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佛祖統紀 45.22

佛祖統紀 45.22

Language
Classical Chinese

45.22

○六月開寶寺靈感塔災。勅中使取塔基所藏舍利塔入內供養。將事再建。諫臣余靖力諫。上不說○諫議歐陽修。為言事者所中。下詔獄窮治。左遷滁州。明年將歸廬陵。舟次九江。因託意遊廬山。入東林圓通謁祖印禪師居訥。與之論道。師出入百家而折衷於佛法(史記孔子世家。折衷於夫子。折斷也。衷當也。無音漢楊雄傳。折衷乎重華顏師古)修肅然心服。聳聽忘倦至夜分不能已。默默首肯。平時排佛為之內銷。遲回踰旬不忍去。或謂此與退之見大顛正相類。修初至師揖就座曰。足下遠臨豈以西竺聖人之道有合於心乎。修盛氣以答曰。修學孔孟之道。竊有慕於韓子之攘斥佛老者。西竺之法何所取焉。師正色而詰曰。退之排佛老。自比孟子之距楊墨。佛老大聖非楊墨比。退之尚不可排。況今欲慕之者。昔者文中子之言佛聖人也。而退之斥為夷鬼。此大慢之言也。修曰。學者廢中說史家不立傳。退之絕口而弗稱。今師援之。謂佛聖人者。天下孰從之乎。師曰。文中子醇儒也。其得佐太宗當不愧三代之治。其職居修史。必能列佛老於聖人。昔陳叔達撰隋史。避嫌於當世。而司馬君實作傳以補之。退之蔽賢而弗稱。豈天下之公心。皮日休謂。孟子荀卿翼傳孔道。至於文中子司空圖。謂天生文中子以致聖人之用。故房杜之徒。恢張文武以濟正觀之治。此皆足以知文中子也。荀卿之徒。韓非尚刑名以害世。李斯焚詩書以亡秦。楊墨之禍未至是也。文中子之門人。能以仁義之道。輔成唐家以致治平。若子雲退之徒立空言。不聞其徒有佐漢興唐之效者。然則文中子之道。豈不愈於荀楊韓子。而後世學者顧不之知耶(文中子之弟王績。奏候君集無君事連長孫無忌叔達避嫌故。弗與立傳)。

○ In the sixth month, a fire occurred at the Linggan Pagoda of Kaibao Monastery. An imperial directive ordered a palace commissioner to take the relic pagoda buried in the pagoda foundation into the inner court for veneration, with preparations made to rebuild it. Remonstrance Official Yu Jing remonstrated vigorously; the Emperor was displeased. ○ Policy Remonstrator Ouyang Xiu was struck down by memorializing officials, remanded to the imperial prison, and thoroughly interrogated. He was demoted to Chuzhou. The following year, as he was about to return to Luling, his boat moored at Jiujiang. Thereupon, following his whim, he traveled to Mount Lu, entered Donglin and Yuantong [Monastery], and called upon the Chan Master Zuyin Juné to discuss the Dao with him. The Master moved freely through the Hundred Schools and reconciled them with the Buddhist Dharma. (The Record of the Grand Historian, Hereditary House of Confucius, states: "He made a compromise with the Master." "Zhe" means to judge; "zhong" means what is proper. In the Biography of Yang Xiong in the Han History, it is written: "made a compromise with Chonghua," according to Yan Shigu.) Xiu respectfully submitted in his heart; he listened with rapt attention, forgetting his weariness, until midnight without being able to stop. Silently he nodded in agreement; the anti-Buddhist sentiments he usually held melted away from within. He lingered for over ten days, unable to bear leaving. Some said that this was precisely analogous to Tuizhi [Han Yu] meeting Dadian. When Xiu first arrived, the Master bowed and made him take a seat, saying: "Sir, your distant visit—could it be that the Way of the sages of Western India accords with your mind?" Xiu replied with an imposing vigor: "I study the Way of Confucius and Mencius, and privately admire Master Han's repelling of Buddhism and Daoism. What is there to take from the Dharma of Western India?" The Master assumed a stern countenance and questioned him: "Tuizhi opposed Buddhism and Daoism, comparing himself to Mencius repelling Yang and Mo. Buddhism and Daoism are great sages, not comparable to Yang and Mo. Tuizhi could not even succeed in repelling them, let alone someone today who desires to emulate him! Formerly, Master Wenzhong spoke of the Buddha as a sage, yet Tuizhi denounced him as a barbarian ghost. These were words of great arrogance." Xiu said: "Scholars discard the Zhongshuo, historians did not grant him a biography, and Tuizhi kept his mouth shut and did not praise him. Now Master, you cite him, asserting that the Buddha is a sage; who in the realm would follow that?" The Master said: "Master Wenzhong was a pure Confucian. Had he assisted Taizong, he would surely not have been inferior to the governance of the Three Dynasties. Had his official post been the compilation of history, he would certainly have ranked Buddhism and Daoism among the sages. Formerly, when Chen Shuda compiled the History of the Sui, he avoided suspicion in his own time, but Sima Junshi composed a biography to supplement it. Tuizhi concealed worthies and did not praise them; how could this be the public-spirited mind of the empire? Pi Rixiu said: 'Mencius and Xun Qing supported and transmitted the Way of Confucius down to Master Wenzhong.' Sikong Tu said: 'Heaven brought forth Master Wenzhong to bring about the utility of the sages; therefore followers such as Fang and Du expanded civilian and military accomplishments to assist in the governance of the Zhenguan era.' These all suffice to understand Master Wenzhong. Among the followers of Xun Qing, Han Fei valued criminal law and harmed the world, while Li Si burned the Book of Odes and Book of Documents and destroyed Qin; the calamities of Yang and Mo did not reach this extent! The disciples of Master Wenzhong were able, through the way of benevolence and righteousness, to assist the House of Tang to achieve order and peace. As for Ziyun [Yang Xiong] and Tuizhi, they merely set up empty words; we have not heard of their followers having the effect of assisting the Han or reviving the Tang. In that case, is not the Way of Master Wenzhong superior to that of Xun, Yang, and Master Han? Yet scholars of later generations turn their backs and do not know it!" (Wang Ji, the younger brother of Master Wenzhong, reported that Hou Junji lacked loyalty to the ruler; the matter implicated Zhangsun Wuji, and because Shuda avoided suspicion, he did not compose a biography for him).

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