Studies in the Origins of Buddhism c11: Chapter VII. Early and Late in the Aṅguttara Nikāya

Studies in the Origins of Buddhism c11

Language: English

Chapter VII. Early and Late in the Aṅguttara Nikāya

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Ekottaragama and the Anguttara Nikaya.—According to Nanjio¹ the Chinese Ekottarāgama (No. 543) consists of 52 chapters. In the Pali Aṅguttara,² on the other hand, there are 160 vaggas.³ Again, according to Nanjio “........the sūtra has ‘Evam mayā śrutam ekasmin samaye’ 555 times, i.e. as many short sūtras collected.” Hardy, on the other hand, remarks, “Now we learn from a versus memorialis, that there are 9557 suttas in the Aṅguttara, and, there are, in fact, at most about 2344 suttas in the Aṅguttara, as was known to Buddhaghosa in the fifth century A.D.”⁴

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¹ Catalogue of the Chinese Translation of the Buddhist Tripiṭaka, p. 133.

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² The Manorathapūraṇī has the expressions “Aṅguttarāgama” and the “Four Āgamas”, in place of “Nikāya”. (Vol. I. pp. 1-2)

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This suggests that the Pali Aṅguttara has a considerably greater number of subdivisions than the Chinese Ekottara.

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Authenticity of the 11th Nipata doubtful.—As to

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| Nipāta | Vagga |
| I | 20 |
| II | 17 |
| III | 16 |
| IV | 27 |
| V | 26 |
| VI | 12 |
| VII | 9 |
| VIII | 9 |
| IX | 9 |
| X | 12 |
| XI | 3 |
| | 160 |

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the number of the main divisions, the AN. has eleven Nipātas; a passage from the Abhidharmakośavyākhyā, quoted by Minayeff, tells us “tathā hi ekottarikāgama āśatād dharmanirdeśa āsīdidānīm tu ā daśakād dṛśyata iti.”⁵ With this latter tradition agrees the fact that in the “summary of the contents, with a literal translation of the Chinese titles of the 52 chapters” given by Nanjio, the highest numeral referring to a doctrine-group is ten. This leads one to doubt the authenticity of the eleventh Nipāta in the AN. And when it is considered that this Nipāta contains the smallest number of vaggas and also the fact, as Hardy puts it, that “in the last Nipāta hardly anything original is found,”⁶ this doubt deepens, and the possibility can scarcely be denied that the 11th Nipāta of the AN. may be of the nature of a comparatively later appendix.

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⁵ Recherches sur le Bouddhisme.

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⁶ AN V. p. vii. fn. 1.

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A new trend in composition from the 6th Nipata onwards.—This leads one to a consideration of a prominent feature of the AN which has been very clearly stated by Mrs. Rhys Davids⁷ “From the sixes, there is a beginning of making the requisite number out of two groups of three each.” These are sometimes of opposites, of things somehow connected, e.g. 3 taṇhā’s and 3 mānas. This is continued in the Sevens and in the Eights. In the Nines it becomes commoner, but the complementary lists—usually of 5 and 4—have sometimes no obvious connection. “Usually one is doctrinally much more important than the other e.g. 5 ceto-khila’s and 4 Satipaṭṭhāna’s. And the latter is invariably put after the former.”⁷

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⁴ AN V. prefare p. vi-vii.

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⁷ What was the Original Gospel in Buddhism? p. 137.

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The Nipātas from the sixth onwards, esp. Nipātas 9–11, cannot, however, be considered later than the preceding ones merely on account of the increasing use they make of this style of composing the suttas. Hardy’s list of these “composite” suttas⁸ indicates that but for a few exceptions their component groups do not occur as such in the previous Nipātas, on which, therefore, any obvious dependence of the authors of these “composite” suttas is negatived. Of course, dependence may still be a fact and reflect itself in a borrowing of ideas; but “borrowing” is difficult to prove in the case of these short pointed texts.

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⁸ AN V. app. IV cf. also Ib. Preface p. vii.

