肇論疏 2.7

2.7

第二、序什法師也。《高僧傳》云：什法師父是天竺國宰相子，名鳩摩羅焰。祖父當紹位，乃避位不受，東遊龜茲。龜茲王帛伅妹，體有赤靨，法生智子。諸圀娉之，皆不肯應。乃見焰，心欲當之，王遂逼妻焰。焰遂納之，生什法師。法師出家已後，又往天竺，故云天竺法師也。而言鳩摩羅什者，本名鳩摩羅耆婆，此云童壽。其父名鳩摩羅焰、母名耆婆，今合取父母之名為字，故云爾也。至此已後，善解文什，故名為什。此梗概，略取傳意，非全文也。此是皎法師作傳云爾，餘處不見。然此語或可然、或不然也。何者？若什法師至此，善解文什故云羅什者，《高僧傳》中更有梵僧名佛駄什，亦解文什，然後名什乎？彼既不然，此何獨然哉？以此言之，未必然也。少踐大方者，《老子》云：大方無隅。今借此語以喻大乘之法也。什法師七歲出家，先學小乘諸論。至年十三，從參軍王子須利耶蘇摩受學。蘇摩兄弟二人，兄名須利耶跋陀、弟名須利耶蘇摩。蘇摩才辨絕倫，兄及諸人皆從受業。蘇摩為什說《阿耨達經》，什聞陰界諸法皆空無相，怪而問曰：此經更有何義，而皆破壞諸法？答曰：眼等諸法非真實有。什既執有根，彼據因成無實。於是研覈大小，往復移時，什方知理有所歸，遂專務方等。因廣求義要，受誦《中》、《百》、《十二門》等，故云少踐大方也。又大方者，謂天竺國。什雖生龜茲，早向天竺耳。研機斯趣者，機是機根也。《易》云：知幾（平聲）其神乎。又云：幾者動之漸。字與今別，義或可同也、或不同也。而言同者，動之漸亦是心也。言不同者，機但論心，動之微則泛論諸事耳。什法師年二十，於龜茲王宮中受戒，住於新寺。又於寺側古宮中，初得《放光經》。始就披讀，魔來蔽文，唯見空紙。什知魔所為，誓心逾固，魔去字顯，仍習誦之。復聞空中聲曰：汝是智人，何用讀此？什曰：汝是小魔，宜時速去。我心如地，不可轉動。今指此事，故云爾也。獨拔於言像之表者，《周易》有〈文言〉、〈象辭〉，假〈文言〉、〈象辭〉方顯易道。王弼《周易略例》明象文云：夫象者，出意者也。言者，明象者也。盡意莫若象，盡象莫若言。言生於象，故可尋言以觀象。象生於意，故可尋象以觀意。意以象盡，象以言著，故言者所以明象，得象而忘言；象者所以存意，得意而忘象。是故存言者，非得象者也；存象者，非得意者也。象生於意而存象焉，則所存者乃非其象也；言生於象而存言焉，則所存者乃非其言也。然則忘象者乃得意者也，忘言者乃得象者也。今借此語用也。《易》之言象，本明易道。什法師玄悟般若，不假言象也。妙契於希微之境者，有本有「得」字也。契謂契會也。《說文》云：契，要也。案契刻木為要也。然契有雌雄，像於男女，雄為左契、雌為右契。《老子》云：執左契。此之謂矣。希微者，《老子》云：視之不見名曰夷，聽之不聞名曰希，搏之不得名曰微。此三者不可致詰，故混而為一。今借此語以喻般若無聲無形，什法師能妙契會也。齊異學於迦夷者，齊謂齊整也，異學是外道也，迦夷是中天竺國名，此云赤澤國也。言迦夷者，意言在西國破外道，未必克在中天竺也。其事者，龜茲北界溫宿國，有一外道神辨英秀，名振諸國。手擊王鼓而自誓曰：論勝我者，斬首謝之。什法師既至，以二義相撿，則迷悶自失，稽首歸依。今指此事也。楊淳風以東扇者，風謂般若慧風，如淳和之風也。東扇，謂扇般若之風於此東國也。其事者，什母先將什至北天竺，遇一阿羅漢，名達摩瞿沙。見而異之，謂其母曰：常當守護。此沙彌若年至三十五不破戒者，度人無數，如憂婆毱多。若破戒者，無所能為，正可才明絕世法師而已。遂將什歸其母。後復往天竺，臨去謂什曰：方等深教應大闡真丹、傳之東土，唯爾之力。但於自身無益，其可如何？什曰：大士之道，利彼忘軀。若必使大化流傳，能洗悟矇俗，雖後身當爐鑊，苦而無恨。後遂傳法來此。故云東扇也。將爰燭殊方而匿曜涼土者，將，欲也。爰，於也。《小爾雅》云：爰，易也。燭，照也。涼土，即涼州也。涼有五涼：前涼張軌，後涼呂光，南涼吐蕃烏孤，西涼季暠，今言涼者沮渠蒙遜。五涼並都姑臧，前後二涼並都姑臧可知。而南涼、西涼、北涼亦都姑臧者，南涼初都武威，西平後徙東都，又從姑臧，又反東都也。西涼初都姑臧，後遷須泉。蒙遜初都張掖，後遷姑臧也。今言涼者，是蒙遜涼也。言什法師將欲照燭此國，所以在涼土隱匿才智者，有所以也。其事者，前秦主符堅，建元十三年正月，太史奏：有星現於外國分野，當有大德智人入輔中國。堅曰：吾聞西國有鳩摩羅什，襄陽有釋道安。將非此耶？即遣使求之。至十八年九月，堅遣驍騎將軍呂光、凌江將軍姜飛，率兵七萬西伐龜茲。臨發，堅餞光於建章宮，謂光曰：夫帝王應天而治，以子愛蒼生為本，豈貪其地而伐之？正以懷道之人故也。朕聞西域有鳩摩羅什，深解法相，朕甚思之。賢哲者國之大寶，若剋龜茲，可馳驛送什。光果剋龜茲，將什東返。行至涼州，聞符堅為姚萇所害，光乃竊號關外。光死，子紹襲位。光庶子纂，殺紹自立。光姪超，殺纂，立其兄隆，總經十八年。呂光父子不弘正道故，蘊具深解無所宣化。今言此事也。所以道不虛應應必有由矣者，符堅死，此則無由也；姚興出，是謂有由也。弘始三年下，後秦姚興年號也。歲次星紀者，丑月為星紀，丑年為赤奮若。今以月名詺年，故云星紀。何者？《爾雅．釋名》云：寅年攝提格，卯年單閼，辰年執除，已年大荒落，午年敦䍧，未年協洽，申年涒灘，酉年作㕺，戌年閹茂，亥年大淵獻，子年困頓，丑年赤奮若月也。正月析木，二月大火，三月壽星，四月鶉尾，五月鶉火，六月鶉首，七月實沈，八月大梁，九月降婁，十月娵觜，十一月玄枵，十二月星紀。今弘始三年正當丑年，年屬赤奮若。今以丑月之名以代丑年之名，故云弘始三年歲次星紀也。有人云：十二年名、十二月名，皆是次第互用無苦在，故以月名詺年也。秦乘入國之謀舉師以來之意者，諸本皆云「八國」者，非也。今依古本，「入國」是也。《三十國春秋》云：呂隆懼南涼、北涼之逼，表奏請迎。隆遷于秦，呂光之嗣於是乎絕。此乃是呂隆入秦國，非是八國也。《高僧傳》云：弘始三年三月，有樹連理生于廟庭，逍遙園葱變為薤，以為美瑞，謂至人應入國。至五月，興遣隴西公碩德西伐呂隆，隆軍大敗，至九月隆上表歸降，方得迎什入關。故云入國之謀也。師者，兵眾也，舉兵以取什法師來耳。意者北天竺之運數其然矣者，《文選．魯靈光殿賦序》云：自西京未央，皆見墮壞，而靈光巋然獨存。意者豈非神明扶持，以保漢室。今効此語也。明符堅舉兵法往取什法師，未至而卒；今姚興舉兵往取乃得歸來者，此是北天之運，運數應爾也。而言北天者，《大品經》云：般若於佛滅後，至南方，次至西方，後至北方，北方大興盛。《大智論》釋云：北方謂北天竺也。今謂北天竺運數展轉，方至東國，故云爾耳。

Second, the preface concerning Master Kumārajīva. The Gaoseng zhuan states: Master [Kumāra]jīva's father was the son of the prime minister of an Indian state, named Kumārāyana. His grandfather was due to inherit the position, but he avoided the rank and did not accept it, traveling east to Kucha. The Kuchan king Po Chun had a sister who had a red mole on her body, destined to give birth to a wise son. Various kingdoms proposed marriage to her, but she refused to respond to any of them. Then, upon seeing [Kumārā]yana, she desired to marry him, whereupon the king compelled [Kumārā]yana to take her as his wife. [Kumārā]yana took her in marriage, and she gave birth to Master [Kumāra]jīva. After the Master left household life, he went again to India; therefore, he is called an Indian master. As for the name Kumārajīva, his original name was Kumārajīva, which is translated here as Tongshou ("Youth-Longevity"). His father's name was Kumārāyana and his mother's name was Jīvā; here, the names of both father and mother are combined to form his name, and this is why he is so called. After