佛祖歷代通載 6

English (machine translation) 6

Language: English

6.1

Compiled by Nianchang of Huating, Abbot of the Daxing Xiangfu Chan Monastery in Jiaxing Circuit

6.3

(1) Mr. Lei says (Emperors Xuan, Jing, Wen, Wu, Hui, Huai, and Min; four rulers of the Western Jin, fifty-two years).

Emperor Gaozu Xuan, Yi (surname Sima; ruled by the virtue of metal, capital in Luoyang; courtesy name Zhongda, native of Wen in Henei. A descendant of Gaoyang. His grandfather Juan was Grand Administrator of Yingchuan; his father Fang was Intendant of Jingzhao. The Emperor was Fang's second son. He served the Wei with loyalty and ardour, possessing great virtue and ability. He died at age seventy-three and was buried in the Gaoyuan Mausoleum).

6.5

Emperor Jing, Shi (courtesy name Ziyuan, eldest son of Xuan. At age forty-eight he died in Xuchang and was buried in the Junping Mausoleum).

6.6

Emperor Wen, Zhao (courtesy name Zishang, full younger brother of Jing. At age fifty-five he died in the open sleeping hall and was buried in the Junping Mausoleum).

6.7

(Yiyou [265 CE]) Emperor Wu, Yan (courtesy name Anshi, eldest son of Wen. Tolerant, benevolent, and generous, he was fond of the books of Zhuangzi and Laozi. In the second year of Xianxi he received the abdication of the Wei, demoting and enfeoffing the guest of Jin as Prince of Chenliu, moving him to Ye and guarding him with the ceremonial retinue of the Son of Heaven. After conquering Wu, the Emperor was extravagant and unrestrained; his inner palace housed nearly ten thousand women. He would often ride in an ornate carriage to his sleeping quarters. In the fourth month of the Jiyou year he died in the Hanzhang Hall at age fifty-five and was buried in the Junyang Mausoleum). He reigned for twenty-five years and changed the era name to Taishi.

6.8

(2) Sun Hao of Wu first took the throne and changed the era name to the first year of Ganlu. He issued an order to demolish shrines throughout the realm, which extended to Buddhist temples. The court officials remonstrated, 'The late emperor was moved by an auspicious omen to establish this monastery; it must not be destroyed.' Thereupon he dispatched the official Zhang Yu to go and notify Kang Senghui. Hui refuted his words with reasoning and sharp debates emerging; Yu could not overcome him. Returning, he reported Hui's high talent. Hao summoned him and asked, 'The Buddha speaks of karmic retribution for good and evil; may I hear of this?' Hui said, 'When an enlightened ruler governs All-under-Heaven with filial piety and compassion, red crows soar and the Longevity Star appears; when he nurtures all things with humaneness and virtue, sweet springs become clear and auspicious grain sprouts. Since good has its response, evil is likewise. Therefore, if one commits evil in secret, ghosts have the means to execute him; if one commits evil in the open, men have the means to execute him. The Changes states that accumulating good leaves an excess of blessings; the Odes praises seeking blessings without deviance. Though these are standard maxims of the Confucian classics, they are indeed the clear instructions of the Buddhist teaching.' Hao said, 'If so, since the Duke of Zhou and Confucius have already made it clear, what use is the Buddhist teaching?' Hui said, 'The Duke of Zhou and Confucius did not wish to speak profoundly, and so briefly showed its traces; the Buddhist teaching does not stop at superficial words, and so fully shows its essentials. Both are for the sake of goodness. Sages only fear that good will not be plentiful; why should Your Majesty resent it?' Hao had nothing with which to respond, and so dismissed him. Another day, palace guards clearing a garden obtained a golden image. Hao had it placed in a latrine and covered in filth to make sport of it. Soon he contracted a swelling disease and groaned night and day. A diviner said, 'This is incurred by offending a spirit's shrine.' Supplications at various temples were ineffective. A palace woman who worshipped the Buddha said, 'Why not request blessings from the Buddha?' Hao looked up and said, 'Can a Buddha-spirit be as monstrous as this?' She said, 'The majestic spirit of the Buddha views worldly spirits as heaven does the abyss.' Hao then realized, saying, 'I brought this upon myself by disrespecting the image!' He hurriedly welcomed the image in a shrine and made offerings to it, furthermore inviting Hui to preach the Dharma and repent of his transgressions. Hui expounded the profound essentials for him and selected one hundred and twenty vows from the [Bodhisattva] Benye, divided into two hundred and fifty matters, having Hao increase virtuous intentions whether walking, standing, sitting, or lying down, and conferred the five precepts upon him. In a short while, his illness was cured. From this, he honoured Hui as his teacher and venerated and adorned monasteries and stūpas.

