A Concise History of Science in India c9.s5: Indian Alchemy and Iatro-Chemistry
A Concise History of Science in India c9.s5
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Indian Alchemy and Iatro-Chemistry
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Though, as stated before, alchemy appeared late on the Indian scene, it seems to have registered rapid growth. Perhaps in one respect it was far ahead. It seems that in India the use of alchemy for bringing succour to the disease-afflicted humanity was recognized by the *rasavādins* much earlier than the iatro-chemists of the west led by Paracelsus (A.D. 1490–1541). The Indian alchemical texts of even the eleventh or twelfth century A.D. contain details of a number of compositions to be used as medicines for curing specific diseases. The reason is not far to seek. Alchemy in India was concerned more with the life-prolonging processes than with the conversion of base metals into noble ones.
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However, one important difference between the iatro-chemists of the west and those of India cannot be overlooked. In the west, the iatro-chemists, in particular Paracelsus, thought that the human body was to be recognized as a chemical system comprising *mercury*, *sulphur* and *salt*. It was further recognized that an imbalance among the three would give rise to diseased states. The third principle ‘salt’ was introduced by Paracelsus in addition to the already well-known two principles, viz. sulphur and mercury, of the alchemists. This is the famous *triaprima* of Paracelsus.∗ The theory of Paracelsus ran counter to the four humoral theory of the Greeks, of Galen (A.D. 131–201) and Avicenna (*c.* A.D. 980–1037) who were admittedly the two great authorities on medicine in their times. In fact, Paracelsus propounded his theory by burning in public the books of Galen and Avicenna who never considered the human body in chemical terms. The ideas and demonstrations of Paracelsus acted as a stimulus to accept the view that the human body, composed as it is of mineral substances, could, in times of diseased states, be cured by the use of mineral medicines. This eventually pointed to the superiority of the mineral medicines over the herbal ones. According to Paracelsus, alchemy was to engage itself in the noble task of transforming the naturally occurring minerals into products which would prove beneficial to humanity. There came about a view that the diseases were highly specific and, for each such disease, a chemical cure of equal specificity should be found out. Alchemical operations were to be designed towards that end. As against these views, it must be emphasized, the alchemists of India thought of the human body in terms of tantrik elements.
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∗ Mason, pp. 60–65.
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In its earlier state, the Indian *rasavidyā* unlike the *Āyurveda* did not accept the *pañcabhūta* theory or the doctrine of the five elements. At a later stage, however, the postulate that mercury, the principal alchemical element, was itself composed of five elements, gained support. Further, the *tridoṣa* theory which characterizes the *Āyurveda* also came under its purview. In course of time the efficacies of mercury-based medicines were even sought to be formulated in the light of the *pañcabhūta* theory, particularly by the *Siddha* system of medicine in Tamilnadu.
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In the history of alchemy in India there is still one thread of thought which has not been pursued critically. The *Siddha* system of medicine and practice, mostly followed in Tamilnadu, is known to have mercury-based alchemical ideas relating to longevity. The names of Agastya and Bogar have been mentioned already as the authors of a number of works in Tamil. The writings of Bogar contain a number of references to his contacts with China. Whether he was a Chinese who imparted alchemical knowledge to the Tamilians is a moot point. The Tamilians themselves think of Bogar as having taught alchemy to the Chinese. They believe that one Thirumūlar was the originator of the *Siddha* system. But the date of Thirumūlar has not been established beyond doubt. While tradition places him at about 3000 B.C., the historical evidence assigns to him (Thirumūlanāyanmār) a date between the sixth and seventh centuries A.D.a The name of Agastya is another which is of doubtful authorship as well as date. There appears to be no doubt, however, that the *Siddha* system recognizes the tantrik elements. Eighteen *Siddhas* are generally recognized and of them Agastya and Bogar are the most celebrated. Bogar is stated to have resided on Palni Hills and the disc of mysterious triangles of tantrik significance, which is now there, is attributed to him. In addition, the way the literature on the *Siddha* system speaks of *kuṇḍalinī*, the *cakras*, yogic concentration, *nāda*, *bindu* and the use of mystic letters shows the marked influence of tantrik ideas on this system.
