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Early Monastic Buddhism v2.c42.s1: 1. Pre-Aśokan Period

Early Monastic Buddhism v2.c42.s1

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1. Pre-Aśokan Period

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The pre-Aśokan form of the religion provided no scope for emotion, nor for devotion or worship, not to speak of rituals. Its dry-as dust ethical principles and doctrinal teachings based on so-called reason hardly attracted the attention of the common-folk. Among the householders it was only the cultured few like Anāthapiṇḍika and Visākhā, Jīvaka and Āmrapālī, Citta and Nakulapitā who took interest in the religion and worked for its success. Among the recluses and intellectuals also there were not very many who could dive deep into the truths of the religion, and it was probably this lack of appreciation of his teachings that made Buddha hesitate to preach the religion to one and all.

Ecclesiastical Rituals

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In course of time, however, there was some accretion of rituals in the form of (i) *tisaraṇa*, (ii) lower and higher ordinations, (iii) observance of *uposatha*, (iv) *vassāvāsa*, *pavāraṇā*, and *kaṭhina*. These rituals attracted some converts of a mediocre type and appreciably helped the enlargement of the body hitherto known as Śākyaputtiya Samaṇas. Around this body grew up a number of house-holders, who impressed by the saintly character of some of the monks as also by the simple ethical teachings of the religion, and the rituals of *Tisaraṇa*, and other ecclesiastical functions like *Pavāraṇā* requiring the services of laymen, avowed themselves as *upāsakas* and *upāsikās*.¹ It is rather remarkable that the religion did not yield to the wishes of the mass any further, by providing objects of worship or by allowing the laymen to take any part in the ecclesiastical functions.

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¹ See Vol. I, chap. xii.

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(i) *Trisaraṇa*. There was no form of prayer except an expression of faith in the *Triratna*. The three articles of faith, compulsory for every monk and nun or layman and lay woman was the thrice utterance of the formula,—
(i) *Buddhaṃ saraṇaṃ gacchāmi*
(ii) *Dhammaṃ saraṇaṃ gacchāmi* and (iii) *Saṃghaṃ saraṇaṃ gacchāmi*.

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There has been a good deal of discussion among the Buddhist scholiasts about the meaning of *saraṇa* and *Buddha*, *Dharma* and *Saṅgha*. The best and the earliest interpretation is found in a few couplets preserved in the canonical texts.² These are.—

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² *Dhammapada*, pp. 188-192; *Udānavarga*, xxvii, 28-30; *Divyāvadāna*, p. 164; *Abhidharmakośa*, iv, 80, etc. See L. de la Vallée Poussin, *Doctrine des Réfuges*, in *Mélanges chinois et bouddhiques*, i, (1931-32), p. 75.

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बहवः शरणं यान्ति पर्वतांश्च वनानि च ।
आरामचैत्यवृक्षांश्च मनुष्या भयताजिताः ॥
न ह्येतच्छरणं श्रेष्ठं नैतच्छरणमुत्तमम् ।
नैतच्छरणमागम्प सर्वदुःखात् प्रमुच्यते ॥
यस्तु बुद्धं च धर्मं संघं च शरणं गतः ।
आर्यसत्यानि चत्वारि पश्यति प्रज्ञया सदा ॥
दुःखं दुःखसमुत्पादं दुःखस्य समतिकमम् ।
आर्यं चाष्टाङ्गिकं मार्गं क्षेमं निर्वाणगामिनम् ॥
एतद्धि शरणं श्रेष्ठं एतच्छरणमुत्तमम् ।
एतच्छरणमागम्प सर्वदुःखात् प्रमुच्यते ॥

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In these couplets, *saraṇam* means ‘seeking protection’ from evils. In the formulae of *Triratna*, the protection that one seeks is not from the worldly evils but from the suffering to which a human being is destined.¹ Such protection can be secured by developing faith in Buddha, Dharma and Saṅgha, and by realising the four truths and the eightfold path, and not by leading solitary meditative life in the hills or forests nor by visiting temples and shrines (*caityas*).