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The omission of certain “titular” groups.—Mrs. Rhys Davids has pointed out the striking failure of certain “important” numerical groups of doctrines to occur under their own title in the proper Nipāta of the AN.⁹ Of Nibbāna and Vimutti it may be stated that although these were from the beginning important doctrines, they were not important as “ones”, at least in the Nikāyas. Of the non-appearance of the Three Marks and the Three Refuges as such in the “threes”, the best explanation seems to be that by the time the “threes” were closed these doctrines had not yet become important as such and hence were not mentioned as independent groups. The three marks, it may be noted, occur at most places in the Nikāyas not by themselves, but as applied to some other doctrinal group such as the Five Khandhas for example. The process of abstraction which gave to them an independent status appears to have taken place later.

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⁹ Prefatory note to the Index of the AN; JRAS 1935; App. to What was the Original Gospel of Buddhism?

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Of the omission of the Four Noble Truths, the Five khandhas and the component groups of the list of the Bodhipakkhiya dhammas (including, of course, the Eightfold Way, but excluding the sambojjhaṅgas which occur among the Sevens) in the proper Nipātas and under the usual titles,¹⁰ the explanation that is offered in the Prefatory Note to the Index of the AN by Mrs. Rhys Davids appears the most plausible viz.,—that the SN and AN are not independent compilations but that suttas relating to certain topics, which include the topics under consideration, were swept in and garnered in separate saṃyuttas of the former collection and were hence omitted as main titles from the latter.¹¹ A more detailed elaboration of the hypothesis is, however, bound to be largely speculative because of our ignorance of the precise way in which the compilations came to be what they are. In any case, a nice compartmentalization is too much to expect, and the fact that some of the Bodhipakkhiya groups occur quite frequently in the "composite" sutta of the 9th and subsequent Nipātas¹² does not invalidate the hypothesis. Besides, it is not unlikely that these suttas are relatively later.¹³

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¹⁰ "The Four Truths occur among the Fours, but under the title, not of Ariya as elsewhere in the Nikāyas but of Dukkha and Loka." (AN. Index, p. VIII fr. 2).

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¹¹ Ib. pp. vii-viii.

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¹² The eight elements of the Way occur as part of a group of ten in the 10th Nip.

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¹³ Cf. Mrs. Rhys Davids—"What was the Original Gospel in Buddhism?" p. 143.

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"Omission" and the Numerical order in the Ekotaragama.—A propos the omissions it may be noted that according to Nanjio the first sūtra of chapter 21 of the EĀ is "on the Triratna", while that of chapter 25 is "on Catussatya" (so is the first sutta of chap. 27 “Equally going (or treating?) of the four Truths”). It is, however, not clear whether these are the titles of the sūtras or merely summaries of their contents. Besides, from the summaries or titles given by Nanjio, the 52 chapters of the Chinese collection do not appear to follow the Ekottara order rigorously. Thus chapter 2 begins with a treatment of the “ten intense thoughts” chapter 14 with that of the five sīlas, and chapter 21 with that of the Triratnas; henceforth the numerals again rise to ten.

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The difficulties in stratifying the Anguttara Nikaya.—The stratification of the suttas in the AN presents exceptional difficulties. The monotony of style is one, and the generality of contents is another. And throughout we meet with formulae which for the greater part show little variation.

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Some special classes of suttas within it.—Quite a number of suttas preach simple virtues, and most of these were perhaps composed for the benefit of the laity. These are generally so non-distinctive that it is impossible to place them in any particular stratum. It is the same with suttas classifying the monks by means of various similes (of the royal horse or elephant, for example), or those condemning women. Similar is the large number of suttas relating to human types (classes of Puggalas).

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Some suttas, however, such as those dealing with the varying lists of Saññās, Sīlas, Anusayas and Saññojanas are stratifiable, rather classifiable as preliminary to stratification, but solely on doctrinal grounds.

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Some other suttas such as those dealing with the 8 Abhibhāyatanas should become stratifiable in case the history of the formulae they contain becomes clearer.

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A large class of suttas dealing with the Tathāgata appears late since it shows the apotheosis of Buddha as already achieved or in the process of coming into being.¹⁴ The most flagrant example is 4.127 which describes the miracles accompanying the birth of Tathāgata. In 4.118 Buddha is an object of worship and his life a type. In 4.36 he is considered a class by himself. The many suttas dealing with the Powers of Tathāgata form part of this class of suttas.

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¹⁴ Winternitz—History of Indian Literature II, p. 66.

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As a result it is with respect to very few independent suttas that any stratification can be attempted. And the conclusion seems unavoidable that the number of suttas in the AN which may be considered early is extremely small.

