[Pramāṇa](https://indike.org/pramana/) › [Studies](https://indike.org/pramana/ins) › [Reference works](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference) › [An Encyclopaedia of Indian Archaeology](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989) › v1.c17 # An Encyclopaedia of Indian Archaeology v1.c17: 12 Ritual and Cult Objects An Encyclopaedia of Indian Archaeology v1.c17 - **Language:** English ## Contents - [v1.c17.s1 12.1 Amulets](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s1) — 4 parts - [v1.c17.s2 12.2 Censers](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s2) — 3 parts - [v1.c17.s3 12.3 Cult Objects](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s3) — 22 parts - [v1.c17.s4 12.4 Disposal of the Dead](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s4) — 9 parts - [v1.c17.s5 12.5 Head-rests](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s5) — 2 parts - [v1.c17.s6 12.6 Mother Goddess](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s6) — 11 parts - [v1.c17.s7 12.7 Pillars (Memorial) and Sati Stones](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s7) — 9 parts - [v1.c17.s8 12.8 Relics and Relic Caskets](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s8) — 22 parts - [v1.c17.s9 12.9 Sarcophagi](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s9) — 6 parts - [v1.c17.s10 12.10 Sex Symbols](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s10) — 8 parts - [v1.c17.s11 12.11 Votive Tanks](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s11) — 5 parts ### 12 Ritual and Cult Objects ### 12.1 Amulets ### [v1.c17.s1.1](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s1.1) Amulets, believed to protect their possessors from evil eye or bad luck, were in use in India from an early period. Although most of the Indus seals cannot be classed as amulets because of the perforated knob at the back, a few seals from Mohenjo-daro which are hollow from within (Marshall, 1931, 2, pp. 380-1; Mackay, 1938, 1, pp. 342-3), may have contained an amulet inside. But a steatite seal from PRABHAS PATAN (1500-1200 B.C.) with a longitudinal perforation was in all probability used as an amulet. Both the sides of the seal are carved with figures of stylized deer, five on one side and seven on the other. ### [v1.c17.s1.2](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s1.2) Many early historical sites, such as Taxila (Marshall, 1951, 2, pp. 630-2, 654-5), KAUŚĀMBĪ and KONDAPUR have yielded a variety of amulets of different materials. Among the animal-shaped amulets are represented a gargoyle, tortoise, frog, fish, lion, elephant, bull, horse, hare, ram, dog, monkey, etc. The commonest among them is the tortoise amulet, which, however, has a higher antiquity, for it is reported from Chalcolithic levels at PRAKASH. The tortoise was held sacred as it was an incarnation of Viṣṇu and the mount of Yamunā, besides being associated with longevity. Gargoyle (\*makara\*) amulets have been found at NEVASA and KONDAPUR, \*makara\* being a symbol of the waters and the mount of Gaṅgā and Varuṇa. \*Nandi\* amulets are also quite common at sites in the Deccan. Horse and elephant amulets however are extremely rare. The elephant came to be associated with birth and regeneration in water cosmogony and as such is connected with the nativity of Buddha. The lion too was sacred to the Buddhists because Buddha was the 'lion of the Śākyas' (\*Śākya-siṁha\*). ### [v1.c17.s1.3](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s1.3) The species of the birds in the bird-shaped amulets cannot be distinctly identified. Such amulets have been reported from many sites in n. India. Simple amulets, akin to those in use today, also occur. A rectangular specimen from KONDAPUR is decorated in the middle with a lotus flanked by small circles in dotted pattern. But the most interesting are the human-shaped amulets. The \*yakṣa\* in an amulet from NEVASA is stylistically similar to the Pitalkhora \*yakṣa\* (\*AI\*, 15, 1959, pl. 56) who is shown wearing two human-shaped amulets in his necklace. A specimen from AHICCHATRĀ showing a pregnant woman in squatting position with bent legs was possibly used as a charm against difficult labour. Human-shaped amulets decorated with dot-in-circle or \`eye' pattern may have been used to protect the wearer against smallpox since the decorated pattern resembles pustules. Such figures are usually found in the early historical levels but their antiquity goes back to the PGW \[4.15\] period. ### [v1.c17.s1.4](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s1.4) Beck, H.C., 1941, \*Beads from Taxila\*, Mem. ASI, 65, Delhi. Dikshit, M.G., 1951-2, in \*Bull. Prince of Wales Museum of W. India\*, 2, pp. 86-99 (for Indian amulets in general); 1952, \*Some Beads from Kondapur\*, Hyderabad; 1952, in \*AI\*, 8, pp. 33-64 (for Ahicchatrā beads); 1969, in G.R. Sharma, \*Excavations at Kauśāmbī 1949-50\*, Mem. ASI, 74, Delhi. Mackay, E.J.H., 1938, \*Further Excavations at Mohenjo-daro\*, Delhi, 2. Marshall, J., 1931, \*Mohenjo-daro & the Indus Civilization\*, London, 2, 1951, \*Taxila\*, Cambridge, 2. For other sites see respective entries in vol. II.—M.K. DHAVALIKAR ### 12.2 Censers ### [v1.c17.s2.1](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s2.1) Censers for burning incense during rituals and ceremonies including daily worship consist of a thick bowl with a stemmed or pedestalled base, often with a handle connecting the rim and base of the bowl. Some handles are artistically shaped like an animal or human bust. Censers identified as such are rarely reported from Chalcolithic sites. One has however been found at NAVDATOLI. Specimens of copper/bronze, iron and clay are found in the 3rd century B.C. and onwards and are widespread during the early centuries of the Christian era. They also occur in later historical times. BAIRAT, RAIRH, SAMBHAR and VAIŚĀLĪ have yielded clay ones with handles. Some are conical-shaped with perforations for the insertion of incense sticks. The Śaka-Parthian levels of Taxila have produced some fine examples in copper/bronze, iron and terracotta. Some are standard censers or offering stands, others are handled ones. The copper/bronze ones have small shallow bowls resting on three legs and horizontal handles on one side. Others have handles shaped like winged lion (in copper) and candalebra (iron). Simple ones with and without handles datable to the early centuries of the Christian era come from BHITA, CAMPĀ, MAHESHWAR, SHAMALAJI and YELLESWARAM. RANG MAHAL (c. 200-450) has specimens with cylindrical pedestals and loop-handles having incised decorations, one with \*nandi\* shape; rims have small applied buds. At DEVNIMORI handleless ones come from the 4th-century \*stūpa\*. The ones from AHICCHATRĀ, with handles, are of the 6th-7th centuries; at HASTINĀPURA they continue to occur in medieval times. ### [v1.c17.s2.2](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s2.2) Fig. 44. Amulets ### [v1.c17.s2.3](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s2.3) Ghosh, A ., 1947-8, in \*AI\*, 4, pp. 62-4 (for Taxila). Marshall, J . 1951, \*Taxila\*, Cambridge, 2, pp. 421-4, 542-3, 595-6. For other sites see respective entries in vol. II.