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¹ Sumaṅgala Vilāsini, I, p. 230.

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The faith in the *Triratna* is usually expressed in these terms:

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(i) *Iti pi so Bhagavā araham sammāsambuddho vijjācaraṇasampanno sugato lokavidu anuttaro purisadammasārathi satthā devamanussānam.*

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(Bhagavā, the enlightened, is endowed with knowledge and good conduct, he is the knower of the world, the guide in disciplining men, the incomparable, the teacher of men and gods).

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(ii) *Svakkhāto Bhagavatā dhammo sandiṭṭhiko akāliko ehipassiko opanayiko paccattaṃ veditabbo viññūhi.*

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(The Dhamma preached by Bhagavā produces fruit in his life, invites everybody, has no limitation of time, leads one to the goal and is realisable only by the wise within one’s ownself).

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(iii) *Supaṭipanno Bhagavato sāvakasaṅgho yad idam cattāri purisayugāni aṭṭhapurisapuggalā, esa Bhagavato sāvakasaṅgho āhuṇeyyo pāhuṇeyyo dakkhiṇeyyo añjalikaraṇīyo anuttaraṃ puññakkhettaṃ lokassa.*

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(The Saṅgha consists of monks, who are in one of the four stages of sanctification, are righteous, exerting for knowledge, observing good conduct, who are worthy of gifts, praise and respects, and who are fit recipients of gifts from laymen).

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The Buddhist scholiasts who were imbued with the principles of early Buddhism, were at a loss to justify the avowal of these three articles of faith. Some of them, who looked upon Buddha's mortal body as impure, said that 'Buddha' in the formulae implied a collection of dharmas and not Buddha the individual; Dharma implied the last two truths only viz., duḥkhanirodha and the aṣṭāṅgikamārga, which are pure, and not the other two which are impure dharmas. Saṅgha in the formulae implied śīlas or the mortal duties which make a person an arhat, and not merely a member of the order. It is doubtful how far this interpretation of the scholiasts appealed to the common-folk. We know that the utterance of the Tri-saraṇa formulae was made compulsory for both monks and laity, and that this utterance alone transformed a non-Buddhist to a

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¹ See L. de la Vallée Poussin, Mélanges chinois et bouddhiques, (1931-32). In the Jñānaprasthāna sūtra, we find the following exposition:—

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(i) The real dharmas, which have for name or appellation or designation the expression 'Buddha'—those who take refuge in the Asaīkṣadharmas, which make the Buddha, are said to take refuge in Buddha.

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(ii) The real dharmas, which have for their name, appellation or designation the word 'Dharma'—those who take refuge in the removal of thirst, i.e., destruction, detachment, Nirvāṇa, are said to have taken refuge in Dharma.

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(iii) The real dharmas, which have for their name, appellation or designation the word 'Saṅgha'—those who take refuge in both the Saiksa and Asaīksa-dharmas, are said to have taken refuge in the Saṅgha.

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Buddhist.¹ Hence, we may safely state that these three articles of faith served as a means of popularising the religion, and these were also looked upon as spells (paritta) for protection from evils or evil destiny.

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¹ See *ante*., ch. XII.

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The utterance of the *Trisaraṇa* is usually followed nowadays by taking the vow of observing the first five *śīlas* and then by chanting the *Maṅgala Sutta*. In the canonical texts, however, there is no indication of this procedure.

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(ii) *Uposatha*. It is admitted in the Vinaya² that the idea of holding fortnightly meeting was suggested to Buddha by Bimbisāra whose object was that the monks should deliver religious discourses to the people at large on certain days of the month. These assemblies however soon turned into ritualistic institutions, requiring monks to be present at the meetings and confess their sins, if any committed during the preceding fortnight, after the formal recital of the Pātimokkha rule.³ This ceremony undoubtedly gave satisfaction to a class of monks who viewed the observance of Pātimokkha rules as more important than the inner spiritual development and attracted some men of the mediocre type.

