維摩經略疏垂裕記 1.2
English (machine translation) 1.2
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1.2
Our ancestor Zhizhe composed a commentary to explicate the sūtra, and his text was extremely expansive; why then did Jingxi compose a record explaining the commentary, yet his text was extremely brief (the commentary being thirty-four fascicles, while the record is three fascicles)? It was because he intended to abridge the text of the commentary, and therefore had no leisure to be thorough and detailed. Ever since that time, the Abridged Commentary was completed and became widely circulated in the world. Later novices held to the record in searching through the commentary, but the texts and meanings conflicted and were difficult to accommodate in mind. Moreover, among the principles and phenomena discussed therein, there were some that the record did not explain; I have frequently heard many who spoke recklessly according to their personal whims and erred. As for the meaning of the mutual inclusion of circumstantial and direct [rewards] and the discourse that there are no objects outside the mind, which are laid out in this text as clearly as pointing to one's palm, they conversely claimed that insentient beings have no meaning of achieving Buddhahood; this is their first error. Regarding the threefold contemplation in its common aspect, they were benighted about the stages and could not determine the persons; this is their second error. Concerning the three kinds of karman, they did not base them on the Vinaya treatises and fabricated explanations at will; this is their third error. Regarding the arising of the Buddha in the Zhou dynasty when stars fell like rain, the Great Master precisely pointed to the Buddha being born in the era of the two Zhuangs, yet they vied to explain it using the twenty-fourth year of King Zhao; this is their fourth error. In between, concerning the names of regional chiefs and joint leaders, and the discussions of practicing martial arts and training troops, they did not know where these originated and thus made many forced interpretations; this is their fifth error. Briefly enumerating them, there are altogether five improprieties. Furthermore, the ancients had a saying: 'When a child is born, if he does not escape water and fire, it is the fault of the mother; when he grows up, if he does not approach a teacher, it is the fault of the father; when he approaches a teacher, if his learning lacks method and his mind cannot comprehend, it is the fault of the teacher.' Since my aim is to instruct and guide, how could I not speak out to refute them, cite [evidence] to extend [the meaning], make what is obscure clear, and unblock what is obstructed, so that the way of our Zhizhe and Jingxi may be brilliant as if gazing up at the celestial court to behold the bright sun, and no longer be concealed by deluded sentiments? Because my duties of lecturing and instructing were many, I could not manage to take up the brush. In the eighth year of the Dazhong Xiangfu era, the Azure Dragon being in the Yimao year, in the ninth month of autumn, I travelled west by boat from Qiantang to visit my old friend Fengchan at the Longshan Hermitage in Wukang of Wuxing, and obtained the upper quarters to dwell there. Its halls and pavilions were towering and lofty, its forests and springs secluded and still. Looking left, the folded peaks joined the Little Mountain of Fa Yao (the eminent monk Fa Yao, during the Yuanjia era of the Song, was invited by Minister Shen Yanzhi to dwell at the Xiaoshan Monastery in Wukang, where he composed commentaries on the Nirvāṇa and other texts); looking down, the flat waves soaked the ancient town of Fangfeng (the land has the two mountains Feng and Yu; formerly King Fuchai of Wu asked Confucius, 'What did Fangfeng defend?' Confucius replied, 'The lord of the Wangmang clan, who defended the Feng and Yu mountains'). Possessing an abundance of superb scenery and far removed from worldly clamour, having leisure between incense and fire, it was fitting to engage in writing and editing. I then traced the threads of the Abridged Commentary to compose a separate exposition. Where Jingxi's old record coincided with the Abridged Commentary, I cited it along with the passages. Furthermore, there was Dharma Master Daoxian, a disciple of Jingxi, who also once composed a record; although his doctrinal interpretations were not worthy of adoption, his citations of sources were sometimes apt. Today, choosing the good and following it, as a rule I have noted and indicated the sources and headings, valuing the distinction between past and present—just as Zheng Kangcheng's commentary on the Zuo Zhuan fully credited Fu Qian, unlike Guo Xiang who appropriated the name without mentioning Xiang Xiu. On the twelfth day of the tenth month, I dipped my brush in ink; on the thirteenth day of the twelfth month, I laid down my brush. In all it comprises ten fascicles, titled the Chuiyu Record (Record of Bequeathing Abundance), meaning to bequeath an abundant and generous way to instruct descendants, so that they may be free from the five former errors. As for presenting it to eminent masters, how would I dare? Someone might say: 'Disciples of clear acumen who seek out Jingxi's record will naturally grasp the subtle purport; why must they wait for your detailed accounts to be free from error? Thus your effort has no use.' I reply: 'To awaken someone from deep slumber, if they are light sleepers, one speaks in a gentle voice; if they are heavy sleepers, one shouts loudly. When it comes to waking them, it is one and the same. Alas! Jingxi previously spoke in a gentle voice; now I shout loudly thereafter. When it comes to dispelling ignorance and unveiling what is covered, one will naturally see whether they differ or do not differ.'
Linked texts (1)
- 維摩經略疏垂裕記 — Classical Chinese