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Considerations towards the stratification of some suttas of the AN.—Nipāta 1: is distinctive in the sense that the vaggas rather than the suttas constitute its real divisions. From this fact it results that the Nipāta is not a collection of as many independent "ones" as there are suttas in it. Nor are all the vaggas unified and independent. Vagga 4 is a continuation of vagga 3. The first two suttas of vagga 6 are a continuation of vagga 5, and should have, for the sake of system, belonged to it. Similarly, vagga 6 (suttas 8-10), vagga 7, vagga 8 (suttas 1-3) and vg. 9 belong to a single series. On the other hand, vaggas 24-26 present a miscellaneous and ununified appearance even within themselves.

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Vaggas 5 (including the first two suttas of vagga 6) and 23 are distinctive, being completely unified within and containing really a single sutta each. Both are illustrated by apt similes and are free from formulae.

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The simile in vagga 5 occurs in DN. 2 also but its significance is much clearer here on account of the fact that the text is explicit on its view of the nature of “citta”. These two vaggas, especially the first (vg. 5) appear early. They have no essential connection with the Aṅguttara-scheme, and might have occurred in the MN for instance.

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Nipata 2: (Late).—Vagga 3—suttas 5—6 distinguish between “Neyattha” and “Nītattha” suttantas. This was a disputed point among the sects and could have arisen only after canonical literature had reached considerable extension.

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Vg. 6. 1—4 compare the Tathāgata and Cakkavattin.

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5. distinguishes between Sammāsambuddha and Paccekabuddha.

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6—8 have been perhaps suggested by DN. sutta 16.¹⁵ Two notable features of this Nipāta may be stated: Vg. 5 is wholly devoted to the same subject of the various kinds of Parisā; and vaggas 7—17 are much nearer to DN. sutta 33 than the rest, being just bare lists.

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¹⁵ Cf. (Āḷaravedalla).

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Nipata 3.—Sutta 21, which discusses the Saddhāvimutta, the Kāyasakkhi and Diṭṭhipatta, appears late since it uses the term “anāgāmin” technically for the third stage towards Arahatta.¹⁶ In form, the sutta consists of a controversy between monks (Saviṭṭha, Mahākoṭṭhita and Sāriputta), followed by the question being referred to the Master who declares that each of the participants in the controversy had judged but partially (“ekaṃsena”).

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¹⁶ AN. I, p. 120. See “anāgāmin” in the Pali Dictionary of the Pali Text Society.

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Sutta 32 quotes a verse from the Pārāyaṇa-Puṇṇaka-pañha, and two from the Pārāyaṇa-udayapañha. This suggests that it is at least later than the earliest stratum of texts in the Nikāyas; but this impression must be placed by the side of that given by the doctrines it teaches: there is a certain meditative stage (samādhipaṭilābha) such that "cetovimutti-Paññā-vimutti"* is attained in it and all egoism (ahaṅkārama-maṅkāramānānusaya) in body-mind (saviññāṇaka-kāya) as well as in external objects is shed. The description of this meditative stage is apparently found in the quotation from the "Udayapañha", and it appears to be the same as was later formulized into the fourth Jhāna. The use of the Kāya-viññāṇa distinction (rather than of the closer analysis of the Khandhas) and the occurrence of no formula for any Jhāna suggest that doctrinally, at least, the sutta probably does not belong to the latest stratum in the Nikāyas. There is, of course, no impossibility in earlier doctrines occurring in later compositions!¹⁷

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¹⁷ The same verse from Puṇṇakapañha is quoted in AN. 4. 41, but the explanation given there is much more dogmatic and full of formulae.

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The verses at the end of sutta 39 would be much more appropriate at the end of sutta 38 which is perhaps based upon them. In style these verses are reminiscent of the Padhānas in the Sn, and seem to represent an early balladic fragment relating to Buddha’s life. The prose of sutta 38 contains a description of the luxury of Buddha’s early life which included a set of three different palaces for the three seasons.¹⁸ This suggests some previous growth of biographical legend for Buddha.

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¹⁸ Cf. MN. sutta 75.

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* Apparently not distinguished.

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The prose of Sutta 39 explains the leading idea of sutta 38 in a more dogmatic style and without the narrative setting;¹⁹ it is perhaps based upon sutta 38.

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¹⁹ Cf. sutta 35; also MN. sutta 130.