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² Vinaya, i, p. 617.

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³ For details, see Vol. I, pp. 289-f.

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(iii) *Pabbajjā* and *Upasampadā*. The ceremony of ordination was originally a very simple affair. It was done by Buddha by the mere utterance of *ehi bhikkhu*. Gradually it turned into a fairly long ceremony with two ordinations, one lower (*pabbajjā*) and the other higher (*upasampadā*).⁴ This ceremony, which required shaving of head, donning of yellow robes and living in a monastery, attracted some men who could not fully comprehend the philosophical teachings. In the *Sāmaññaphala Sutta* there are also some hints about the gains and honour received by an ordained person, e.g. it is said that the immediate gain of a person, whatever his status might be before his ordination, is that he is respected by kings and nobles, and obtains robes, food, bed, medicine and other requisites.¹

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⁴ *Ibid*., pp. 280-281.

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¹ *Digha*, i p. 61-62

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(iv) *Vassāvāsa*, *Pavāraṇā* and *Kaṭhina*.² The other ceremonial functions which gradually crept into the religion were the formal observance of the rainy season retreat. The monks were required to stay during the three months of the rainy season at a fixed abode. At the close of the retreat, the monks performed the *Pavāraṇā* ceremony, which is similar to the *Uposatha*, but on account of the occasion on which it is performed, special importance was attached to it, and householders were told that gifts made on this particular occasion were more meritorious than at other times. With this *Pavāraṇā* ceremony was associated another ceremony called *Kaṭhina* in which the making of robes formed the chief object. These two ceremonies *Pavāraṇā* and *Kaṭhina* served to popularise the religion not only among those who wanted to join the order but also among the householders, who patiently waited for these days for making their gifts, particularly robes, and thereby assured their happiness in this existence and rebirth in the heavens.

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² For details, see Vol I p 292-3

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The ceremonies mentioned above were no doubt useful for the spiritual development of a person, but strictly speaking, were not in consonance with the principles laid down for the attainment of spiritual perfection. It has got to be admitted that these ceremonies were introduced in imitation of, or competition with, other contemporary religious systems in order to secure more converts, and it is not improbable that by these ceremonies, the religion attracted more men than it would otherwise have done.

Worship of Cetiya and Stūpa

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Neither in the Vinaya nor in the Sutta-piṭaka, except the Mahāparinibbānasutta there is any direction for making and worshipping Cetiyas and Stūpas. In the Vinaya there is mention of two Cetiyas¹ where Buddha stopped, while in the Pāṭikasuttanta² as also in the Mahāparinibbānasutta,³ there are references to the Cetiyas situated around Vesāli, viz., Gotamaka-cetiya on the south, Sattamba-cetiya on the west, Bahuputta-cetiya on the north. The other Cetiyas mentioned in the Mahāparinibbānasutta are Udena, Sarandada, Cāpāla,⁴ Ānanda,⁵ (in Bhoganagara), and Makuṭabandhana⁶ of the Mallas.

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¹ Vinaya, i, p. 35: Supatiṭṭha cetiya near Rājagaha; ii, p 172: Aggālavacetiya at Ālavi.

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² Digha, iii, p. 9-10.

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³ Ibid., ii, pp. 102-3, 118

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⁴ Ibid.

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⁵ Ibid., pp. 123, 126.

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⁶ Ibid., p. 160-1.

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From the list of cetiyas given above, it is apparent that long before Buddhism made its appearance, there was the prevalence of worship of cetiyas, which might be a tree, a stone and a spot believed to be sanctified or haunted by a good or evil spirit.⁷ The existence of Cetiyas is taken as an admitted fact by Buddha himself.

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⁷ See the gāthās cited above p. 277-8. Also Gisbert Combaz, *L'evolution du stūpa en Asie* in *Mélanges chinois et bouddhiques*, ii (1932-33), pp. 168 ff.