6.9

3. In the first year of the Taishi era, the monk Dharmarakṣa from the realm of the Yuezhi—in Jin called Fahu—arrived in Luoyang. Dharmarakṣa had thoroughly investigated the arts of the thirty-six kingdoms and was also fluent in their languages. He had brought back a vast collection of Sanskrit manuscripts of brahmanical and Buddhist scriptures from India, reaching Yumen, and consequently settled in Dunhuang; contemporaries called him the Bodhisattva of Dunhuang. Later, he traveled through the city of Luoyang and reached Jiangzuo. During the Yongjia era, he translated sūtras wherever he stayed, never pausing even briefly. At that time, the upāsaka Nie Chengyuan held the brush and assisted in the translation of nearly four hundred fascicles. When Chengyuan died, his son Daozhen consulted, received instructions from, and served Dharmarakṣa; besides the transcriptions he recorded, Daozhen translated over sixty fascicles of scriptures on his own. At that time, the Jin monks Shi Faju, Fali, and Zhi Mindu, as well as the upāsaka Wei Shidu and others, translated various scriptures. In addition, Faju, Fali, and their circle constantly compared and collated texts, organizing them into sections and categories according to differences and similarities in their expansive and abridged versions, amounting to more than one hundred and forty fascicles in all. Furthermore, there were the monks Kalaṅka, An Famin, Zhu Shulan, Bo Fazu, Zhi Fadu, and others, each of whom brought forth various scriptures. Thus, from the Western Jin onward, the transmission and translation of scriptures gradually flourished.

6.10

The commentary states: Early in the Huangwu era of the Wu dynasty, Lu Ji said: 'Sixty years from now, carriages across the realm will share the same axle tracks, and writing will share the same script.' When the era name was changed to Taikang, Wu was pacified, and the world was brought under unified rule; it was indeed as Ji had spoken. Barely twenty years passed from then until the beginning of the Yongning era, when the correct path collapsed and numerous warlords stood arrayed like mountain peaks. The Prince of Zhao laid the ground for treason and usurped the throne at court; Zhang Gui successively requested a transfer abroad and seized autocratic control of the Liang territory. The regions both within and beyond the court boiled in turmoil, gradually opening the path to chaos. It was because of this that Liu Yuan seized Pingyang, and Li Xiong, through this, held the region of Shu. Emperor Huai was caught in the dust of the flight into the outer commanderies, and Empress Min fled into exile in Chang'an. Since the Way relies on the times to flourish, yet both capitals were thrown into chaos; and the Dharma depends on individuals to be revealed, yet it was subject to the panic and distress of the two sovereigns; the myriad people scattered, with nowhere to entrust their faith, while the hundred civil officials lost their posts, leaving the Śākya clan with no one to rely on. At that time, there were the monks Zhu Fahu, Shi Faju, and others, who forgot themselves to benefit sentient beings, with their minds set on grandly propagating the teaching; not shrinking from hardship and toil, they took the expounding of the Dharma as their primary task. Dharmarakṣa translated the greatest number of scriptures during the Jin dynasty. Moreover, although the Jin was not distinguished for civil rule, its literary talent was genuinely remarkable; with the translation and transmission of wonderful scriptures, discerning appreciators were found every day. Thus, the rites, music, robes, and caps were only fully provided under the Jin dynasty, and the spring of faith and seed of the Way flourished, supporting one another.

6.11

(Bingxu) Wu changed its era name to Baoding.

6.12

(Dinghai) Two hundred years had passed since the Great Teaching flowed eastward.

6.13

(Jichou) Wu changed its era name to Jianheng.

6.14

(Renchin) Wu changed its era name to Fenghuang.

6.15

(Yiwei) The Jin changed its era name to Xianning. Wu changed its era name to Tiance.

6.16

(Bingshen) Wu changed its era name to Tianxi. The next year, it again changed its era name to Tianji.

6.17

(Jihai) In the ninth month, Master Seng Hui manifested illness and passed away.

6.18

(Gengzi) The Jin changed its era name to Taikang. (Wu was destroyed.) The four rulers of Wu listed on the right reigned for sixty years. (Then the Jin annexed it, and the world was unified under one rule.)