arriving here, because he excelled at understanding literature (shi), he was named Shi. This is an outline, drawing roughly on the intention of the biography, not its full text. This is what Master Huijiao said in composing the biography, but it is not seen elsewhere. Yet these words may perhaps be so, or perhaps not so. Why? If Master [Kumāra]jīva, upon arriving here, was called Luoshi because he excelled at understanding literature (wenshi), then in the Gaoseng zhuan there is also an Indian monk named Buddhayaśas (Fotoushi) [or Guṇabhadra/Buddhashi]—did he also understand literature before being named Shi? Since that is not the case for him, how could it uniquely be so for this one? Speaking from this, it is not necessarily so. Regarding "In his youth he trod the Great Square": Laozi says: "The great square has no corners." Here this expression is borrowed as a metaphor for the Mahāyāna teachings. Master [Kumāra]jīva left household life at the age of seven and first studied the various treatises of the Śrāvakayāna. When he was thirteen, he studied under Prince Sūryasoma of the military staff. There were two brothers Soma: the elder was named Sūryabhadra, and the younger was named Sūryasoma. Soma was peerless in talent and eloquence; his elder brother and all others studied under him. Soma expounded the Anavatapta-sūtra for [Kumāra]jīva. When [Kumāra]jīva heard that all dharmas of the aggregates and realms are empty and without marks, he was amazed and asked: "What further meaning does this sūtra have, that it destroys all dharmas entirely?" He replied: "Dharmas such as the eye are not truly existent." [Kumāra]jīva, having previously clung to the existence of sense-faculties, while the other relied on dependent origination to show their lack of true reality, investigated and examined the Greater and Lesser [Vehicles] back and forth for a prolonged time, until [Kumāra]jīva at last recognized where the principle truly converged, and subsequently devoted himself to the Vaipulya teachings. Thereupon he broadly sought essential teachings, receiving and reciting the Madhyamaka-kārikā, Śataka-śāstra, Dvādaśamukha-śāstra, and so forth; hence it says: "In his youth he trod the Great Square." Moreover, "Great Square" refers to the country of India. Although [Kumāra]jīva was born in Kucha, he went to India early on. Regarding "investigating the incipience of this purport": ji is the incipient capacity. The Yijing states: "To know the incipient signs (ji)—how divine is it!" It also says: "The incipient sign (ji) is the first subtle movement." The character differs from the present one, but their meanings may be the same, or perhaps not the same. If one says they are the same, the first subtle movement is also the mind. If one says they are not the same, the incipient capacity strictly refers to the mind, whereas the subtle movement broadly concerns all affairs. When Master [Kumāra]jīva was twenty, he received full ordination in the Kuchan royal palace and dwelt in the New Monastery. Furthermore, in an ancient palace beside the monastery, he first obtained the Fangguang jing. Just as he opened and read it, Māra came and obscured the text, so that he saw only blank paper. [Kumāra]jīva, recognizing Māra's deed, made his resolve even firmer; Māra departed, the characters reappeared, and he continued to study and recite it. Again he heard a voice in the sky saying: "You are a man of wisdom; why should you read this?" [Kumāra]jīva said: "You are a petty māra; you should depart at once! My mind is like the earth, immovable." Referring now to this event, it is thus stated. Regarding "preeminent beyond words and images": The Zhouyi has the "Wenyan" and the "Xiangci"; relying on the "Wenyan" and "Xiangci," the Dao of Changes is revealed. Wang