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Apart from the Cetiyas, there was also the ancient custom of erecting mounds (*stūpas*) on the relics of saintly persons or distinguished kings, princes and nobles as also over the sites sanctified by a saint’s presence. It was this ancient custom which we find re-iterated in the *Mahāparinibbāna-sutta*. Buddha is made to say that *stūpas* should be erected on the relics of (i) a Tathāgata, (ii) a Paccekabuddha, (iii) a Tathāgatasāvaka and (iv) a monarch (*cakkavatti*) evidently with a view to make the Buddhists refrain from erecting and worshipping any mound sanctified by a spirit or a non-Buddhist saint. The most suitable site recommended for the erection of *stūpa*, is the crossing of four highways. Worship of such four kinds of *stūpas* by garlands, scents, or coloured powders was regarded as meritorious, as it gave an expression to one’s deep faith in the religion. Along with these directions, there is the description of the manner in which the earthly remains of a Tathāgata should be cremated. The erection of *stūpas* over Buddha’s relics has created history, and even today the sight of the relics deposited in some of the monasteries is a matter of awe and inspiration to the devotees.

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The whole account of the erection and worship of *stūpas*, particularly over Buddha’s relics and the merit accruing therefrom was undoubtedly incorporated into the *Mahāparinibbāna-sutta* after Buddha’s demise and had nothing to do with the great Teacher, who evidently could not have thought of what would become of his relics and who would be their claimants. This idea of erection and worship of *stūpas* was undoubtedly a post-Buddha development. The interpolator, who put in the directions for worshipping *cetiyas* and held out the hope that by such worship one would be reborn in the heavens, realised the inconsistency with the principles of the religion, and immediately corrected himself by adding the remark that the advanced monks were not to occupy themselves with such worship of stūpas, and that they must exert to attain the goal while the worship of stūpas should be left to the laity alone, the wise brāhmaṇas, khattiyas and gahapatis.¹ The traditions about Aśoka's zeal to collect the relics and erect stūpas over them also prove that the stūpa-worship became widely prevalent. It is very likely that by Aśoka's time, the stūpa-worship became a regular feature of the religion.²

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¹ Digha, ii, p. 141. 2 See the account in the Divyāvadāna, pp. 389 ff. 3 Digha, ii, p. 138: Na kho Ānanda ettavatā Tathāgato sakkato vā hoti garukato vā mānito vā pūjito vā apacito vā etc. 4 Cf. Mahāvastu, X, p.

Four Places of Pilgrimage

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Like the worship of cetiyas and stūpas, it must be some-time after Buddha's parinirvāṇa that the idea of pilgrimage came into the minds of some Buddhist monks, at whose instance, some imaginary discourses attributed to Buddha were incorporated into the Mahāparinibbāna Sutta. A religious teacher like Buddha, who was all along averse to any form of worship³ and taught attadīpo attasaraṇo anañña-saraṇo dhammadīpo dhammasaraṇo anaññasaraṇo⁴ (depend on your own self as the light, as the refuge and not on anything else; depend on the dhamma as the light, as the refuge and not on anything else) could not have admonished his disciples to earn merit by visiting the four places sanctified by his (i) birth, (ii) attainment of bodhi, (iii) promulgation of dhamma-cakka and (iv) parinirvāṇa. The inconsistency is at once apparent in the fact that one of the places recommended for visit is the site of his demise. Hence, there can be no doubt that the idea of pilgrimage was not that of Buddha but was of his disciples and of a time when Buddha had passed away. The idea, however, caught the imagination of the people, particularly, of the lay-disciples. The most remarkable an instance is that of Aśoka who paid a visit to the birthplace of Buddha, evidently with the hope of earning some merit. Throughout the history of Buddhism since the days of Aśoka, the idea of pilgrimage appealed strongly to the Buddhists, both monks and laymen, and even today the Buddhist devotees from far off countries like Burma and Ceylon, China and Japan regard this pilgrimage as an act of great merit.

