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勅修百丈清規 8.53

勅修百丈清規 8.53

Language
Classical Chinese

8.53

百丈大智禪師。以禪宗肇自少室至曹溪以來。多居律寺。雖列別院。然於說法住持未合規度。故常爾介懷。乃曰。佛祖之道欲誕布化元。冀來際不泯者。豈當與諸部阿笈摩教為隨行耶。或曰。瑜珈論瓔珞經是大乘戒律。胡不依隨哉。師曰。吾所宗非局大小乘。非異大小乘。當博約折中。設於制範務其宜也。於是創意別立禪居。凡具道眼者有可尊之德。號曰長老。如西域道高臘長呼須菩提等之謂也。即為化主。即處於方丈。同淨名之室。非私寢之室也。不立佛殿唯樹法堂者。表佛祖親囑受當代為尊也。所裒學眾無多少無高下。盡入僧堂依夏次安排。設長連床。施椸架掛塔道具。臥必斜枕床脣右脇吉祥睡者。以其坐禪既久略偃息而已。具四威儀也。除入室請益任學者勤怠。或上或下不拘常準。其闔院大眾朝參夕聚。長老上堂陞座主事徒眾雁立側聆。賓主問酬激揚宗要者。示依法而住也。齋粥隨宜一時均遍者。務于節儉表法食雙運也。行普請法上下均力也。置十務謂之寮舍每用首領一人管多人。營事令各司其局也。或有假號竊形混于清眾別致喧撓之事。即當維那檢舉抽下本位掛搭。擯令出院者。貴安清眾也。或彼有所犯即以拄杖杖之。集眾燒衣鉢道具。遣逐從偏門而出者。示恥辱也。詳此一條制有四益。一不污清眾生恭信故。二不毀僧形循佛制故。三不擾公門省獄訟故。四不泄於外護宗綱故。四來同居聖凡孰辦。且如來應世尚有六群之黨。況今像末。豈得全無。但見一僧有過。便雷例譏誚。殊不知輕眾壞法其損甚大。今禪門若稍無妨害者。宜依百丈叢林規式。量事區分。且立法防姦。不為賢士。然寧可有格而無犯。不可有犯而無教。惟大智禪師護法之益其大矣哉。禪門獨行自此老始。清規大要遍示後學令不忘本也。其諸軌度集詳備焉。億幸叨叡旨刪定傳燈。成書圖進。因為序引。旹景德改元歲次甲辰良月吉日書。

Chan Master Dazhi of Baizhang took the view that from the inception of the Chan school at Shaoshi down to Caoxi, [its monks] mostly resided in Vinaya monasteries. Although separate compounds were arranged, they did not conform to proper models and measures in preaching the Dharma and acting as abbot, and he was constantly troubled by this. Thereupon he said: 'If the Dao of the Buddhas and Patriarchs is to spread widely the origin of transformation and hope not to perish in future times, should it merely follow alongside the Āgama teachings of the various Hinayāna sects?' Someone said: 'The Yogācārabhūmi-śāstra and the Yingluo jing are the Mahāyāna vinaya rules. Why not follow them?' The Master said: 'What our school honors is neither confined to the Great or Small Vehicles, nor is it different from the Great or Small Vehicles. We should comprehensively synthesize and find a middle path, establishing regulations and models that prioritize what is appropriate.' Thereupon he innovated and separately established a Chan dwelling. All who possessed the eye of the Way and possessed venerable virtue were titled 'elder', just as in the Western Regions those high in the Way and senior in monastic years were addressed as Subhūti and the like. Such a one served as the transformational leader and resided in the abbot's quarters, equivalent to the room of Vimalakīrti, not a private bedchamber. No Buddha hall was established, and only a dharma hall was erected, signifying that the direct transmission received from the Buddhas and Patriarchs is honored in the present generation. The gathered congregation of students, regardless of number or status, all entered the Sangha hall and were arranged according to their summer retreats. Long joined platforms were set up, and clothes racks were provided for hanging travel sacks and monastic requisites. When lying down, one had to recline diagonally with the pillow on the edge of the platform in the auspicious sleep on the right flank, for after sitting in meditation for a long time, one merely takes a brief rest, fully maintaining the four majestic demeanors. Except for entering the room to ask for instruction, which was left to the diligence or indolence of the students, and whether advancing or stepping back, was not restricted to a fixed norm. The entire assembly of the monastery met in morning consultations and evening gatherings; the elder ascended the hall and took the high seat, while the officers and assembly of followers stood in a goose-flock formation to listen attentively; the host and guest asked and responded to stimulate and manifest the essential purport of the school, demonstrating that they abide in accordance with the Dharma. Vegetarian meals and gruel were served as appropriate, distributed equally and universally at one time, aiming at frugality and signifying the dual operation of Dharma and food. Carrying out the practice of universal labor equalized effort between superiors and subordinates. Ten administrative offices, called dormitories, were established, each utilizing one head to oversee many people, managing affairs so that each took charge of their respective department. If anyone falsely assumed a name, misappropriated the monastic appearance, mingled among the pure congregation, and caused distinct clamor and disturbance, the karmadāna was to investigate and report it, remove their hanging bag from their assigned seat, and expel them from the monastery, so as to esteem the peace of the pure congregation. Or, if they committed an offense, they were beaten with a staff, the assembly was gathered to burn their robes, bowls, and monastic requisites, and they were expelled through a side gate, demonstrating shame and humiliation. Examining this single regulation, there are four benefits: first, it does not defile the pure assembly, thereby giving rise to reverent faith; second, it does not destroy the monastic form, thereby following the Buddha's regulations; third, it does not trouble the public authorities, thereby sparing judicial litigation; and fourth, it does not leak to the outside, thereby preserving the fundamental principles of the school. When monks gather from the four quarters, who can distinguish the sacred from the mundane? Even when the Tathāgata was present in the world, there was still the faction of the six groups of monks; how much more so in the present Semblance and Final Dharma ages—how could there be none at all? But as soon as people see a single monk with a fault, they immediately generalize with slander and ridicule, completely unaware that disparaging the assembly and damaging the Dharma causes immense harm. If the Chan gate today is to be largely free of impediments, it should follow the monastic models of Baizhang, making distinctions according to the circumstances. Moreover, laws are established to prevent wrongdoing; they are not for the virtuous. Nevertheless, it is better to have standards without offenses than to have offenses without teachings. Truly, Chan Master Dazhi's benefit in protecting the Dharma was great indeed! The independent operation of the Chan gate began with this elder. The broad essentials of the pure rules are revealed to later students to ensure they do not forget the root. Its various models and measures are gathered here in complete detail. I, Yi, have fortunately received the imperial decree to edit the Transmission of the Lamp; having completed the book and intending to present it, I therefore write this preface. Written on an auspicious day in the fine month of the jiachen year, the first year of the Jingde era.

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