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The verses at the end of sutta 40 are divisible into two: the first two verses, and the rest. The former are in a different and simpler metre, and contain an earnest, plain, brief and forceful admonition addressed directly (i.e. the addressee is put in the second person), while the latter is an indirect injunction in a more elaborate metre, and may well be a summary of the prose in the sutta.

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Sutta 52 preaches self restraint (Saṃyama) but quotes verses preaching liberality. These verses occur in SN. I. also, and appear to be misadaptations here.

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The two lines at the end of the sutta, printed as prose in the text,²⁰ are really verse, although the first two pādas are in a different metre than the next two.

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²⁰ AN. I. p. 155.

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Sutta 76 is a short discourse on “Bhava”, illustrated by a parable which seems to contain very early views about the nature of Viññāṇa and Rebirth. The sutta appears early.

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Sutta 80 is doubtless late since it presupposes a very considerable development of Buddhology and mythical cosmology.

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Sutta 100 considers spiritual progress equivalent to the purification of mind (“citta”) and illustrates it by the appropriate gold simile. Its general doctrinal position is the same as that of the Sāmaññaphalasutta. The view taken of the nature of citta, the presence of the apt simile, the emphasis on practice, and the absence of any feature belonging to a stratum later than that of DN. Sutta 2 suggest the earliness of the sutta.

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Sutta 101 uses the term “Bodhisatta”, but there is nothing else in the Sutta to suggest its lateness.

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Sutta 124 is unusual in its narrative. Buddha arrives at Kapilavatthu and not finding a rest-house (āvasatha) wherein to put up for the night, decides, on the recommendation of Mahānāma the Sakka, to stay at the hermitage (assama) of Bharaṇḍu (ka)²¹ Kālāma, who is described as an old fellow student (Purāṇa sabrahmacārī) of Buddha’s. Next morning Buddha describes to Mahānāma three types of Teachers, advocating the comprehension (Pariññā) of kāma only, of kāma and Rūpa only, and of these as well as of Vedanā. He then asks Mahānāma whether all of them had the same or different objects (Niṭṭhā). Bharaṇḍuka Kālāma suggests thrice that they had the same object in view. But Buddha contradicts him every time, and at this repeated discomfiture before Mahānāma, Kālāma is so upset that he leaves Kapilavatthu never to return.

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²¹ Both forms occur in the sutta.

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The strange figure of Bharaṇḍu (Ka) Kālāma, his stranger reaction—for usually the opponents of Buddha humbly confess their error—the doctrine discussed, the absence of any monk accompanying Buddha—all these are unusual features.

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Sutta 134 appears late because of the abstractness of its expression which suggests much doctrinal development. According to “Uppādā vā Tathāgatānaṃ anuppādā va Tathāgatānaṃ Ṭhitā vā sā dhātu dhammaṭṭhitatā dhammaniyāmatā sabbe Saṅkhārā aniccā.... (So—dukkhā—& anattā......).”²²

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²² AN. I. p. 286.

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Nipata 4.—Sutta 6 mentions the 9 divisions of the canon and hence assumes for it a previous development which should be long enough for the analysis of its complexities to become crystallized into this formula.

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Sutta 14 and 69 have the same final verse which speaks of four classes of "effort" (Padhāna): restraint (saṃvara), rejection (Pahāṇa), cultivation (Bhāvanā), and preservation (Anurakkhaṇā). The prose of both the suttas seeks to explain these four terms, but while that of sutta 69 speaks of the usual sammappadhānas that of sutta 14 brings in the Sambojjhaṅgas and the six saññās (aṭṭhika etc.) and is more elaborate. It appears that both are later than the verse, and between the two the prose of the sutta is later than that of sutta 69. The short sutta 16 (prose and verse) speaks of Rūpa, Vedanā, Saññā and Saṅkhāra only. The omission of Viññāṇa decisively indicates the earliness of the sutta, for had the doctrine of the five Khandhas become well established it is extremely improbable that we should have had anything less than the complete fivefold. Sutta 75 which speaks of the four aṅgas (Rūpa, Vedanā, Saññā and Bhava) appears to be about the same stage of development.

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Sutta 455/46 on the "end of the world" (Lokasanto) occurs in SN. I. also and has been considered before.²³

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²³ Cf. also AN. 9. 4-7.