—C. MARGABANDHU ### 12.3 Cult Objects ### [v1.c17.s3.1](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s3.1) Cult/ritual objects comprise those especially produced in connection with certain magical rites, cult practices, rituals or ceremonials, such as ritualistic scenes, sacrificial pits or altars, ceremonial posts, plaques and rings with divinities and figurines, besides foundation tablets. ### [v1.c17.s3.2](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s3.2) \*12.3.1 Chāyā-stambhas.\* \*Chāyā-stambhas\* were memorial pillars raised at NAGARJUNAKONDA in the Ikṣvāku period to commemorate the death of important persons associated with various social groups like soldiers, chiefs, artisans and religious heads. As many as 22 \*chāyā-stambhas\* have been found at the site; all of them are inscribed and many bear sculptured scenes connected with the life of the commemorated. \[See also 12.7.\] ### [v1.c17.s3.3](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s3.3) \*12.3.2 Dhvaja-stambhas.\* Evidence of installing \*dhvaja-stambhas\* or emblematic flag-staff in honour of divinities in front of the shrines has also been found at VIDISA and NAGARJUNAKONDA. At VIDISA seven deep pits exposed near the Heliodoros pillar originally each held a \*dhvaja-stambha\* associated with a Viṣṇu temple of the Śuṅga period. At NAGARJUNAKONDA an inscribed \*dhvaja-stambha\* of Ikṣvāku times was located in front of a Śiva temple. ### [v1.c17.s3.4](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s3.4) \*12.3.3 Foundation tablets.\* A carved brick tablet depicting an eight-petalled lotus with semiprecious stones on it was found fixed centrally at the bottom of a brick \*kuṇḍa\* in a temple complex at CHANDRAKETUGARH. It is perhaps associated with the foundation ritual of the \*kuṇḍa\*. More definite evidence of a foundation ritual in the form of a central tablet or brick with lotus surrounded by eight bricks engraved with various \*āyudhas\* associated with \*dik-pālas\* has been found in the early medieval shrines at Sagarhawa in the Nepalese \*tarai\* (Mitra, 1972, pp. 231-48). Here has also been found below the central tablet \*nidhi-kalaśas\* along with pieces of gold, precious stones and figures of snake and tortoise in some cases. The whole assemblage of these objects tallies with the details of the foundation ceremony of temples as prescribed in the \*Vāstu\* texts. ### [v1.c17.s3.5](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s3.5) 12.3.4 \*Headless deity.\* \[cf. 12.6\]. A headless clay figure of some female deity with prominent breasts and curved arms kept in a coffin-like clay box was found buried in a floor of a house associated with the Jorwe culture \[4.14.6\] at INAMGAON. The figure seems to have been made for some kind of fertility rite. \[Also see MAHURJHARI.\] ### [v1.c17.s3.6](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s3.6) 12.3.5 \*Hunting scenes.\* The earliest evidence of ritualistic practices is presented by prehistoric paintings \[13\] depicting hunting scenes associated with magical hunting rites before the actual hunt for its success. Pd II, Neolithic, of BURZAHOM has produced a stone slab engraved with the scene of stag hunt. It shows on the upper plane a dog and two rayed circles representing the sun. Below is a stag which stands centrally and is being attacked by a male with a bow and arrow on the front, while a female pierces the animal from behind with a spear. ### [v1.c17.s3.7](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s3.7) 12.3.6 \*Ivory plaquettes.\* Plaquettes of ivory shaped as human figures in geometric form with highly stylized features have been reported from NAVDATOLI, NAGDA, UJJAIN, PRABHAS PATAN, ROPAR, SONKH and MATHURA; these have been dated to a period between \*c.\* 6th and 2nd centuries B.C. These figures are decked with incised lines and circlets forming part of a systematic decorative scheme betraying an established artistic tradition, although they have variations in shape. For instance the specimen from NAVDATOLI has a pentagonal head, short and featureless arms and the lower half of the body as a truncated triangle. The one from NAGDA has a rectangular head with wavy ends, rhombic body and two angular ends below attached to the projecting feet. The plaquette from ROPAR resembles a flat bottle in its general form. All the other figures are fragmentary. They can be associated with the primitive mother goddess on account of the presence of triangular decoration on their body. Although chronologically of the early historical period, they are typologically and stylistically somewhat similar to the eye goddess of w. Asia. It is not unlikely that these ivory plaquettes had some ritualistic connection with a disease like smallpox \[cf. 12.6.\]. ### [v1.c17.s3.8](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s3.8) 12.3.7 \*Mother goddess plaques.\* Gold leaves embossed with a mother goddess figure standing in stiff frontal pose along with a small deposit of burnt human bones and charcoal were found in the excavation of two mounds at LAURIYA-NANDANGARH. An exact replica of such leaves was also found within the \*stūpa\* at PIPRAHWA. While some scholars have identified these figures as the representation of the earth goddess or Pṛthivī, these plaques (\*c.\* 3rd century B.C.) may have some ritualistic relation with the construction of an important structure like a \*stūpa\*. A small bronze figure of the same goddess from ROPAR (\*c.\* 600 to 200 B.C.) is also significant as a cult object. \[ See also 12.6.\] ### [v1.c17.s3.9](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s3.9) 12.3.8 \*Objects of domestic worship.\* Plaques of stone, metal and terracotta depicting divinities and tiny figures of various deities, votive tablets, etc., which are commonly available in the Śaka-Kushan and later levels at various sites, form significant objects of daily \*devānuṣṭhāna.\* Amongst the notable such objects of Kushan times mention may be made of: plaques depicting Kārttikeya and a framed animal-faced goddess with a male deity in bronze; terracotta Viṣṇu and Mahiṣamardinī from SONKH; \*nāga\*, Bodhisattva and Lakṣmī figures of terracotta; stone tablets of homage (Jaina \*āyāgapaṭas\*) from Mathura; clay images of Naigameṣa; \*mātṛkās\* carved on clay tablets from various sites; and a \*yantra\* containing an \*aṣṭadala-padma\*, \*pīṭha\* with \*vṛtta\*, \*bindu\* and the outline of a \*bhupura\* below from CHIRAND. In the Gupta and later periods there are many important cultic figures, including Mahiṣamardinī plaques from AHICCHATRĀ, BHITA, RAJGHAT and MATHURA (which also yielded a plaque with Pārvatī; plaque with Viṣṇu in relief from UJJAIN; and scores of medieval \*pūjā-vigrahas\* of the Buddhists from NĀLANDĀ, RATNAGIRI, ANTICHAK and other sites; and small bronze coins including a Gaṇeśa from RAJBADIDANGA. ### [v1.c17.s3.10](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s3.10) 12.3.9 \*Ring stones and discs.