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However, there appears to be one important difference between the alchemical ideas found in the Sanskrit texts and those in the Tamil works. In the Tamilian alchemy, a prime substance known as *muppu* occupies an important place. *Muppu* is considered to be the union of three salts, viz. *pūnīru* (possibly a mixture of carbonates), *kalluppu* (rock salt) and *aṇḍakkal* (probably calcium carbonate). Four types of *muppu* are recognized: *vāda muppu*, *vaidya muppu*, *yoga muppu* and *jñāna muppu*. The first type is used in the Tamilian alchemy, the second in the *Siddha* system of medicine, the third and fourth seem to connote their effect on spiritual practices. While the Tamil texts attribute even supernatural powers to *muppu*, the Sanskrit works on alchemy do not speak of *muppu* at all.
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It would appear that the Tamilian *muppu* corresponds to the later European concept of the Philosopher's stone, for *muppu* is presumed to possess an extraordinary potency of transmuting baser metals into gold as well as rejuvenating the human system. Even though mercury is given a special place in the *Siddha* system, the former is believed to acquire the desired potency only by the use of *muppu*. In this respect, *muppu* is also referred to as *guru* (the venerable leader) or *guruphaspam*. The *vāda muppu* appears to have in it the compounds (possibly the two chlorides) of mercury.
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a The Nāyanmārs who were the Śaiva saints of south India flourished from the sixth or seventh century onwards. Thirumūlar, a sixth-century Śaiva yogi, enunciated the doctrine of Pati-Paśu-Pāśam; Majumdar (R. C.), III, pp. 327 ff.
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But, to be effective and miraculous, the Tamilian tradition has it that *muppu* should have as its most efficacious ingredient *pūnīru* of very high quality. Even to this day, the practitioners of the *Siddha* system of medicine and believers in alchemy go out in search of *pūnīru* of the best quality. According to the tradition again, there are some 35 places in south India
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FIG. 5.18. An efflorescence of *pūnīru*; (inset) *aṇḍakkal*.[^a]
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where *pūnīru* could be obtained. Kālahasti, Thiru Alankāḍu (near Madras), Śivagaṅga, Paśumalai, Vada Madurai, Dindigal, Thillaivānam, Tenkāsi and Cape Comorin are considered to be among the best places for procuring *pūnīru*. The word *pūnīru* seems to be an outlandish form of *bhū-nīr* or water or exudation from the earth.
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a * The sketch is based on the photograph taken on 2 April 1969 at Thiru Alankāḍu, a place about 40 miles west of Madras, which the author visited for observing the efflorescence between 3 a.m. and 4 a.m. when the fullmoon was low on the western sky. The Siddha Vaidya Dr. T. K. Sivarao accompanied him and gave a practical demonstration of the traditional ways of collecting, grading and later purifying *pūnīru*, in accordance with the well-known texts of the *Siddha* systems.
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*Pūniru* of the desired quality comes out as an efflorescence (white fluid) from a soil rich in the fuller’s earth in these areas during the four full moon nights in the misty months of January, February, March and April. The soil itself is considered in terms of male and female or *bindu* and *nādam* respectively depending upon its appearance, the former being greyish and yielding *aṇḍakkal*, and the latter light grey in appearance. The male-female symbolism is pronounced in the Tamilian alchemy. The principal alchemical substances are even categorized into *āṇṇ* (male) and *peṇṇ* (female). As in the Sanskrit texts, mercury is considered male and sulphur female.
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*Pūniru* is supposed to be in the nature of male-female union. According to the traditional explanation, *pūnīru* is formed by the action of the rays of the full moon (male) on the earth (female) at certain places. The earth is said to give birth to *pūniru*. The watery portion found along with the exudation of *pūniru* is called *amuri* which is supposed to have special medicinal value.
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On one of the full moon nights stated above and at selected places, full grown *pūnīru* efflorescence comes up (about an inch in height) and it is collected towards the dawn when the moon is low on the western sky. The top white fluid is carefully taken out, and this is said to be the *pūnīru* of the first quality. The bottom portion along with the sand is also scraped off, and this is considered to be an inferior variety. About a foot below the efflorescence is found the *aṇḍakkal* which is dug out. *Aṇḍakkal*, also called *Bramhakkal*, is egg-shaped and generally brownish or whitish, depending upon the soil.