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Sutta 180 says that a monk may assert having heard a Dhamma or Vinaya text directly from Buddha or from some particular community of monks or from some one or many theras who should be "Bahussutā āgatāgamā dhammadharā vinayadharā Mātikādharā...."²⁴ But the sutta goes on to counsel that before his statement is accepted as authentic the text in question must be looked for in Dhamma and Vinaya. It is obvious that these already existed in the form of more or less fixed collections. The sutta, therefore, must be very late. It may be noted that the sutta describes Buddha himself as delivering the sermon during his stay at the Ānandacetiya in Bhoganagara. Does the cetiya derive its name from that of the famous apostle?

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²⁴ AN. II. p. 169.

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Sutta 189 seeks to classify the more important Sāmaññaphalas with reference to their means. It is noticeable, however, that instead of the four Jhānas it mentions the eight Vimokkhas as such. It seems to represent an isolated scholastic gloss.

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Sutta 196 on the crossing of the "flood" appears early in part. It is simple in ideas (i.e. free from formulae, technical expressions and metaphysics), lays stress on the purity and not the austerity of conduct, and is parabolic in style. The earliness of the apt simile comes out particularly from the fact that the Buddha in answering the questions of the two Licchavis who are his interlocutors, does not use the term "ogha" at all, but merely speaks of "river" (nadī). A later author composing a simile to illustrate the then technical term "ogha" would hardly have dared to depart as much. But §§ 7—10 are totally irrelevant and should have been placed in the Yodhājīva-vagga.

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Sutta 197 raises the interesting query whether we have here a historical tradition about Mallikā's ugliness.

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Sutta 199 describes 36 Taṇhāvicaritas. Compared to the simple description of Taṇhā as Ponobhavikā etc., in apparently early texts this appears very much more elaborate, numerical, and systematic. Hence the sutta also appears comparatively late. The next sutta (200) is on the same level of thought.

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Sutta 251 is in style similar to DN sutta 34, but uses a less elaborate scheme and is, of course, in length less than one-tenth of the latter.²⁵

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²⁵ Cf. AN. Sutta 149.

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Nipata 5.—Sutta 49 purports to have been delivered to king Pasenadi on the death of queen Mallikā, but it is impossible to assert or deny its historicity. It is, as far as the contents go, a repetition of sutta 48. Sutta 50 is, again, the same sermon but this time delivered by Nārada at Pāṭaliputta to king Muṇḍa on the death of queen Bhaddā. The historical reference clearly shows its lateness.

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Suttas 131—133 establish various similarities between the Tathāgata and the universal monarch. This would appear to belong to the same stratum of thought as is reflected in D. Sutta 16 which is undoubtedly late in its present form.

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Nipata 6.—Sutta 34 describes how Mahāmoggalāna went to all the divine worlds upto that of Brahmā and learnt that without the three “aveccappasādas” the attainment of “sotāpatti” remained impossible. The marvelous, mythological, and tendentious character of the sutta, as well as its emphasis on faith*, especially in the church (Saṅgha) suggests its lateness.

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Sutta 55 comprises two distinct parts: the first depicts Soṇa frightened of asceticism and tempted by the world; Buddha goes to him and by means of the very appropriate and famous simile of the lute shows to him the wisdom of moderation.²⁶ Soṇa follows the advice and becomes an Arahant. This part of the sutta with its emphasis on the golden mean (or Majjhimā paṭipadā; this term is not used in the sutta which has “Samatā” instead)²⁷ and the bright illustration appears to embody an old text.

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∗ Which is expressed in a set formula.

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²⁶ Cf. the short “sūtra of the 42 sections” which also uses the lute-comparison similarly. The sūtra is supposed to be the oldest Buddhist text of China and traces its origin to Kāśyapa Mātaṅga (see Acta Orientalia 1927 pp. 197-237, where the whole sūtra is translated into German).

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²⁷ AN. III. p. 375.

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Soṇa comes to Buddha and says that an Arahā, freed from the Āsavas, is intent (adhimutta) on nekkhama, paviveka, Avyāpajjha, Taṇhakkhaya, upādānakkhaya and Asammoha. This is not strictly organic to the first part and may be later.