\* Small rings or discs of stone with a variety of formal reliefs of decorative and cultic character have been found at many sites. The carvings normally occupying only one face of the ring are generally arranged in concentric bands with the conventional figure of the mother goddess \[12.6\], palm trees. tional figure of the mother goddess \[12.6\], plam trees, varying thickness, their diameter is generally from about 3 to 9 cm. Some of them are without any figure of the mother goddess. There is a central hole in the ring stones whereas the discs are without it. Amongst the ring stones found in regular excavations, the notable ones are from Taxila (Mauryan), ROPAR Pd III (600-200 B.C.) and PURANA QILA (Mauryan). The one from Taxila has two decorative bands with rope design marking concentric circles and four figures of the standing mother goddess with a conventional tree in between. The specimen from PURANA QILA, although fragmentary, is analogous to the Taxila one except for a pipal-like tree by the side of the goddess. More interesting is a broken ring stone from ROPAR which has figures in the upper as well as lower bands. The upper one depicts a curved hut of MATHURA. The possibility of their being some kind of ritualistic pits cannot be ruled out. In the Śaka-Kushan period of the same site has been found a pit containing ashes and animal bones below the basal fillings of the inner mud fortification. It may have some ritualistic connection with the construction of the mud rampart. ### [v1.c17.s3.11](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s3.11) Fig. 45. Ivory plaquettes: 1, Nagda; 2, Navdatoli ### [v1.c17.s3.12](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s3.12) Fig. 46. Terracotta \*yantra\* from Chirand, Period III ### [v1.c17.s3.13](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s3.13) leaves with a seated male facing a female devotee on one side and representation of the mother goddess and a standing male on the other. The inner band is also relieved with a mother goddess and a conventional tree. ### [v1.c17.s3.14](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s3.14) An ornate disc from VAISALI, dated 100 B.C. to A.D 100, has a decorative edge and a central circle containing a mutilated figure surrounded by representations of the mother goddess and conventional trees. The presence of the mother goddess on these rings and discs associates them with the cult of Śakti including that of Śrī as objects of daily worship. \[\*See also\* 12.6.\] ### [v1.c17.s3.15](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s3.15) \*12.3.10. Sacrificial pits and altars.\* The Harappans of LOTHAL and KALIBANGAN practised fire-sacrifices \[4.9\]: this is indicated at both the sites by a large number of shallow pits filled with ashes, charcoal and terracotta cakes \[6.27\]. The pits are rectangular or apsidal and are built either on mud platforms or inside houses. At LOTHAL they have a miniature low enclosure around and at KALIBANGAN a central stump in the form of a raised brick or block. A rectangular \*kuṇḍa\* lined with baked brick, with bones of bovines and antlers inside, has also been found at KALIBANGAN. Similar rectangular enclosures of baked brick, called fire altars by the excavator, have also been exposed at LOTHAL at public places. A terracotta ladle used in fire sacrifices and a post-hole for a wooden sacrificial post near a fire-altar are believed to be significant features of fire-worship at LOTHAL. ### [v1.c17.s3.16](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s3.16) Some pits containing ashes, animal bones and pottery, especially grey-ware dishes, and in a few cases beads and terracotta figures of elephant are associated with Pd II (300-200 B.C.) in the habitation area of ### [v1.c17.s3.17](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s3.17) However clearer evidence of the performance of Vedic sacrifices is reported from KAUŚĀMBĪ, where a raised altar has been identified as a \*śyena-citi\* (eagle-altar) connected with the celebration of \*puruṣa-medha\* (human sacrifice). The altar, located outside the e. city gate, has been dated to c. 2nd century B.C. The \*citi\* is shaped like an eagle flying towards n.-e. and is made of several brick layers over a pit for \*gārhapatya\* fire at the junction of the tail and body of the eagle. From the altar were recovered animal bones bearing incision marks, a tortoise shell, a human skull and pots. A fire-place was also located on it. The details of this altar tallies to a great extent with the description of such altars in the \*Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa\*. Equally interesting proof of \*śyena-citi\* datable to c. 3rd century A.D. has also been found at JAGATGRAM. This was also in the form of an eagle or hawk with stretched wings. According to inscribed bricks found here this marked the spot where a king named Śīlavarman performed his fourth \*aśva-medha\* sacrifice. The pit meant for the \*gārhapatya\* fire was also located here. ### [v1.c17.s3.18](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s3.18) \*12.3.11. Seals and sealings.\* Seals or sealings of cultic value, dating from Gupta and post-Gupta times and bearing expressions like \*jitaṁ bhagavatā\* from PURANA QILA and \*namo bhagavate Vāsudevaya\* from BHITA eulogizing Viṣṇu, and Buddhist \*dhāraṇīs\* and creed \*ye dharmā\* etc., from many monastic sites \[12.8\] appear to be of magico-religious significance. ### [v1.c17.s3.19](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s3.19) \*12.3.12 Yūpas.\* A few specimens of \*yūpas\* or sacrificial posts have also been found, but none in any systematic excavation. Two notable examples, one inscribed and other uninscribed, were recovered from the bed of the Yamuna near the city of Mathura. Of local sandstone, these posts have a square base, octagonal shaft and curved top decked with the relief of a flower garland. Above the basal portion the shaft bears a carved representation of a knotted rope. The record on the inscribed one says that it was set up by a Brāhmaṇa named Droṇala during a sacrificial session of 12 days in the reign of the Kushan king Vāsiṣka. \*Yūpa\* pillars of later dates have also been found in Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh. ### [v1.c17.s3.20](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s3.20) \*12.3.13 Miscellaneous objects.\* Minor ritualistic objects are of a diverse nature and date. A tiny \*triśūla\* of the Mauryan period from SONKH and a small ornate \*cakra\* with \*makara\* pedestal (c. 8th century) from RAJBADIDANGA are notable examples in copper of sacred \*āyudhas\* of a symbolic nature. A spouted \*kamaṇḍalu\* with a semicircular handle, narrow-mouthed globular body and pedestalled base in grey ware associated with the NBPW \[11.16\] from CHIRAND appears to be a jar used in \*dāna\* or other rites. In later periods some of the earthen sprinklers available from many sites seem to have been used as \*kamaṇḍalus\* \[6.28\]. Two inscribed \*śaṅkhas\* each from SALIHUNDAM (c. 2nd century) and NAGARJUNAKONDA (c. 3rd century) appear to have been cult objects. In fact the inscriptions respectively specify the shells as gifts to the \*caitya\* at Śālipeṭaka (SALIHUNDAM) and to the Aṣṭabhujasvāmin temple. Small gold and silver bowls with a central knob found at the Sarvadeva temple site at NAGARJUNAKONDA seem to be objects used in \*pūjā\*. A gold-plated copper spouted jar with a lid and a bronze \*ghaṇṭā\* bearing a pointed handle decked with human head