Bi's Zhouyi lüeli, in the section on images, says: "Images are what bring out meaning; words are what clarify images. Nothing exhausts meaning like images; nothing exhausts images like words. Words arise from images, so one may follow words to observe images; images arise from meaning, so one may follow images to observe meaning. Meaning is exhausted by images, and images are made clear by words. Therefore, words are that by which images are clarified; grasping the image, one forgets the words. Images are that by which meaning is preserved; grasping the meaning, one forgets the images. For this reason, one who preserves words has not grasped the image; one who preserves images has not grasped the meaning. If images arise from meaning yet one preserves the images, then what is preserved is not the true image; if words arise from images yet one preserves the words, then what is preserved is not the true words. Thus, one who forgets images is one who grasps meaning; one who forgets words is one who grasps images." Here this language is borrowed. The words and images of the Yijing originally clarify the Dao of the Changes; Master [Kumāra]jīva profoundly awakened to prajñā without relying on words and images. Regarding "wonderfully attuning to the realm of the subtle and minute": Some editions have the word "attained" (de). "Attuning" (qi) means to accord with. The Shuowen says: "Qi means an agreement." By checking the tally, carving wood serves as an agreement. Tallies have male and female parts, modeled on man and woman; the male is the left tally and the female is the right tally. Laozi says: "Holding the left tally." This refers to that. Regarding "subtle and minute" (xiwei): Laozi says: "Looked at but not seen, it is called yi; listened to but not heard, it is called xi; grasped at but not obtained, it is called wei. These three cannot be scrutinized, so they blend into one." This phrase is borrowed here to illustrate that prajñā is soundless and formless, and that Master [Kumāra]jīva was able to wonderfully attune to it. Regarding "Equalizing heterodox traditions in Gayā (Jiayi)": "Equalizing" means putting in order. "Heterodox traditions" are the non-Buddhists. "Jiayi" is the name of a kingdom in Central India, which is translated here as the Kingdom of the Red Marsh. Stating "Jiayi" intends to say that he refuted non-Buddhists in the Western Regions, not necessarily restricted to Central India. As for this incident: in the kingdom of Wensu on the northern border of Kucha, there was a non-Buddhist endowed with divine eloquence and outstanding talent, whose name shook various countries. Beating the royal drum with his own hands, he vowed: "If anyone defeats me in debate, I shall cut off my head to apologize." Once Master [Kumāra]jīva arrived, he examined him on two principles; the non-Buddhist was utterly confused and confounded, prostrating in refuge. This refers to that event. Regarding "spreading the pure breeze to fan the East": "Breeze" refers to the breeze of prajñā wisdom, like a pure and gentle breeze. "Fanning the East" means fanning the breeze of prajñā into this eastern country. As for this matter: [Kumāra]jīva's mother had previously taken him to Northern India, where they met an arhat named Dharmaghoṣa. Seeing him, the arhat was amazed and said to his mother: "You should always protect him. If this novice does not break the precepts before reaching thirty-five, he will deliver countless people, like Upagupta. If he breaks the precepts, he will achieve nothing, becoming merely a master of worldly talent and intelligence." Thereupon he took [Kumāra]jīva back to his mother. Later, when she was going again to India, on the verge of departure she said to [Kumāra]jīva: "The profound teachings of the Vaipulya