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Sutta 60 appears late because it speaks of the Elders engaged in Abhidhammic debates (therāṇaṃ abhidhammakathaṃ kathentānaṃ) and Mahākoṭṭhita propounds in it a view about Jhāna and the “animitto cetosamādhi” which appears an isolated scholastic product. The next sutta in which the Elders guess the meaning of a riddle quoted from the Pārāyaṇa (Vuttaṃ bhagavatā Pārāyaṇe Metteyapañhe) and are finally enlightened by Buddha himself would also appear to be late.

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Nipata 7.—Sutta 50 in which Nandamātā recounts her wonderful qualities, speaks of the morning-recitation of the Pārāyaṇa and would appear to be not much removed in time from the sutta just referred to.

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Sutta 54 has four unconnected divisions: (a) §§ 1–9: on how to avoid sleepiness; (b) § 10: sundry instructions mainly against “Uddhacca”; (c) § 11 (non-bracketed portion) a short sermon on Taṇhāsaṅkhayavimutti which is the same as is found delivered to Inda in Cūḷataṇhāsaṅkhaya sutta of the MN; (d) § 11 (bracketed portion) on the cultivation of merit; it involves much mythology and the comparison with the universal monarch.

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Sutta 68 seeks to inculcate ethics by the threat of torment in hell delineated with exaggerated and too vivid flourishes. It can scarcely be considered a genuine utterance of Buddha. The sutta calls itself a veyyākaraṇa (AN. IV. 135).

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Sutta 70—Buddha quotes a most vigorous sermon by a previous teacher Araka on the uncertainty and changefulness of life, illustrated by a string of lively similes. At the end Buddha exhorts the monks to engage unfailingly in meditation (Jhāyatha mā pamādattha)²⁸ so as not to repent afterwards. On the historicity of Araka it is impossible to pronounce. Though the sutta contains a common enough idea, it is quite unusual in style. With any numerical group of seven it has nothing whatever to do. Its brevity, simplicity, earnestness and use of short, apt similes suggest genuineness.

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²⁸ The ending is found at other places also.

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Nipata 8.—Sutta 12 on the conversion of Sīha Senāpati²⁹ has considerable similarity in style and subjects to the Upāli sutta of the MN. As in the case of the latter the internal evidence of the sutta is wholly consistent with its authenticity, but in the absence of independent confirmation it is impossible to argue for the historicity of the events narrated.

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²⁹ At another place in the AN Sīha appears as a Buddhist Upāsaka.

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In sutta 82 Puṇṇiya asks Buddha the reason wherefore “Appekadā Tathāgataṃ dhammadesanā paṭibhāti appekadā na paṭibhātīti.”³⁰ This query is unusual and the correct answer would seem to be the waywardness of higher visions and inspirations, or the mystery of Time in spiritual pilgrimage, which makes different times unequally valuable for imparting spiritual instruction.

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³⁰ AN. IV. 337.

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tion. The actual answer in the text, however, is banal and bathetic “Saddho ca Puṇṇiya bhikkhu hoti” etc.

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Nipata 9.—The brief sutta 14, which has a great deal in common with 8.83, seems to use ‘Nāmarūpa’ in the general and ancient sense in which it is used in the Upaniṣads and the Sn.³¹ The style of the sutta too is reminiscent of such upaniṣadic dialogues as between Gārgī and Yājñavalkya. This suggests its earliness which is not contra-indicated.

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³¹ “Kimārammaṇā Samiddhi Purisassa Saṅkappavitakkā uppajjantīti? Nāmarūpārammaṇā bhante ti” (AN. IV. p. 385). The use of the term “Purisa” is also suggestive of earliness.

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According to sutta 44, one becomes truly a Paññāvimutta only in the Saññāvedayanirodha, and sutta 45 asserts the same of the ubhatohāgavimutta. This does not seem to recognise any such distinction between the two as is implicit at some other places in the Nikāyas, and hence possibly represents an earlier state of affairs when the term Paññāvimutti had not become degraded in meaning to just an intellectual comprehension of the Truths as distinguished from their full realization.

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Nipata 10.—Sutta 2 converts the moral exhortation of sutta 1 into the statement of a natural law (Dhammatā) operative in independence of any will (cetanā). This transformation is readily intelligible in terms of a growing vogue of scholasticism which sought to replace the picture of an individual now progressing, now regressing, but always in pursuance of his own volitions, his own striving—about which one could at best state that such and such activities, being contributory to such and such ends (attha) should lead to such and such results (Ānisaṃsa) but could never dogmatise in the way one could about natural events—by the picture of certain sequences of mental phenomena progressing through inevitable stages towards good or towards evil, always regulated rigidly by necessary laws. In the eagerness to treat mind systematically, to give to psychological conclusions and ethical distinctions the form of necessary, objectively valid formulae, the more popular conception of mental events as bearing the imprint of the vagaries of an individual “minder” acting from behind the scenes was increasingly thrown into the shade, and, pari passu, a revision took place in the wordings of some of the older formulae also.