and a \*pūrṇa-ghaṭa\* (dating about the 11th century) were found buried in a hoard at Achutrajapuram in Orissa. ### [v1.c17.s3.21](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s3.21) Small spouted vases bearing the relief of a human figure on the exterior, with a spout marking the genital organ, from Śuṅga and later levels of PURANA QILA, MATHURA and BHITA are probably associated with some fertility ritual. ### [v1.c17.s3.22](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s3.22) Mitra, D., 1972, \*Excavations at Tilaura-kot and Kodan & Exploration in the Nepalese Tarai\*, Kathmandu (for Sagarhawa). Rao, S.R., 1973, \*Lothal & the Indus Civilization\*, Bombay. For other sites see respective entries in vol. II—M.C. JOSHI ### 12.4 Disposal of the Dead ### [v1.c17.s4.1](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s4.1) Archaeological evidence of the disposal of the dead in India comes from habitational areas as well as cemeteries. The body was either cremated or inhumated. When cremated the ashes were collected, sometimes in earthen pots; and buried; when inhumated, the entire body or a collection of post-exposure disarticulated bones was buried. In both the cases the disposal was done in various ways, depending on the social status of the dead person and in accordance with the prevailing religious beliefs and practices. ### [v1.c17.s4.2](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s4.2) No Palaeolithic \[4.2-4\] human remains have been found in India. The story begins with the succeeding Mesolithic period \[4.5\], when, the available evidence shows, by and large the dead were buried within the habitational areas, both inside rock-shelters and on open grounds, although it is possible that the actual place of burial was temporarily abandoned. The mode of the disposal of the dead body was inhumation. At SARAI NAHAR RAI, Dt Pratapgarh, more than a dozen graves have been excavated in a shallow mound located on the Baklahinala, a tributary of the Ganga. Although the graves were usually an oblong pit containing a single extended body placed in w.-e. orientation, the head being kept towards the w., there are a couple of examples of 'double' burial, i.e., instead of a single skeleton there were two. LANGHNAJ in Dt Mahesana and BAGOR in Dt Bhilwara are the two other open-air sites located on ancient sand-dunes. Both of them have single extended burials, although in neither case have all the bones been found intact. The former site gives evidence of slightly flexed burials also, which, if not accidental, is only a variety of complete inhumation. Both kinds of burials have been found in rock-shelters. At PANCHMARHI, Dt Hoshangabad, and BAGHAI KHOR and LEKHAHIA in Dt Mirzapur extended burials, sometimes in a slightly flexed manner, have been located within the habitational deposits. Although microliths have been reported from the earth removed from the graves, it cannot be said with certainty that they were placed there purposely as offerings. ### [v1.c17.s4.3](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s4.3) The Harappans \[4.9\] as a rule disposed of their dead singly in oblong pits dug in regular cemeteries located outside the habitation some 200 to 300 m away. The extended body, sometimes with ornaments on, was laid with the head kept towards the n. In rare examples two bodies were laid together. Cremation and fractional burial in pots were practised at a few places. As a rule each grave was furnished with a large number of pots and pans, sometimes along with personal ornaments and toiletry such as faïence and shell bangles, copper rings and mirrors and gold and steatite beads. Interestingly there have been examples without any grave goods as well as without any skeletal remains. At Harappa an adult was wrapped in matting and buried in a wooden coffin. The grave pits at ROPAR measured 2·75 by ·75 m. In one example the grave was rectangular demarcated with one course of mud brick. In another example a dog's skeleton was found lying below the skeleton of the man, a practice with parallel at the Neolithic site of BURZAHOM. All the 14 excavated graves at LOTHAL were single extended burials in oblong pits, except three, which are ‘double’ or ‘twin’ burials, each consisting of the skeletal remains of two interlocked individuals. It seemingly recalls the later-day Hindu practice of \*sati\*, i.e., immolation of the wife on the funeral pyre of the husband, but it has not been conclusively proved that in each case the individuals belonged to the opposite sexes. Some of the graves, rectangular in shape, were demarcated with a single course of mud brick, as at ROPAR. In one example the floor of the pit was paved with mud brick and in another with \*kankar\*. Again in one example the grave yielded bones and horns of a goat. At RANDALIYO, Dt Rajkot, was found an extended burial in an oblong pit. The cemetery at SURKOTADA in Dt Kutch has yielded entirely different evidence. The total of four graves excavated there belong to the category of ‘post-exposure pot burials’. The pits in which the pots were laid were oval in shape and usually measured 2·02 m in length, 1·44 m in width and 30 to 50 cm in depth. Inside were offering pots of different sizes. Except in two examples which yielded small fragments of bones kept in pots (in one case they were charred) the graves were entirely devoid of skeletal remains. Architecturally these grave pits were capped with stone slabs and covered with cairn stones. At KALIBANGAN were excavated as many as 37 graves belonging not only to the ‘oblong pit’ and ‘round pit with pot’ types but also to the rectangular pit type with the sides of the pits lined with mud brick, in one example with landing steps also, as if the intention was to provide the dead with a comfortable underground chamber. It is significant to note that some of the rectangular and round (sometimes oval also) pit burials were devoid of skeletal remains. But possibly much more important is the pattern of the distribution of the different types of burials within the cemetery since it may reflect some kind of social differentiation among the population of KALIBANGAN. Thus, ‘rectangular and oblong pits with skeletal remains and offerings’ are concentrated in the e. portion of the graveyard, ‘rectangular pits with offerings but no skeletal remains’ in the w., and ‘round and oval pits with offerings but no skeletal remains’ in the n. ### [v1.c17.s4.4](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s4.4) The Harappa site of TARKHANEWALA DERA, Dt Ganganagar, had on the top of a made-up platform an oblong cremation ground, marked off by flatly-laid mud bricks. Traces of at least five cremations were clearly noticed. Burials of the regular kind have also been suspected at the site of BINJOR-3 not far from TARKHANEWALA DERA and also in Sector 22 of CHANDIGARH. ### [v1.c17.s4.5](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s4.5) The almost contemporary n.