ought to be broadly proclaimed in China and transmitted to the eastern lands; this depends solely on your strength. Yet for yourself it will bring no benefit—what can be done?" [Kumāra]jīva said: "The path of a great being (mahāsattva) is to benefit others while forgetting one's own form. If the Great Transformation can surely be made to circulate and cleanse the delusions of worldly people, even if my later body should face the furnace and cauldron, I shall suffer without regret." Later he transmitted the Dharma and came here; hence it says "fanning the East." Regarding "Just as he was about to illuminate foreign regions, he hid his radiance in the Liang lands": jiang means "about to." yuan means "in" or "at." The Xiao Erya says: "yuan means change." zhu means "to illuminate." "Liang lands" refers to Liangzhou. Among the Liang states there were Five Liang: the Former Liang of Zhang Gui, the Later Liang of Lü Guang, the Southern Liang of the Xianbei Wugu, the Western Liang of Li Gao, and the one spoken of here, Juqu Mengxun [of the Northern Liang]. The Five Liang all had their capital at Guzang. That the Former and Later Liang both had their capital at Guzang is known. As for why Southern Liang, Western Liang, and Northern Liang also had their capital at Guzang: Southern Liang first had its capital at Wuwei and Xiping, later moved to the Eastern Capital, then again followed Guzang, and then returned to the Eastern Capital. Western Liang first had its capital at Guzang, and later moved to Jiuquan. Mengxun first had its capital at Zhangye, and later moved to Guzang. The Liang mentioned here is Mengxun's Liang. The statement that Master [Kumāra]jīva, just as he was about to illuminate this country, concealed his talent and wisdom in the Liang lands, has its reason. As for this incident: In the thirteenth year of the Jianyuan era of Fu Jian, ruler of the Former Qin, in the first month, the Grand Astrologer memorialized: "A star has appeared in the sector of foreign countries; a person of great virtue and wisdom will enter to assist the Central Kingdom." Fu Jian said: "I have heard that in the Western Regions there is Kumārajīva, and in Xiangyang there is Shi Dao'an. Could it not be them?" He immediately dispatched envoys to seek them. In the ninth month of the eighteenth year, Fu Jian dispatched General of Valiant Cavalry Lü Guang and General of the River Jiang Fei to lead an army of seventy thousand to campaign west against Kucha. On the verge of departure, Fu Jian held a farewell banquet for Lü Guang at the Jianzhang Palace, saying to Lü Guang: "Rulers govern in response to Heaven, taking love of the common people as their foundation; how could I attack their lands out of greed? It is solely because of the man who embodies the Way. I have heard that in the Western Regions there is Kumārajīva, who deeply understands the characteristics of dharmas; I think of him greatly. The worthy and wise are the great treasure of a state; if you overcome Kucha, dispatch an express courier to send [Kumāra]jīva." Lü Guang indeed overcame Kucha and returned eastward with [Kumāra]jīva. When they reached Liangzhou, he heard that Fu Jian had been killed by Yao Chang, so Lü Guang usurped the title outside the Pass. When Lü Guang died, his son Shao inherited the throne. Lü Guang's concubine-born son Zuan killed Shao and established himself. Lü Guang's nephew Chao killed Zuan and established his elder brother Long, lasting altogether eighteen years. Because Lü Guang, father and sons, did not propagate the correct path, [Kumāra]jīva harbored profound understanding with nowhere to preach and convert. This refers to this event. Therefore, regarding "Thus the Way does not respond in vain; its response surely has a cause": When Fu Jian died, this was