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Early Monastic Buddhism v2.c30: Chapter IV

Early Monastic Buddhism v2.c30

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Chapter IV

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The Bimbisāra (or Haryaṅka) line of kings ended with the reign of king Nāgadāsaka.¹ The throne was taken by his minister Susunāga, who according to the traditions preserved in the *Uttaravihāra Aṭṭhakathā*, was the son of a Licchavi prince of Vesālī by a courtezan.² As he was adopted by a minister, he came to be known as a minister's son. According to a late tradition preserved in the *Mālālaṅkāravatthu*, Susunāga had his royal residence at Vesālī, to which place he later on transferred the capital from Rājagaha. He ruled for 18 years and is said to have humbled the Pradyota dynasty of Avantī.³ As far as the testimony of the Buddhist texts is concerned, no incident of note happened during his reign in the history of Buddhism.

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¹ See above, p. 4.

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² *Vamsatthappakāsini*, I, p. 155.

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³ See Raychaudhury, *Political History*, (1932), p. 147.

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Susunāga was succeeded by his son Kālāsoka of the Ceylonese chronicles or Kākavarṇi of the *Purāṇas*. Most of the scholars are of opinion that the two names are of an identical person. The *Aśokavadāna* places Kākavarṇi after Muṇḍa⁴ and makes no mention of Kālāsoka while the *Mañjuśrīmūlakalpa* speaks of Viśoka as the successor of Susunāga. Tāranātha has made a confusion of the Emperor Aśoka with Kālāsoka and makes Viśoka a son of Aśoka. In the *Kathāvatthu-aṭṭhakathā* (p. 2) he is called simply Aśoka. The outstanding event that took place in the history of Buddhism during his reign is the session of the Second Buddhist Council (see infra).

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⁴ See above, p. 3-4.

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According to the *Mahābodhivamsa*, Kālāsoka was succeeded by his ten sons: Bhadrasena, Koraṇḍavarṇa, Maṅgura, Sabbañjaha, Jālaka, Ubhaka, Sañjaya, Koravya, Nandivardhana, and Pañcamaka, who ruled simultaneously for 22 years. This tradition, however, is not corroborated by other Buddhist sources, according to which Kālāsoka or Viśoka was succeeded by his son Śūrasena, who reigned for 17 years.¹

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¹ Also called Ugrasena in the *Mahābodhi-vaṃsa*. Cf. *Mmk.*, p. 611: तस्मादनन्तरे राजा शूरसेनः प्रकथ्यते ।

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Śūrasena supported the bhikṣus of the four quarters for three years, and offered a hundred kinds of requisites to all *caityas* existing on the face of the earth.² Tāranātha makes Arhat Śāṇavāsika and Arhat Yaśa contemporaries of Śūrasena and refers to the appearance of Mahādeva and his five propositions during his reign.

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² Schiefner *Tāranātha's Geschichte des Buddhismus*. p. 50-51, The restoration from Tibetan may well be Śūrasena instead of Virasena. Cf. *Mmk.* p. 611: तेनापि कारिता शास्तुः कारा सुमहतौ तदा । स्तूपैरलंकृता सर्वा समुद्रान्ता वसुन्धरा ॥

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Śūrasena was succeeded by Nanda, who, according to Tāranātha,³ was Śūrasena's son. The *Mmk.*⁴ says that king Nanda was very powerful, maintained a large army and made Puṣpapura his capital. He, it is said, acquired wealth through magical means. Jayaswal⁵ on the basis of the stanza in the *Mmk.*:

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³ Schiefner, *op. cit.*, p. 52. King Nanda came of the Licchavi tribe, see p. 41.

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⁴ *Mmk.*, p. 611-612.

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⁵ *Imperial History of India*. p. 14.

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नीचमुख्यसमाख्यातो ततो लोके भविष्यति ।
तद्धनं प्राप्य मन्त्री सौ लोके पार्थिवतां गतः ॥

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remarks that Nanda was at first a minister of the previous king and that he belonged to a low family but was the leading man of the community. By unexpected acquisition of wealth he became the king of the country. He entertained the bhikṣus in Kāśī for many years.¹ King Nanda was surrounded by Brāhmaṇa ministers, on whom also he bestowed wealth. At the instance of his spiritual teacher (kalyāṇamitra) he offered several gifts to the caityas built on Buddha’s relics.² King Nanda ruled for 20 years and died as a true Buddhist at the age of sixty-six.³

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¹ Schiefner, op. cit., p. 53.

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² Mmk., p. 611-2.

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³ Mmk., p. 612.

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During the reign of Nanda, the bhikṣu Nāga began to speak highly of the five propositions of Mahādeva, which led to the appearance of four schools.⁴ In this connection, we may refer to the statement of Tāranātha that during the reign of Aśoka (i.e. Kālāsoka) appeared a brāhmaṇa Vatsa in Kashmir who was learned but very wicked. He took pleasure in preaching the Ātmaka theory, travelled over all the countries and turned the simple people into his own teaching and caused a dissension in the Saṅgha.⁵ It is a well known fact that the Vātsiputrīyas were one of the four schools, and probably this school came into existence at an earlier date but was recognised as a separate school at the time of king Nanda.