-w. Neolithic culture \[4.6.1\] is represented at its type site at BURZAHOM, where as many as 14 burials have been excavated. Located within the habitation of the later phase of the culture and in close proximity to each other, nine of them turned out to be human and five animal burials. The human burials included both the extended and flexed types, dug into the floors of houses. The grave goods included soapstone disc beads, barrel-shaped beads and fragmentary bones of animals, perhaps sacrificed. The skull of the skeleton of an extended burial bore seven finished and four unfinished trepanning holes, a practice which is also attested among the Harappans at KALIBANGAN. Fractional burials contain post-exposure bones in pits plastered with lime. Skulls and long bones of several examples have been found bearing traces of red ochre. The animal burials followed closely the practices of the human ones: a dog was buried in the flexed manner in a pit dug into the living floor. In one example however there is the evidence of fractional collective burial since in it were found the bones of five wild dogs mixed up with two antler deer. Such practices remained in vogue at BURZAHOM in the succeeding period, Megalithic \[4.17.1\], except that in a few examples free-standing stone pillars were planted over the graves. ### [v1.c17.s4.6](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s4.6) In the Neolithic-Chalcolithic cultures of peninsular India \[4.6.7-9; 4.14.6-8\] the people as a rule disposed of their dead within the habitational area usually below the floors of rooms but sometimes in the front verandas of huts and within roads and lanes. They followed both the well-known modes of complete inhumation and fractional burial. However they also practised a kind of burial called urn burial. The speciality of these burials lies not so much in the actual mode of the disposal of the dead body as in their earthenware containers—globular jars, used singly and kept upright, or two placed mouth-to-mouth and laid horizontally, or several of them arranged telescopically and placed horizontally. In some extended adult burials the bones below the ankles are cut, as if to demobilize the ghosts of the deceased persons. In certain examples at NAGARJUNAKONDA post-exposure bones have been found arranged in a manner as if the burial was extended. Infants were however buried in pots in flexed manner. At BRAHMAGIRI there is evidence of single urn burials for infants laid in an embryonic position and extended burials in oblong pits for grown-up children and adults. At NEVASA double and multiple urn burials for infants and children and extended pit burials for adults are noticed. Here it is clear that infant mortality was very high since out of the 131 excavated graves only three belonged to adults. At DAIMABAD, CHANDOLI and INAMGAON the same evidence is repeated—multiple-pot burials within the habitation interspersed with adult burials in oblong pits. The grave goods are small pots, beads and bangles of different materials. ### [v1.c17.s4.7](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s4.7) Two oblong graves of the PGW culture \[4.15 \], with extended burials of adults, with no grave goods, have been located at BHAGWANPURA within the habitational area. Belonging to the succeeding NBPW culture \[4.18\] there is an example from RAJGIR of a jar burial with post-cremation bones and ashes, placed vertically in a mud-plastered pit shaped like the jar itself. ### [v1.c17.s4.8](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s4.8) As by this time cremation had virtually replaced inhumation there is hardly any archaeological evidence of the practices concerning the disposal of the dead. \[The Buddhist (and Jaina) \*stūpas\* form an entirely different category see 12.8. \[For Megalithic burials see 4.17.\] ### [v1.c17.s4.9](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s4.9) Gupta, S.P., 1972, \*Disposal of the Dead & Physical Types in Ancient India\* (with full bibliography). Singh, P., 1970, \*Burial Practices in Ancient India\* (also with bibliography).—S.P. GUPTA ### 12.5 Head-rests ### [v1.c17.s5.1](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s5.1) Head-rests are objection of handmade burnished grey ware with a conical base and concave top, sometimes bearing post-firing painting in red ochre. At PIKLIHAL two groups of patinated rock bruisings of similar objects have been found. They occur only in the Neolithic levels in Karnataka \[4.6.9\]—at T. NARASIPUR (burial), MUTTALAVADI, BUDHITITTU, HALLUR and HEMMIGE: a single specimen from Tamil Nadu—MALAPPADI, Dt Dharmapuri—is an exceptional find. Their function is conjectured from: (i) the use of some similar objects by African tribes as head-rests; (ii) the find of similar objects in the Nile valley of Egypt dating from the Pre-Dynastic to Roman times in burial contexts; and (iii) the hieroglyphic symbol for such objects. The Egyptian representations are close to the Karnataka specimens. The association of \*ragi\* (\*Elucine caracona\*) \[2.2.1\], a millet native to Africa, in the Neolithic levels of HALLUR may indicate its dispersal from and ancient maritime contacts with Africa. Chronologically the Karnataka specimens belong to the late Neolithic and the Tamil Nadu one to the Neolithic-Megalithic \[4.17.9\] overlap phase. ### [v1.c17.s5.2](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s5.2) For sites see respective entries in vol. II.–K.S. RAMACHANDRAN ### 12.6 Mother Goddess ### [v1.c17.s6.1](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s6.1) The term mother goddess, equivalent to Indian \*mātā\* (\*mātṛ\*, \*mātṛka\*) or \*mātṛ-devī\*, is widely applicable to a variety of female figures symbolizing creativity, birth and fertility. The emphasis in the depiction is on maternal aspects with variable features such as prominent breasts and navel, steatophygia, display of \*yoni\*, a well-marked girdle and an infant on the left side. Unlike Europe Indian Palaeolithic sites have not yielded any mother goddess figurine. The suggestion that the upper Palaeolithic \[4.4\] bone harpoon from the BELAN valley ### [v1.c17.s6.2](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s6.2) Fig. 47. Terracotta head-rest ### [v1.c17.s6.3](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s6.3) represents a female figure seems to be far-fetched. It is in the period of settled agriculture of the Chalcolithic \[4.14\] cultures of the pre-Harappa Zhob, Quetta, Kulli and the Harappa \[4.9\] Indus valley that the earliest female figurines of the subcontinent are found. It is not clear why the Harappa sites of KALIBANGAN, LOTHAL, SURKOTADA, etc., have not yielded the Indus type of female figurines. ### [v1.c17.s6.4](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s6.4) Very few figurines akin to the mother goddess have been found in the post-Harappa village settlements of various parts of India between \*c.