without a cause; when Yao Xing arose, this is what is called having a cause. Below, "In the third year of the Hongshi era": Hongshi was the era name of Yao Xing of the Later Qin. Regarding "The year was in Xingji": The chou month is Xingji, and the chou year is Chifenruo. Here the name of the month is used to designate the year; hence it says Xingji. Why? The "Shiming" in the Erya says: The yin year is Shetigē, the mao year is Shan'è, the chen year is Zhichu, the si year is Dahuangluo, the wu year is Dunzang, the wei year is Xieqia, the shen year is Tuntan, the you year is Zuoe, the xu year is Yanmao, the hai year is Dayuanxian, the zi year is Kundun, and the chou year is the Chifenruo month. The first month is Ximu, the second month is Dahuǒ, the third month is Shouxing, the fourth month is Chunwei, the fifth month is Chunhuǒ, the sixth month is Chunshou, the seventh month is Shishen, the eighth month is Daliang, the ninth month is Jianglou, the tenth month is Juzi, the eleventh month is Xuanxiao, and the twelfth month is Xingji. Now, the third year of Hongshi corresponds exactly to a chou year, which belongs to Chifenruo. Here the name of the chou month is used in place of the name of the chou year; hence it says: "In the third year of the Hongshi era, the year was in Xingji." Some say: the twelve year names and twelve month names are interchangeable in sequence without any impediment, which is why the month name is used to designate the year. Regarding "Qin availed itself of the plan to enter the country and raised an army with the intent to bring him": Texts that read "eight countries" are mistaken. Relying now on the ancient text, "enter the country" is correct. The Sanshi guo chunqiu says: "Lü Long, fearing pressure from Southern Liang and Northern Liang, presented a memorial requesting to be received. Long moved to Qin, and Lü Guang's lineage was thus terminated." This means Lü Long entered the Qin state, not eight countries. The Gaoseng zhuan states: "In the third month of the third year of Hongshi, twin trees with interlinked branches grew in the ancestral temple courtyard, and scallions in the Xiaoyao Garden turned into shallots; this was considered an auspicious omen, indicating that an ultimate sage was about to enter the country. In the fifth month, Yao Xing dispatched Shuode, Duke of Longxi, on a western campaign against Lü Long; Long's army was severely defeated. In the ninth month, Long submitted a memorial of surrender, and only then was [Kumāra]jīva welcomed into the Pass." Hence it says "the plan to enter the country." "Army" means troops; raising an army was simply to bring Master [Kumāra]jīva. Regarding "It is presumed that the destiny of Northern India was naturally so": The preface to the "Rhapsody on the Lu Palace of Divine Brilliance" in the Wenxuan says: "From the Western Capital to Weiyang, all were seen ruined and collapsed, yet the Divine Brilliance alone remained intact. Can it be presumed that divine spirits supported it, so as to protect the House of Han?" This phrase is emulated here. It clarifies that when Fu Jian raised an army and marched to bring Master [Kumāra]jīva, he died before [Kumāra]jīva arrived; now when Yao Xing raised an army to bring him, he was able to return. This is the destiny of Northern India, a destined cycle that was meant to be so. As for mentioning Northern India: the Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā states that after the Buddha's parinirvāṇa, prajñā would travel south, next west, and then north, where it would flourish greatly in the north. The Dazhidu lun explains that "the north" means Northern India. Here it means that through the successive rotations of destiny in Northern India, it only then reached the eastern lands; therefore it says so.