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³³⁴ Also compare आत्मा हि आत्मनो नाथः को नु नाथः परो भवेत् । आत्मा हि सुदानेन स्वर्गं प्राप्नोति पण्डितः ॥ quoted in the Bodhicaryāvatāra, p 483.

Nirvāṇa through Faith

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In the earliest form of monastic Buddhism the only means recommended for the attainment of emancipation was perfection in the *śīlacitta-paññā* practices.¹ Occasionally perfection in the *satipaṭṭhāna* practices was recognised as another means for reaching the goal,² but nowhere *saddhā* and practice of *brahmavihāra* were recognised as such. It is therefore striking that we should find in the *Majjhima Nikāya* a discourse³ in which *saddhā* is made the basic, and perfection in the *brahmavihāras* as the ultimate, factors for the attainment of *Nirvāṇa*. This new path, which attached less importance to the observance of the Pātimokkha rules, was definitely a step towards making the religion popular among a certain section of the people, who were not able to lead the life of a bhikkhu.

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¹ See Vol. I, pp 199 f.

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² *Majjhima*, i, p. 55: Ekāyano ayaṃ bhikkhave maggo sattānaṃ visuddhiyā yad idaṃ cattāro satipaṭṭhanā.

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³ Vatthupamasutta, *Majjhima*, i, p. 36 f.

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*Saddhā* (faith),¹ as expressed in the formulae *Trisaraṇa*,² is mentioned as an essential element for spiritual progress, but that *saddhā* was looked upon only as an antidote to inclination to non-Buddhist religious faith. It was an antidote to *vicikicchā* or doubt about the greatness of Buddha, excellence of his teaching and uprightness of his disciples. In the *Vatthupamasutta*,³ the process of attainment of *Nibbāna* through *saddhā* is detailed thus:—

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¹ For an exhaustive exposition of *Saddhā*, see B. M Barua, ‘Faith in Buddhism’ in *Buddhistic Studies*, p. 329. Cf. *Saddhāya tarati ogham appamādena aṇṇavaṃ* *viriyena dukkhaṃ acceti paññāya parisujjhati.* *Suttanipāta*, v. 184.

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² See above, p. 278.

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³ *Majjhima*, i, p. 36f

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(i) An adept should first get rid of the mental impurities, such as *abhijjhā* (undue desire for gain), *macchariya* (miserliness), *makkha* (hypocrisy), *māyā* (deceitfulness) *sāṭheyya* (double-dealing), *thambho-sārambho* (pride and haughtiness), *māno-atimāno* (conceit and over-conceit), *mada* (pride or excitement caused by attachment to one’s own acquisitions), and *pamāda* (carelessness).

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(ii) After the removal of the above-mentioned impurities, the adept is required to develop unflinching faith (*saddhā*) in the *Triratna*.

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(iii) The more the mental impurities are removed the stronger becomes his faith (*saddhā*) in Buddha, Dhamma and Saṅgha. Such faith produces in his mind the satisfaction that he has achieved something good. Such satisfaction in turn produces joy and deep pleasure (*pīti*) which makes the body calm and the mind serene, and ultimately leads to mental concentration.

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(iv) After developing perfect concentration of mind, the adept is required to practise the four *brahmavihāras*, in other words, he must practise *mettā* (love), *karuṇā* (compassion), *muditā* (feeling of joy at others' success) and *upekkhā* (equanimity) towards all beings of all corners of the world.¹

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¹ See infra and Vol. I, p. 228 f.

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(v) After attaining perfection in the four *brahmavihāras*, the adept realises the four truths, removes the three impurities (*āsavas*) viz., *kāma* (desire), *bhava* (desire for rebirth) and *avijjā* (ignorance of the truth). He then feels convinced that he has completed his task, and will have no more rebirth, i.e., he attains *Nirvāṇa*. Thus we see that by *saddhā* and *brahmavihāra* one could achieve *Nibbāna* and this path could be taken by the householders as there was no question of renunciation or observance of *Pātimokkha* rules. This new process was really a move to make the religion popular among the householders and a product of a time in between Buddha and Aśoka.