\* 1750 and 600 B.C. Clay female figurines have been reported from CHIRAND, Pd I A, Neolithic \[4.6\], and several Chalcolithic \[4.14\] sites of c. and e. India and the Deccan. These figurines are totally different from the Indus types, lacking in ornamentation and having a plump physiognomy and stumpy limbs. Most of them are headless, as at INAMGAON, NEVASA, BILAWA LI and ORIUP. The BILAWALI figurines are fiddle-shaped. The NEVASA and NAVDATOLI ones are applied to storage jars suggesting their protective or fertility function. The headless goddess found within a clay box in a house at INAMGAON perhaps has links with w. Asia. The arch formed by the legs of this figurine is an important stylistic feature which is also noticed in the Maurya terracotta figurines of MATHURA and the kaolin female figurines of Maharashtra, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh in the centuries around the Christian era. The s. regions of Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh have not yielded mother goddess figurines belonging to the period earlier than the 1st century B.C. ### [v1.c17.s6.5](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s6.5) There is a paucity of female figurines in the cultures associated with the OCW \[4.12\] and PGW \[4.15\] in n. India. LAL QILA has just two specimens. JAKHERA has one and ATRANJIKHERA two from the late PGW levels which are contemporary with the early levels of the NBPW \[4.18.1\]. Archaic mother goddess figurines appear, though in a limited number, in pre-NBPW levels of BUXAR and early NBPW levels of PĀṬALIPUTRA, MATHURA, MASAON, KAUŚĀMBĪ, etc. Schematized ivory figurines with punched circlets known as ‘eye goddesses’ found at ALAMGIRPUR (PGW) and NAGDA, UJJAJN, PRABHAS PATAN (NBPW) could have been used as amulets or votive offerings during a smallpox epidemic. \[cf. 12.3.6.\] ### [v1.c17.s6.6](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s6.6) Fig. 48. Mother goddess: 1, headless goddess, Inamgaon; 2, plaque showing goddess and her partner, Rajgir; 3, headless nude goddess, Bhita ### [v1.c17.s6.7](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s6.7) A definite evidence of the mother goddess cult is seen in a large number of miniature stone discs \[12.3.9\] of about the 3rd-2nd centuries B.C found from Bihar to the n.-w. at PĀṬALIPUTRA (Murtaziganj), VAISALI, SANKISA, RAJGHAT⁴, BHITA, JHUSI, KAUŚĀMBĪ, Kara, PURANA QILA, MATHURA, ROPAR and Taxila. These discs represent the steatopygous goddess with schematic curls, torque and girdle who stands in a frontal hieratic pose as on the gold plaques from LAURIYA-NANDANGARH and PIPRAHWA. The seasonal fertility drama is enacted on some discs and a RAJGIR steatite plaque showing the male partner of the goddess propitiating her, offering her a cup and playing a musical instrument. The goddess is shown here as a supreme figure with a subordinate male partner. She is associated with animals, birds, lotus, palm tree and the crescent moon which suggest her relationship with the Nana-Artemis-Diana group of fertility goddess. ### [v1.c17.s6.8](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s6.8) Most of the excavated sites of the 2nd-1st centuries B C. from Bengal to Punjab and Rajasthan have yielded a large number of terracotta figurines representing a variety of goddesses. The prominent among them is the goddess with five or more \*āyudha\* (weapon) symbols in the head-dress, often worn along with corn stalks and palm fronds. Nudity is exposed through her diaphanous apparel. She has a male partner in the plaques of CHANDRAKETUGARH and AHICCHATRĀ. This goddess often stands on a lotus and is identified with the goddess Śrī. The fertility aspect of the Śrī cult has been pointed out by Moti Chandra, 1973, in the terracotta plaque from AWRA of about the 1st century B.C. depicting auspicious jars and erotic couples flanking the goddess. Another fertility goddess is Vasudhārā or the Indianized version of Anahita holding two fish in her hand. An interesting terracotta plaque from RAIRH shows the goddess blessing her short male partner who holds two fish in his hand. ### [v1.c17.s6.9](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s6.9) The nude goddess, called ‘personified \*yoni\* type’ or Baubo and locally known as Lāja-Gaurī, who sits in the frog or Baubo style with legs wide apart and raised (\*uttānapāda\*) exposing her \*yoni\* and who is often headless and has a lotus in place of the head is seen in terracotta and stone plaques of the Deccan at TER, NEVASA, PAITHAN, BHOKARDAN, KONDAPUR, YELLESWARAM and NAGARJUNAKONDA, of Gujarat at Kanad, Kavi and AMRELI and of the Yamuna valley at KAUŚĀMBĪ, BHITA, JHUSI, etc., from the 1st century A.D. The NAGARJUNAKONDA stone plaque depicting the nude goddess is interesting as the torso is in the shape of \*ghaṭa\* (pot), symbolic of the womb; it bears an inscription of the 3rd century A.D. which records that the plaque was offered by a queen who had her husband and sons alive. Such plaques were offered in fulfilment of a desire, particularly connected with child-bearing. Sankalia, 1960, believes that the nude goddess was introduced in India from Egypt by the Romans. The cult of this goddess continued till at least the 8th century as indicated by her images in the temples at Alampur, Aihole, Badami and Mahakutesvara in the Deccan. ### [v1.c17.s6.10](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s6.10) Parthian influence is seen in the votive tanks \[12.11\] enshrining the mother goddess along with drummers, birds and lamps found at many n. Indian sites in the Kushan period. A definite iconographic manifestation of the mother goddess is seen at the beginning of the Christian era in the terracotta plaques of Mahiṣāsuramardini from NAGAR and MATHURA, metal images of the lion-faced goddess with an infant (and consort) at SONKH and KAUŚĀMBĪ and in terracotta and stone \*mātṛkā\* images at Chaudasi, MATHURA, etc. From the 5th century, with the ascendancy of Tantrism, the cult of the mother goddess got organized and was established in the religious life of the country, the vestiges of which are preserved in numerous images on medieval temples. ### [v1.c17.s6.11](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s6.11) Kramrisch, S., 1937, \*Jour. Indian Soc. Oriental Art\*, 7 (for Indian terracottas); 1956, in \*Artibus Asiae\* (for Aditiuttānapāda). Mahalingam, T.V., 1967, in Sircar, D.C., ed., \*Śakti Cult & Tārā\*, Calcutta (for Śakti cult in Tamil Nadu). Margabandhu, C., 1976, in \*Dr N. Subramanian Felicitation Vol.\*, Madura (for plaques in w. India). Moti Chandra, 1973, in \*Bull. Prince of Wales Museum of W. India\*, Bombay, 12 (for mother goddess cult). Pramod Chandra, 1971, in \*Chhavi\* (for carved discs). Sankalia, H.D., 1960, in \*Artibus Asiae\*, 12 (for nude goddess in w. Asia, India and S.-E. Asia); 1974, \*Prehistory & Protohistory of India & Pakistan\*, Poona. For sites see respective entries in vol. II.