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There seem to be a number of methods of preparing *muppu*, and these methods are kept as closely guarded secrets by the practitioners of the *Siddha vaidya* and alchemy. The three components, viz. *pūnīru*, *kalluppu* and *aṇḍakkal*, are subjected to several processes of purification before they are transformed into *muppu*. A process involving the use of a potent liquid called *muppujeynīr*, consisting of *muppu*, ammonium chloride, chlorides of mercury and sodium chloride, is regarded as of fundamental importance in the Tamilian alchemy. Another liquid called *kaṭijalam* (probably rice gruel) is supposed to be a fluid of great potency even to ‘kill’ all minerals and metals. The gruel itself is obtained after an elaborate process by prolonged exposure to rays of the sun and moon for a period of six months.a
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There are two more important aspects of the Tamilian alchemy which deserve special mention. The alchemical substances, minerals and metals, are invariably subjected to complex processes of calcination and the like in order to obtain what are called *bhaspams*, *cendurams* and *cuṇṇams*. Prepared with meticulous care, these constitute different steps even in the transmutation of metals.b The other aspect relates to the use of symbolic expressions for denoting the alchemical substances and processes themselves. In the Sanskrit texts also are found such expressions which go by the name of *sandhyā bhāṣā* (intentional language). The Tamilian symbolic expressions seem to be quite considerable calling for detailed study.
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a Shanmugavelu, pp. 24–46.
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b This information is based on the discussions with two Siddha Vaidyas of Madras.
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As stated already, the Sanskrit texts give an account of the use of plants in the transmutation processes. The Tamil works also describe similar uses involving different types of plants. The *Agattiyarcarakku* speaks of transmutation processes with reference to a number of herbs. Thus, for example, it is stated that the juicy *cire perdue* process. A number of bronze images of the Buddha have been recently found in the ruins of a monastery at Sirpur in Madhya Pradesh, and they belong to the ninth-eleventh centuries A.D. The icon-workmanship of metal-smiths in Bengal had considerable influence on the metal-working in Nepal and Tibet.a In south India, during the Chola period (ninth to thirteenth centuries) the *cire perdue* solid casting method was generally in vogue. Metal icons were fabricated according to canonically correct ornamentation and in attractive style, aesthetically erecting several figures even on one pedestal.
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In this period there came out certain valuable literary works which give details of the icon-making methods. Among them the *Mānasollāsa* or *Abhilaṣitārthacintāmaṇi* attributed to the King Somesvara Bhūlokamalla of the Chalukya Dynasty in the Karnataka area, written in the twelfth century A.D., has given a very clear account of the icon-casting process as follows:
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‘According to the *navatāla*b measurement, as mentioned before, the expert should first prepare the image (i.e. the model) complete with all its limbs, yellowish in colour, beautiful to look at, and with the weapons and arms as prescribed.’
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After placing the wax tubes of the length of a *dhatura* flower on the back, on the shoulders and on the neck or the crown (of the image), (the artist) should besmear the image with refined clay.
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To clay should be added charred husk, finely rubbed and cotton severed a hundred times and a little finely powdered salt. All these (when mixed with clay) should be ground on a smooth stone and (the paste) should be applied three times all over (the image).
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The first layer (of clay) should be transparent (and thin) and dried in the shade. After a couple of days a second layer should again (be applied). When dry again, there should be the third coating thickly applied.
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(One) should besmear the whole (image or model) with clay leaving the mouths of the tubes open; and the wise man should dry it (the clay coating) with care and judgement. The expert should first (i.e. before beginning the process just mentioned) measure the wax of the image which has to be made either in brass, or copper, or silver or gold.
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Brass and copper should be taken ten times that of wax, silver twelve times, and gold sixteen.
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(Then one) should encase the metal, either gold or one that is desired, with clay and coconut-shaped crucible (thus formed) should be dried in the aforesaid manner.
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Next, (one) should melt away the wax (from the mould) by heating (the mould) in fire and should afterwards heat the crucible in cinders.
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a Reeves, p. 23.
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b According to this, the entire length of an image is nine times the height of the face, which is generally nine inches; the length of the image is divided into 108 equal parts which are proportionately distributed over the different limbs (Acharya, p. 297).
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Brass and copper melt surely with (the help of) cinders just kindled. Silver melts with (the help of) glowing cinders, while gold with (the help of) cinders flaming fivefold.