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It may be argued that *saddhā* is not devotion (*bhakti*)² and hence it has no fitting place in the popular form of the religion. There is some force in this argument, but what is needed to be pointed out is that *saddhā* eliminates the long process of observance of *śīlas*, i.e., the *pātimokkha* rules, and the process dealt with above eliminates many of the arduous tasks imposed upon a monk to attain perfection in the four *jhānas*, and to comprehend the *anattā* and *anicca* theories. It brings a new element, the *brahmavihāras*, which so far had no place in early Buddhism. In short, it is a new and shorter process suited to a person who is not necessarily a monk or nun, and that it was meant so is clear from the remarks in the above mentioned sutta that a person taking recourse to this new process may take luxurious food as that of a householder and that it would not stand in his way of attaining the goal. This is significant of the fact that the process was intended more for the laity than for the recluses, and actually we find this particular course recommended to the householder, Mahānāma,¹ who was addressed by Buddha in these words: "O Mahānāma, when you bear in mind that you have unflinching faith in the *Tri-ratna*, when you realise that you have observed the precepts fully, when you are convinced that you are great in charity and when you feel assured that you possess *saddhā*, *sīla*, *suta*, *cāga* and *paññā* as that of the gods, you would surely be reborn as a god. Again, when your mind becomes free from attachment (*rāga*), hatred (*dosa*) and delusion (*moha*) and you will feel that you have achieved something good, you will have joy and serene pleasure, which in turn will make your body calm and at ease and your mind will get concentrated." In another discourse² the same Mahānāma was told that an upāsaka by firm faith could become quick-witted (*bāsapaññā javanapaññā*) and attain emancipation by the realisation of *akiñcaññā* (desirelessness whether for heavenly life or Nibbāna), *suññatā* (essencelessness of worldly objects) and *animittatā* (characteristiclessness of worldly objects). In the *Majjhima Nikāya*,³ however, it is pointed out that some monks by *saddhā* attain the Anāgāmi stage only, because they regard Bhagavā as omniscient and that his teaching excellent and they exert strenuously so that their bodies become dried up into skin, bones and sinews. It seems, therefore, that *saddhā* gradually rose in the estimation of the Buddhist monks and came to be recognised as a means to the goal. The importance of *saddhā* in the life of laymen has already been dealt with; it assured them rebirth in one of the heavens, and it was only a step further that *saddhā* combined with the perfection in *brahmavihāras* brought them full emancipation.

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² Contrast Har Dayal's remarks in his *Bodhisattva Doctrine*, p. 32.

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¹ *Anguttara*, v pp 320-332.

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² *Samyutta*, v, pp 376 f.

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³ *Majjhima*, i, p. 480-481.

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The early Buddhists were aware of the practice of *brahmavihāras*, which they classed as *appamaññās* (immeasurables). By this practice one developed a sublime mental state,—in which, he could look upon all beings of the world with the same feeling of love and compassion as one would have towards his son;—in which, he felt happy at the spiritual or material success of every person, be he a friend or foe; and —in which, he remained unmoved by weal or woe. The *brahmavihāras*, however, were not included in the list of thirty-seven *bodhipakkhiya* and other *dhammas* which Buddha declared as his own teaching.¹ In the *Visuddhimagga*, their place is given after the four *jhānas* (meditations) and before the four *samāpattis* (higher trances),² but in any case, their practice was not regarded as compulsory for the attainment of Nibbāna. The trend of the remarks in the Pāli texts³ is that their practice led to rebirth in one of the Brahmalokas only, i.e., the highest form of existence in the constituted sphere, in other words, it did not conduce to Nibbāna. These remarks point to the fact that practice of *brahmavihāras* did not form a part of original Buddhism.

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¹ *Majjhima*, ii p. 11 f.

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² See Vol I. p. 228 f.

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³ *Majjhima*, ii, p. 76; *Dīgha* i, p. 251; *Aṅguttara*, ii, p. 129.