—D. DESAI ### 12.7 Pillars (Memorial) and Sati Stones ### [v1.c17.s7.1](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s7.1) Hero-stones, \*chāyā stambhas\* or memorial columns, are mostly free-standing stone columns, although at NAGARJUNAKONDA a few of them might have stood close to some pillared hall or the other, possibly a wayside rest house \[cf. 12.3.1\]. At that place they are generally tetragonal in section and are invariably inscribed and carved. They were erected to commemorate the death of some important personage and came to be known as \*chāyā\* (image)-\*stambhas\* as they provided veritable images of the life and activities of the hero. Apart from their high artistic attainment, the \*chāyā-stambhas\* provide interesting evidence on the social and cultural history of s. India almost up to the present times. ### [v1.c17.s7.2](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s7.2) One of the earliest \*chāyā-stambhas\* in the country is the one from Andhau, Dt Kutch, which is the memorial of a Kṣatrapa king of the 1st century A.D. Amongst the other examples mention may be made of those from Salad and Mulwasar, also in Gujarat, but the word used for \*chāyā-stambhas\* in these Kṣatrapa inscriptions is \*sita-laṣṭi\*, \*silāyaṣṭi\* or only \*yaṣṭi\*. C. India appears to have been an intermediary in the dispersal of the \*chāyā-stambha\* tradition from Gujarat to s. India as is attested to by the discovery of a memorial pillar at PAUNI, Dt Bhandara, datable to the 2nd century. ### [v1.c17.s7.3](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s7.3) Of the examples from the s. those from NAGARJUNAKONDA datable to the 3rd century A.D. are undoubtedly the earliest. These were raised during the rule of the Ikṣvākus, but most of them are damaged and the inscriptions thereon very much defaced. However there is sufficient evidence to show that \*chāyā-stambhas\* were raised not only for kings, queens, generals or soldiers but also for religious teachers and famous artisans. ### [v1.c17.s7.4](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s7.4) In recent years innumerable hero-stones have been discovered from Chengam Taluka of Dt N. Arcot, though none of them is earlier than the reign of the Pallava king Siṁhaviṣṇu who possibly ascended the throne in 536-7. Even though \*chāyā-stambhas\* have a high concentration in the Chengam area they are distributed over peninsular India and the tradition seems to have continued till the recent times. ### [v1.c17.s7.5](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s7.5) The earliest example of \*satī\* (\*satī\*-stones being abundant in later times) seems to be a stone sculpture of a lady against a ladder, as if jumping into fire, found in ### [v1.c17.s7.6](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s7.6) Agrawala, V.S., 1936, in \*Jour. U P. Hist. Soc.\*, 9 (for Mathura); 1947-8, in \*AI\*, 4 (for Ahicchatrā). Banerjea, J.N., 1956. \*Development of Hindu Iconography\*, Calcutta. Coomaraswamy, A.K., in \*Mārg\*, 6 (for archaic terracottas). Desai, D., 1975, \*Erotic Sculpture of India, a Socio-cultural Study\*, New Delhi; in \*Proc. 2nd Symposium of the International Association of Prehistoric & Ethnographic Religions\*, Calcutta (in press). Dhavalikar, M.K., 1965, in \*Anthropos\*, 60 (for eye goddess and their w. Asian parallels). Gordon, D.H., 1937, in \*Antiquity\*, 11 (for Gandhāra); 1943, in \*Jour. Indian Soc. of Oriental Art\*, 11 (for early Indian terracottas). Gupta, J., 1967, in \*Gopinath Kaviraj Abhinandan Granth\*, Lucknow (for Balidevi). Johnstone, E.H., 1942, in \*Jour. Indian Soc. Oriental Art\* (for a terracotta figure in Oxford). ### [v1.c17.s7.7](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s7.7) the cremation ground at NAGARJUNAKONDA (\*IAR\* 1958-9, p. 8). Another early example is provided by the ERAN stone pillar inscription of A.D. 510 which records that a chief called Goparāja was killed in battle and his wife became a \*satī\* (Sircar, 1965, p. 345). \*Satī\* memorials take a different form in the late historical levels at some sites, such as AHICCHATRA, where thin terracotta plaques produced out of shallow moulds show a male and female side by side. These plaques have been called \*sattī-sattā\*, a term used in Bundelkhand where they are abundantly found. Of the 37 pieces of AHICCHATRĀ 34 are firmly dated to 9th-11th centuries (Agrawala, 1947-8, p. 178). ### [v1.c17.s7.8](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s7.8) Stone sculptures depicting human beings committing self-immolation are plentiful in the s. and numerous examples exist in the museums of Hyderabad. Hero-stones commemorating the death of persons showing bravery, known in the s. as \*virakkal\*, are scattered all over the peninsula. ### [v1.c17.s7.9](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s7.9) Agrawala, V.S., 1947-8, in \*AI\*, 4 Nagaswamy, R., ed., 1947, \*Seminar on Hero-stones\*, Tamil Nadu Sarkar, H , & Misra, B.N., 1979, \*Nagarjunakonda\*, New Delhi Sircar, D.C., 1965, \*Select Inscriptions\*, Calcutta —H. SARKAR ### 12.8 Relics and Relic Caskets ### [v1.c17.s8.1](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s8.1) According to Buddhist texts the corporeal relics of Buddha, collected from the funeral pyre at KUSINAGARA where he attained his \*nirvāṇa\*, were divided into eight shares and were distributed among king Ajātaśatru of Magadha, the Licchavis of VAIŚĀLĪ, the Śākyas of KAPILAVASTU, the Mallas of KUŚINAGARA, the Mallas of Pāvā, the Bulis of Allakappa, the Koliyas of Rāmagrāma and a Brāhmaṇa of Veṭhadīpa for erecting \*stūpas\* over these bone relics. Two more \*stūpas\* came into existence immediately after his death: one was erected by Droṇa over the urn in which the bones had been collected and the other was constructed by the Moriyas of Pipphalivana over the charcoal collected from the funeral pyre. It is stated that Aśoka (c. 273-36 BC) opened up seven of these eight \*śarīrika stūpas\* (\*stūpas\* over bodily remains) and collected major portions of the relics for enshrinement within innumerable \*stūpas\* built by him. ### [v1.c17.s8.2](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s8.2) Evidence from SANCHI, Andher, Satdhara and Sonari all in c. India, shows that the example set by Aśoka in the dissemination of Buddha's relics was followed in the 2nd-1st century B.C. in respect not only of his direct disciples like Śāriputra and Maudgalyāyana but of later distinguished teachers. Portions of bones were evidently collected from their original deposits for enshrinement in \*stūpas\* erected in different parts of the country. In later periods small \*stūpas\* were built over the corporeal relics of the important monks as well. ### [v1.c17.s8.3](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s8.3) The Buddhist \*stūpas\* may broadly be classified into four categories: (1) \*śārīrika\*, (2) \*pāribhogika\*, (3) \*auddeśika\*, and (4) votive. The \*śārīrika stūpas\* are those containing within the corporeal relics of Buddha or his direct disciples and Buddhist teachers and monks; in many cases along with the charred bones were deposited precious and semiprecious objects. The \*pāribhogika stūpas\* were erected over objects, like begging bowl, believed to have been used by Buddha. The \*auddeśika\* ones were commemorative of the incidents of Buddha's life including those of his previous births or of spots hallowed by his presence. Both Fa-Hien and Hiuen Tsang saw a good number of such \*stūpas\*. The votive \*stūpas\* were the pious dedications of pilgrims actuated by the desire of earning religious merit; within the core of many of these \*stūpas\* are found images of Buddha and Buddhist divinities, Buddhist texts, discs and tablets with the Buddhist creed with or without Buddhist figures, slabs and plates inscribed with the \*Pratītyasamutpāda-sūtra\* and plaques and slabs inscribed with \*dhāraṇīs\*. ### [v1.c17.s8.4](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s8.4) Though many \*stūpas\* have yielded charred bones, it has not been possible to identify the concerned persons in most cases owing