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Sutta 26 quotes a verse from the Kumārīpañha (in SN. I.)—and by the sheer force of dogmatic assertion discovers in it a reference to the ten kasiṇas. Both the facts—of quotation, and of interpretation in favour of the ten kasiṇas—indicate the lateness of the sutta.

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Sutta 27 may be described as a miniature of the AN. The fact that it is a collection of heterogeneous doctrines unified in the main only by the numerical scheme, does not seem to argue in favour of its earliness. Further, some of the doctrines mentioned are themselves late viz. those of the 5 Khandhas, 7 Viññāṇaṭṭhitis, and 8 Sattāvāsas. It is also noteworthy that none of the terms naming the doctrines (as e.g. the term Pañcupādāna kkhandhā) are anywhere explained in the sutta. They are treated as so many well known technical expressions.

c11.98

Sutta 28 is similar in form, but more unified in contents and without any doctrines which may be described as late.

c11.99

Conclusion.—The results of this investigation into the AN may be tabulated as follows (By far the greater part of the AN is here left out as uncertain. The classes “Early” and “Late” are not homogeneous within themselves).

c11.100

c11.101

The *fraternities* of the Middle Ages, which were so numerous and so varied in their objects, were not all of the same origin. Some were religious, some social, some charitable, and some industrial. The religious guilds, or *gilds*, as they were often called, were associations of laymen for the purpose of performing religious duties, such as the maintenance of a chaplain, the celebration of masses, or the support of a hospital. The social guilds were formed for the purpose of mutual aid and good fellowship, and often included in their objects the relief of the poor, the sick, and the aged. The charitable guilds were established for the purpose of supporting hospitals, almshouses, and other institutions of mercy. The industrial guilds, or *craft guilds*, were associations of men engaged in the same trade or industry, and were formed for the purpose of regulating the trade, protecting the interests of the members, and maintaining the quality of their work.

c11.102

The craft guilds, which became so powerful in the later Middle Ages, were the successors of the earlier *collegia* of the Roman Empire. The *collegia* were associations of artisans and tradesmen, which were recognized by the state and had a legal existence. When the Roman Empire fell, these associations were largely destroyed, but the idea of association for mutual protection and the regulation of trade survived. In the early Middle Ages, the *gilds* began to reappear, and by the twelfth century they were firmly established in many of the cities of Europe.

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The craft guilds were organized on a democratic basis, and every member had a voice in the management of the guild's affairs. The officers were elected by the members, and the rules and regulations were made by the guild as a whole. The guilds had the power to fix prices, to regulate the hours of labor, and to determine the conditions of apprenticeship. They also had the power to punish members who violated the rules, and to expel those who were guilty of serious offenses. The guilds were thus a powerful force in the economic life of the Middle Ages, and they played an important part in the development of the modern industrial system.

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The decline of the craft guilds began in the sixteenth century, when the rise of the factory system and the growth of international trade made it difficult for the small, local guilds to compete with the larger and more efficient industrial organizations. The guilds were also weakened by the growth of the power of the state, which began to regulate trade and industry directly, and by the rise of the capitalist class, which sought to break the power of the guilds and to establish a system of free competition. By the end of the eighteenth century, the craft guilds had largely disappeared, but their influence lived on in the trade unions and other labor organizations of the modern world.

Linked texts (15)

Aṅguttaranikāya — Pāli
Mahāpadesasutta — Pāli
Soṇasutta — Pāli
Aggikkhandhopamasutta — Pāli
Samiddhasutta — Pāli
Koṭṭhikasutta — Pāli
Mahācorasutta — Pāli
Tatiyaupanisasutta — Pāli
Satisampajaññasutta — Pāli
Mittasutta — Pāli
Suttanipāta — Pāli
Ekottarāgama (Sanskrit fragments) — Sanskrit
Dīghanikāya — Pāli
Majjhimanikāya — Pāli
Saṃyuttanikāya — Pāli