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After making a hole with an iron, on the top of the crucible and holding it tightly with a pair of tongs, (one) should pour molten metal into the mouth of the tube in a continuous stream and stop when it is filled to the brim of the tube.
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The adjacent fire should be put out for the purpose of cooling (the mould with the molten metal). When the image gets cooled naturally, the expert should break the clay very carefully.
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Then the metal image verily resembles that in wax, endowed with similar limbs and other details.a
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The icons of the medieval period were indeed noted for their exquisite forms and lasting metallic lustre. The icon production, which was a flourishing metal-art particularly in south India, went hand in hand with the building of imposing temples in increasing numbers. The Vijayanagar empire was noted for brisk trade in a wide variety of bronze objects.
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Iron smelting and forging operations were also followed with further achievements. In the temples at Puri and Konark in Orissa are found a number of iron beams. There are as many as 239 iron beams (up to 17′ long and 6″ × 4″ or 5″ × 6″ in section) in the garden temple (also called Gunduchiburi) at Puri. The Konark temple contains beams (29 in number) of even larger dimensions (18′-35′ long and about one foot square). A chemical analysis of these beams shows that they are made of wrought iron (iron: 99·64%; manganese: nil; carbon and sulphur: traces; and phosphorous: 0·15%; specific gravity: 7·8) more or less similar in composition to that of the Iron Pillar at Delhi.b The probable date of these beams may be about the twelfth century A.D. The Iron Pillar at Dhar (ancient capital of Malwa) is another notable vestige of the medieval period. It is of a much larger size than the Iron Pillar at Delhi, its total length being 43′ 8″. To quote Vincent Smith: ‘whilst we marvel at the skill shown by the ancient artificers in forging a great mass of the Delhi Pillar, we must give a still greater measure of admiration to the forgotten craftsmen who dealt so successfully in producing the still more ponderous iron mass of the Dhar Pillar monument with its length of (over) 42 ft.’c The Dhar Pillar is now lying broken in three pieces; the largest being 24′ 3″ and square in section. Perhaps the fourth piece is missing. The weight of the pillar is estimated to be about seven tons. While the local tradition maintains that the pillar has been made of the *saptadhātus* (seven metals), the chemical analysis shows that the pillar is made of wrought iron like the Delhi Pillar. As Neogi puts it, ‘it must not be forgotten that the Dhar Pillar in its completed condition would be the biggest iron pillar in the whole world.’d The date of this pillar is believed to be about the twelfth century A.D. Another iron pillar, probably belonging to the fifteenth century A.D., is that in the temple of Achaleśwar on Mount Abu in Rajasthan. It is 12′ 9″ high with a Śaiva trident on its top. The foregoing achievements amply illustrate how skilful and imaginative were the metal-smiths in India.
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a Reeves, pp. 19–20.
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b Neogi (1), pp. 21–26.
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c Smith (V. A.) (2), p. 145.
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d Neogi (1), p. 30.
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In the medieval period, there were many centres famed for making the damascened swords, i.e. those on the surface of which certain patterns like swirls, water ripples and the like are fashioned. Obviously steel of high quality must have been used for making these swords. The blades were etched probably by using some chemicals about which practically no information is available. A microscopic examination of these blades has revealed the dexterity with which the damascene pattern was given to the steel before forging it into blade form. Indian damascened swords were in great demand in foreign countries.
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In the Moghul period, there were metallic guns of large dimensions made of bronze and iron. The *great gun of Agra* (made of brass; weight: over 53 tons; length 14′ and bore 22½″) and *Malik-i-maidan* (made of bronze; copper: 80·4%; tin: 19·53%; length: 14′ 3″; diameter: 4′ 10″ at mouth; 2′ 4½″ at bore; probably cast in Ahmednagar and now in Bijapur) deserve special notice. It is believed that the latter was the largest of its type in the world then. The sixteenth century A.D. was specially noted for the production of guns, although it would seem that guns were in use in India even in the fifteenth century A.D. Iron guns of bigger dimensions were also in use, particularly in eastern India, the maximum length of a gun noticed being 31′, and weight about 47 tons. One of the iron guns observed at Dacca (now lost probably in floods) weighed about 30 tons, and the iron ball which it contained had a weight of about 465 pounds.a
Cites (1)
- Mānasollāsa (Abhilaṣitārthacintāmaṇi) — Someśvara III, Sanskrit