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⁴ Schiefner, op. cit.

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⁵ Ibid.

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Tāranātha as well as Bu-ston speak of the successor of Nanda as his son Mahāpadma, who, they state, was devoted to Buddhism and furnished the monks at Kusumapura with all their necessities of life.⁶ They further state that Vararuci and Pāṇini, who were his father’s ministers, continued to be his ministers, but Vararuci was hated and ultimately killed by him. As an atonement for the sin of killing a brāhmaṇa, 24 monasteries were erected by him. During his reign, Tāranātha states, Sthiramati, a disciple of Nāga,¹ caused further divisions in the Saṅgha by propagating his teacher’s propositions.

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⁶ Schiefner, op. cit., p. 55.

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¹ See above, p. 24.

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Prof. Raichaudhury and other scholars place king Nanda after the reign of the sons of Kālāsoka, Jayaswal, on the basis of the Mmk., places Śūrasena after Kālāsoka. It may be that Śūrasena was another name of Bhadrasena, the first son of Kālāsoka. In the history of Buddhism we know that, after the session of the second council during the reign of Kālāsoka, dissensions arose in the Buddhist Saṅgha. Mahādeva’s five propositions were regarded by Vasumitra and others as one of the causes of the dissensions. Mahādeva was followed by Nāga, who, in his turn, was followed by Sthiramati in the propagation of the five propositions. In view of this succession of teachers, it is quite probable that Kālāsoka was succeeded by Śūrasena, and Śūrasena by Nanda. Buston writes that troubles arose in the Buddhist Saṅgha 137 years after Buddha’s parinibbāna.² This date coincides with the reign of Nanda and therefore his information as also of Tāranātha that Śūrasena intervened between Kālāsoka and Nanda appears to be historical. It is quite likely that the Tibetan historians mistook the name Mahāpadma Nanda as names of two personages. Nanda and Mahāpadma, and made the latter a son of the former. It may be that king Nanda took the appellation Mahāpadma some time after the commencement of his reign.

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² Buston, II, p. 76.

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The *Mmk.* and the Tibetan historians furnish us with interesting information regarding the time and activities of the famous grammarians Pāṇini and Vararuci. Regarding Pāṇini the texts mention that he was born at Bhīrukavana in the west (probably north-west) and that though he was a brāhmaṇa, he was strongly inclined to the Buddhist faith, and that he attained proficiency in grammar (*śabdaśāstra*) through the grace of Avalokiteśvara. He composed the well-known *Pāṇinivyākaraṇa* and ultimately attained *Śrāvakabodhi*. The date of Pāṇini is placed by Weber, Maxmüller, Keith, and several other scholars between 350 and 300 B.C., and this is also the time of the reigning period of king Nanda, hence the contemporaneity of Nanda and Pāṇini as stated by the Buddhist writers seems to be true.

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Regarding Vararuci our information is that he was an erudite scholar and started writing explanatory *śastras* on Buddha’s words. Prof. Belvalkar¹ has adduced ample evidences to show that Vararuci was another name of Kātyāyana of the Aindra School of grammarians, which school, Tāranātha says, was believed to be earlier than the Pāṇinian school. To this school also belongs Kaccāyana’s Pāli grammar. Vararuci’s interest in writing exegetical literature is also referred to by Belvalkar.² In view of all these, it will not be wide of the mark if we hold that Vararuci was also a contemporary of king Nanda and Pāṇini and that he like his famous namesake Mahākaccāyana specialised in writing commentaries on Buddha’s enigmatic expressions. Tāranātha suggests that the writing of *Vibhāṣā-śastras* was commenced by Vararuci. It may be that Kātyāyana or Vararuci was the originator of the Sarvāstivāda school of Buddhism, which later on came to be known as the Vaibhāṣika school. From the above account, we may conclude that dissensions in the Buddhist Saṅgha commenced in the reign of Kālāsoka and multiplied during the reigns of Śūrasena and Mahāpadma Nanda.

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¹ *Systems of Sanskrit Grammar*, pp 11, 27, 85

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² *Ibid.*, p. 84.

Principal centres of Buddhism

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The names of monks and the geographical information as furnished by the accounts of the Second Council throw interesting light on the extent of the area which came under the influence of the Buddhist church. The leading monks of the time were counted as eight, viz., Sabbakāmī, Sāḷha, Revata, Khujjasobhita, Yasa, Sambhūta Sāṇavāsī, Vāsabhagāmika and Sumana.¹ The first six were disciples of Ānanda, and the remaining two of Anuruddha. Ānanda died during the latter part of the reign of Ajātasattu, and so the age of his disciples at the time of the Second Council exceeded, in any case, 90 years. Sabbakāmī was then the Saṅghatthera but Revata was the recognised leader. In the Sanskrit tradition, Sambhūta Sāṇavāsī gets more prominence as he, according to this tradition, was selected by Ānanda as the monk to take charge of the religion after him. In the Chinese traditions, he is shown as taking the leading part in the deliberations of the Council. The Vesālians were monks of the eastern countries (*pācinakā*) so also were Sabbakāmī, Sāḷha of Sahajāti,² Khujjasobhita and Vāsabhagāmika.¹ In Buston's account, Sabbakāmī is said to have been residing at Vesālī. Hiuen Tsang tells us that Khujjasobhita belonged to Pāṭaliputra while Sāḷha came from Vesālī. It will be observed that Sāḷha of Sahajāti or Vesālī was at first in an indecisive mood. King Kālāsoka also like Sāḷha was at first in favour of the Vesālians, but later on, at the intervention of his sister Bhikkhunī Nandā, he changed towards the Westerners. In the early history of Buddhism, Vesālī is described as a town seething with non-Buddhistic thinkers and as a centre of the followers of Nigaṇṭha Nāṭaputta, hence it is quite in keeping with the traditions of the country that non-orthodox Buddhists should find a footing there.