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Mrs. Rhys Davids, it seems, was justified in writing that it was taught by the "unknown co-founder of Buddhism."⁴

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⁴ C. A. F. Rhys Davids, *Gotama*, p. 180; *IRAS*., 1928. p. 271

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The fact that these practices appear also in the Yogasūtra of Patañjali leads us to infer that these originated among the non-Buddhist or pre-Buddhist thinkers. The nature of mental practices envisaged in the brahmavihāras also suggests that these were meant more for the householders than for the recluses. In the Saddharmapuṇḍarīka¹ the practice of brahmavihāras is given a place next to the pāramitās. While in the Mahāvastu² it is stated that a monk can attain nirvāṇa by practising the four brahmavihāras. In the Daśabhūmikasūtra, the practice of brahmavihāras is placed next to the four dhyānas in the exercises prescribed for the attainment of the third bhūmi.³ A bodhisattva is expected to continue this practice of four brahmavihāras up to the seventh bhūmi,⁴ in which he realises the tathatā, and goes beyond the training stage.

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¹ p. 142.

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² iii, p. 421.

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³ Aspects of Mahāyāna, etc. p. 267.

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⁴ Ibid., Ch. IV.

Relaxation of Disciplinary Rules

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There is a hint, in the path of saddhā and brahmavihāra, that for the attainment of Nirvāṇa, one need not always be a strict observer of the monastic rules of discipline (see above). Buddha no doubt laid more emphasis on the control of the mind than on the control of body and speech,⁵ though it was far from his intention that his followers should show laxity in observing monastic rules. A century after Buddha's death, appeared the Mahāsanghikas who put a new interpretation on Buddha's directions, and set on foot a movement against the rigid orthodoxy of the earlier disciples, whose over-zealousness for the observance of monastic rules led to the sacrifice of essentials. It is an indication that a group of thinkers attached more value to the purification of body and mind and the study of logic than to the punctillious observance of Vinaya rules. We have on the authority of Paramārtha, the following statement attributed to the Kaukulikas an off-shoot of the Mahāsanghikas that "a bhikṣu may or may not have three robes for covering his body; may or may not reside in a monastery; and may or may not take his meal within the time limit. The Vinaya rules about residence and food were abrogated by Buddha; it is clear that the real teaching of Buddha was not Vinaya but the study of the logical principles (nyāya),¹ i.e., Abhidharma." According to the Dharmaguptas, the Prātimokṣa rules were lost when the saddharma disappeared hence there are no more rules, sīmābandha and karmānta.²

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⁵ Majjhima, 1. p. 372: Imesam tiṇṇaṃ kammānaṃ evam paṭivibhattānaṃ manokammaṃ mahāsāvajataram paññāpemi.

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¹ See Paul Demieville, *L'origine des sects bouddhiques* in *Mélanges chinois et bouddhiques*, vol. I, (1931-32), pp. 19, 46.

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² *Abhidharmakośa*, iv. 39.

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It is not improbable that this new viewpoint attracted a large number of recruits and helped to increase its followers. The relaxation in the monastic rules, of course, had nothing to do with the laity, and so whatever appeal, it could have, was confined to the monks and nuns.

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We may now sum up the factors that made Buddhism popular in the pre-Aśokan period thus:—
(i) Trisaraṇa came to be regarded as the three articles of faith.
(ii) The ecclesiastical ceremonies gave satisfaction to the less philosophically minded disciples.
(iii) Worship of Caityas and Stūpas allowed some scope for the expression of devotion (bhakti).

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(iv) Visits to the four places of pilgrimage were looked upon as attractive means of earning merit.
(v) *Saddhā* and *brahmavihāra* practices were regarded by some persons as the simpler and shorter means for the attainment of Nibbāna. And lastly,
(vi) Relaxation in the stringency of the Vinaya rules appealed to a class of persons who did not approve the rigid orthodoxy of the earlier schools of disciples.

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