi, \*Bhagavān Buddha\*, p. 24. ### [c8.170](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.170) ⁶ Kosambi, \*JBBRAS\*, NS, xxii, 35. ### [c8.171](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.171) ¹ \*RV\*, I. 117.8, but Sāyaṇa explains \*śyāvāya\* as \*kuṣṭarogena śyāmavarṇāya\*. ### [c8.172](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.172) ² \*RV\*, VIII. 85.3-4. Kaṇva is also mentioned in \*RV\*, VIII. 50.10. ### [c8.173](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.173) ³ \*RV\*, I. 116.23; cf. I. 117.7. Pargiter thinks that the Kāṇvāyanas are the only proper brāhmaṇas. \*DKA\*, p. 35. ### [c8.174](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.174) ⁴ \*RV\*, I. 158.6; Ambedkar, \*Who were the Śūdras?\*, p. 77. ### [c8.175](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.175) ⁵ VI, i, 366. In the \*Sat. Br.\*, XIV. 9.4.15, there is the case of a mother wishing for a black son who possesses the knowledge of the Veda. ### [c8.176](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.176) ⁶ Hillebrandt’s suggestion, VI, i, 363. ### [c8.177](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.177) ⁷ \*RV\*, I. 130.10. ### [c8.178](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.178) ⁸ Kosambi, \*JBRAS\*, NS, xxvi, 44. ### [c8.179](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.179) Similarly it appears that some of the conquered chiefs received high status in the new society. Priestly acceptance of gifts from the Dāsa chiefs such as Balbūtha and Tarukṣa earned them unstinted praises, and validated their status in the new order. That the Dāsas were in a position to make gifts and were looked upon as liberal donors can be deduced from the very meaning of the roots \*das\* from which the noun Dāsa is derived.¹ The process of assimilation went on in later times, for the later literature records the tradition that Pratardana Daivodāsi went to the world of Indra,² who was historically the titular ruler of the Āryan invaders. ### [c8.180](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.180) ¹ \*s. v.\* dāś, dās, Monier-Williams, \*Sansk-Eng. Dict.\* ### [c8.181](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.181) ² \*Kauṣītaki Upa.\*, III. 1. quoted in \*VI\*, ii. 30. ### [c8.182](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.polity.sharma-1958.c8.182) Early literature throws hardly any light on the process of assimilation between the Āryan commoners (\*viś\*) and those of the survivors of earlier societies. It is likely that most of them were reduced to what came to be known as the fourth varṇa in Āryan society. But, if we leave out the \*Puruṣasūkta\*, there is no evidence of the existence of the śudra varṇa in the age represented by the \*Ṛg Veda\*. In the early Ṛg Vedic period there existed, however, a small servile class of women slaves. It seems that, when the male members of the enemies of the Āryans were killed, their wives were reduced to slavery. Thus it is stated that Trasadasyu, the son of Purukutsa, gave away fifty women as gifts.³ Further evidence for the existence of women slaves is to be found in the earlier portions of the \*Atharva Veda\*. Therein the woman slave is described as wet-handed, smearing the pestle and mortar,⁴ and also as throwing lye on the droppings of the cow,⁵ which shows that she was engaged in domestic work. This collection provides the earliest reference to a black \*dāsī\*.⁶ References, therefore, suggest that in the early Vedic society women slaves were employed in domestic work. The use of the word \*dāsī\* makes it obvious that these were the womenfolk of the conquered Dāsas. _First 181 of 337 passages. 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