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¹ Buston (II, p. 93) gives a slightly different list: Yaśas, Sāḍha, Dhanika, Kubjita, Ajita, Sambhūta, Revata.

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² Soṇaka, according to Buston, II, p. 93. Sahajāti is identified with Bhiṭā 9 miles S.S.W. from Allahabad. Sir John Marshall identifies Sahajāti with Bhiṭā on the basis of the inscription: ‘Māgadhi Sahajātiye nigamaśa’. See N. N. Ghosh, *Early His. of Kausambi*, p. 89.

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¹ Buston (p. 93) gives the following geographical information:— i Sarvakāmin of Vaiśālī ii Yaśas of Dhanika iii Sāḍha of Soṇaka iv Dhanika of Saṃkāsya (in Magadha, see Przyluski, *Le Concile de Rājagaha*, p. 286) v Kubjita of Pāṭaliputra vi Ajita of Śrughna vii Sambhūta of Mahiṣmati viii Revata of Sahajāti.

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Yasa, the most active figure in the account and the one who started the commotion, hailed, according to Hiuen Tsang, from Kosala. He left Vesālī for Kosambī, where he organised a party with sixty monks of Pāvā (Pāveyyakā)² and eighty monks of Avantī, all of the Western countries.³ He proceeded with them first to Sambhūta Sāṇavāsī of Mathurā and met him at Ahogaṅga.⁴ Accompanied by him they went to meet Revata, another Westerner, belonging to Kanauj and met him at Soreyya. The fourth Western monk was Sumana. Thus we see that there was a clear geographical division among the monks. The opposition to the Vesālian practices was started by Yasa of Kosala,¹ and supported by Revata of Soreyya (Kanauj),² Sambhūta Sāṇavāsī of Mathurā, and Sumana, whose native place is not mentioned anywhere. This testifies to the fact that the monks of the Western countries, viz. Kauśāmbī,³ Avantī Mathurā were more orthodox in their observance of the Vinaya rules as adopted by the Theravādins. In the deliberations of the Council, Sabbakāmī, though the Saṅghatthera, was not given the lead, and this also proves the lack of his whole-hearted support to the agitation started by Yasa. Sāḷha's attitude, as mentioned above, was at first indecisive and similar probably was also the view of Khujjasobhita of Pāṭaliputra.

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² Pātheyyakā is another reading.

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³ *Vamsatthappakāsini*, p. 166: *Pacchimikā yeva Pāveyyakā*.

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⁴ Ahogaṅga is a mountain near the sources of the Ganges. Moggaliputta Tissa resided there immediately before the Third Council see B. C. Law, *Geog. of Early Buddhism*, p. 40.

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¹ Dhanika, according to Buston (II, p. 91).

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² Kauśāmbī is identified with the ruins at Kośam, 38 miles from Allahabad above the Yamunā. Watters, II, p. 75.

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³ In the Sarvāstivādin Vinaya account of the Kauśāmbī dispute, one party is described as Vesālian and the other Kauśāmbian.

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Prof. Przyluski also has noted the geographical division of monks in his *Concile de Rājagṛha* (p. 308-9) and remarks that there were definitely three centres, viz., Vaiśālī,⁴ Kauśāmbī and Mathurā. Kauśāmbī and all south-western countries became later on the seat of the Theravādins while Mathurā and the north-western countries of the Sarvāstivādins. The Westerners of this Council were therefore the group of monks who came to be later on known as the Sthaviras and Sarvāstivādins while the Easterners, who made their seat at Vaiśālī, were the Mahāsaṅghikas and their offshoots. Whatever may have been the differences between the Easterners and Westerners, it is apparent that Buddhism was prevalent at the time all over the central belt of India from Avanti¹ to Vaiśālī and from Mathurā to Kauśāmbī. The chief centre of Buddhism, it seems, was shifted at that time from Rājagṛha to Pāṭaliputra which became then also the royal seat of the rulers. The Mahāsanghikas made Pāṭaliputra their chief centre.²

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⁴ Vaiśālī is identified with Besarh in the Muzaffarpur district of Behar.

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¹ Avanti in ancient times was divided into two parts, the northern part with its capital at Ujjeni is identified with Malwa.

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² See *Infra*

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