to the absence of inscriptions mentioning the names of the persons whose bones were enshrined. Though Hiuen Tsang noticed a large number of \*stūpas\* built by Aśoka throughout the country, very few can be identified for lack of definite evidence. In fact no relic casket bearing the name of Aśoka as the donor of the casket or the builder of the \*stūpa\* has so far been found. In the core of the Dharmarājikā Stūpa at SARNATH attributed to Aśoka was found a sandstone box. Inside the box was a green marble relic casket containing a few pieces of bone, decayed pearls, gold leaves and some not costly jewels. The nucleus of the Dharmarājikā Stūpa at Taxila is also believed to have been built by Aśoka. Though no relics were found inside, from one of the smaller \*stūpas\* by its side relics were recovered. In the relic chamber of this \*stūpa\* were discovered four earthen lamps, four coins and a steatite vase; the vase contained a gold casket together with three gold safetypins and beads of ruby, garnet, amethyst and crystal; within the gold casket were beads of bone and ruby with pieces of silver leaf, coral and stone, apart from bone relic. Other \*stūpas\* and shrines at Taxila produced a good number of relics (Marshall, 1951). In fact close to the small \*stūpa\* just mentioned a small shrine yielded a silver vase placed within a schist vessel; within the vase was a gold relic casket with some minute bone relics and an inscribed silver scroll recording the enshrinement of the relics of Buddha in the Bodhisattva shrine. The relic chamber of the colossal \*stūpa\* built by Kaniṣka at Peshawar yielded an inscribed metal casket containing a hexagonal crystal reliquary holding three pieces of bones believed to be of Buddha; on the body and lid of the inscribed casket are figures of Buddha. ### [v1.c17.s8.5](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s8.5) The reliquaries, with or without relic chambers, were placed usually at the centre of the \*stūpas\*. However there are instances where they have been found away from the centre; this device was probably to forestall attempts at the removal of the relics. Thus in the Mahācaitya of NAGARJUNAKONDA the casket was found within one of the outermost compartments. In Stūpa 9 of the same place the casket was found at the junction of the outer rim and the \*āyaka\* platform. Five crystal relic caskets were found in the slots of two stones within the core of the s. \*āyaka\* of the Mahā-caitya at AMARAVATI (\*IAR 1957-8\*, p. 11. \*1958-9\*, p. 5). In the \*stūpas\* the reliquaries have been recovered from different depths, the lowest being below the structure of the \*stūpa\* itself. ### [v1.c17.s8.6](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s8.6) Considerable care was taken to ensure the safe holding of the sacred bone relics by a succession of encasements. Thus the gold relic caskets found within the \*stūpa\* at Mirpur Khas in Sind was encased by a silver cylindrical casket which was within a crystal casket covered by a stone coffer. Even more meticulous care was noticed in Stūpa 8 at NAGARJUNAKONDA where the bone relic was preserved in a series of caskets, one within the other, the innermost one being of gold, the next of silver, the third of copper, the next of glazed earthenware and the outermost of stone. ### [v1.c17.s8.7](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s8.7) The number of relic caskets found throughout India is indeed numerous and as all of them cannot and need not be described here the finds from some selected \*stūpas\* are noticed below and these will furnish a comprehensive idea about the shapes and materials of the reliquaries and deposits within. ### [v1.c17.s8.8](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s8.8) The mud \*stūpa\* at VAIŚĀLĪ has been identified by A.S. Altekar, the excavator, with the one raised by the Licchavis over the relics of Buddha, on account of the primitive feature of the \*stūpa\*, the location of which has been thought to correspond to Hiuen Tsang's location of the \*stūpa\* of the Licchavis. However the identification is not beyond dispute. This \*stūpa\* yielded a small soapstone casket containing a small quantity of ashy earth, a piece of gold leaf, two glass beads, a small conch and a copper punch-marked coin \[3.1\]. The reliquary together with the knobbed lid presents a globular profile (\*IAR 1957-8\*, p. 11; \*1958-9\*, p. 5). ### [v1.c17.s8.9](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.reference.ghosh-1989.v1.c17.s8.9) A singular deposit has been encountered within the main \*stūpa\* of PIPRAHWA identified with a part of Kapilavastu. In 1898 W.C. Peppé sank a shaft through the centre of the \*stūpa\* (Peppé, 1898). At a depth of 3·05 m from the top was found a small broken soapstone vase containing some beads, crystal pieces, gold ornaments, cut stars, etc. At a lower depth, nearly 60 cm above the base of the bottom brick course, was found a sandstone coffer, 1·34 m long at the base, 8·45 cm wide at the base and 66 cm high together with the fitting lid. Inside the coffer were, besides pieces of wooden vessels, (1) a steatite casket of two component parts with a prominent base, a globular body, a pronounced flange and a vase-shaped top member having a conical pinnacle, 19 cm high and 11·5 cm in maximum diameter; (2) a similar but inscribed casket of the same material, 15·2 cm high and 10·8 cm in maximum diameter; (3) a roughly \*loṭā\*-shaped steatite vessel, 13·3 cm high and 14·5 cm in maximum diameter; (4) a low somewhat cylindrical steatite casket of two component parts with a conical knob at the top and a depression around the body, 9·5 cm in maximum diameter and 5·7 cm high; and (5) an exquisitely polished crystal casket with a globular body, 10·8 cm in maximum diameter and 11·4 cm high. The handle of the last is in the shape of a hollow fish stuffed with seven gold bands having gold granulated flowers and gold circular frames attached to them and several tiny beads in paste. Numbering several hundreds, the contents of these caskets included, apart from pieces of bone, gold leaves impressed with various symbols like \*svastika\*, \*tri-ratna\*, triangle-headed standard, etc., impressions of two female figures on gold leaf, figures of animals like lion and elephant in gold leaf, gold and silver flowers and stars, a tiny amulet like gold box, gold \*tri-ratnas\*, a gold disc impressed with connected spirals, plain gold bars, rolls of gold leaves, pearls, a carnelian bird, a malachite bird, delicately fashioned leaves, seed vessels, \*tri-ratnas\* and flowers in semiprecious minerals, fragments of coral, beads of various shapes in gold, silver, semiprecious minerals and coral, cut semiprecious stones, pieces of mica and a spirally rolled copper wire. The inscription, in characters of the 3rd century B.C., on one of these caskets mentions the name of Buddha. The excavation by the ASI in 1971-2 led to the discovery of two more steatite caskets similar in shape to the inscribed one found earlier within brick containers, about 5 cm below the bottom brick course of the \*stūpa\*. These caskets contained pieces of half-burnt bone. _First 69 of 113 passages. 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