6.19

(4. Renyin) The origin of the Aśoka stupa in Kuaiji: There was Liu Saha, who fell ill and died, entering the underworld where he saw a monk from India. The monk directed him to go to the site of the Aśoka stupa in Kuaiji to repent. After he revived, he went forth from household life and took the name Huida. When he reached Kuaiji, he searched everywhere but could not find it. One night, he happened to hear the sound of a bell from beneath the earth, and he redoubled his sincerity. After three days, a precious stupa suddenly surged forth from the earth, one foot four inches in height and seven inches wide, complete with all its Buddha statues. After Huida saw the stupa, he diligently bowed and repented, and many auspicious responses appeared. The stupa in Mingzhou had its beginning in this.

6.20

(5. Gengxu) Emperor Hui, Sima Zhong, changed his era name to Yongxi. (His courtesy name was Zhengdu. He was the second son of Emperor Wu. Born without intelligence, he could not distinguish beans from wheat. He took Jia Chong's daughter, Jia Nanfeng, as his empress. She was lewd, tyrannical, cruel, and savage, executing and destroying the great ministers and bringing great chaos upon the realm. The emperor was poisoned by Sima Yue in the Xianyang Palace at the age of forty-eight and buried in the Taiyang Mausoleum.) He ruled for seventeen years.

6.21

(6. Xinhai) The era was changed to Yuankang, and then again changed to Yongping.

6.22

The Daoist Scripture of the Three Sovereigns consisted of fourteen sheets of paper composed by Bao Jing. He stated: 'Any feudal lord who possesses this text is certain to become king of a state; any grand master who possesses this text will become a parent to the people; any commoner who possesses this text will see wealth amass on its own; and any woman who possesses this text is certain to become an empress.' Because this violated imperial taboos, he was executed in the Yongkang era; this is recorded in the Jin History. Later people altered its name to the Three Caverns. In the twentieth year of the Zhenguan era under the Tang, Wang, the wife of Liu Shao, a prisoner in Ji Prefecture, possessed the Chart of the True Immortals of the Five Marchmounts and the Scripture of the Three Sovereigns composed by Bao Jing. At that time, Ji Bian, the adjutant of the judicial section of Ji Prefecture, found them in Wang's possession during an inspection of prisoners and reported it to the Department of State Affairs. An imperial decree ordered Ji Huaiye, a bureau director in the Ministry of Justice, and others to summon the capital Daoists Zhang Huiyuan, Cheng Wuying, and others for interrogation. They determined that these had been forged as ink-written texts by the former Daoist Bao Jing, and were not composed by the contemporary Yuan and his circle. An imperial decree ordered them destroyed and removed, and all Daoists and commoners who possessed these texts were summoned. In the winter of that year, all were assembled and procured, and they were then thoroughly burned in front of the court of the Ministry of Rites.

6.23

(Jiayin) The auspicious image arrived in the kingdom of Kucha. (Prior to this, it had been in western India for one thousand two hundred and eighty-five years; in this year it first arrived in Kucha, where it remained for sixty-eight years in all.)

6.24

(7) In the fourth year of the Yongping era, the Indian monk Jīvaka arrived in Luoyang. Pointing to the monk Zhu Fayuan, he said: 'This bodhisattva has come from among the sheep.' Pointing to Zhu Faxing, he said: 'This bodhisattva has come from the heavens.' He also said: 'The monks' robes are magnificent and ornate, greatly violating the monastic regulations; this is not the intention of the Buddha.' Looking toward the palaces and mansions of the imperial capital, he said: 'They roughly resemble the palace of the Trāyastriṃśa Heaven; however, the realms of humans and gods are distinct. To exhaust the labor of the people to carve and construct like this—is this not excessive extravagance?' Before long, Luoyang fell into chaos. Jīvaka took his leave to return to India. Several hundred people blocked the road, requesting that he take the midday meal before departing, and Jīvaka agreed. The next day, Jīvaka divided his body and appeared simultaneously at over a hundred homes; each family rejoiced at his arrival. When he set out south of Luoyang, Jīvaka walked leisurely, yet those who pursued him could not catch up. He then drew a line on the ground with his staff and said: 'Here we part.' That day, someone leaving Chang'an saw Jīvaka inside a monastery. There was a Sogdian merchant named Shideng who met Jīvaka that evening and lodged together with him in the shifting sands. Truly, for a monk's miraculous feats to cover ten thousand li in a single night is verified here. Earlier, when Jīvaka had arrived in Jiaozhou and Guangzhou, there had been extraordinary miracles in both places. When he arrived in Xiangyang, he wished to take passage across the river. The boatman, seeing that he was a foreign monk, held him in contempt and would not ferry him across. By the time the boat reached the opposite shore, Jīvaka was already walking ahead. On the road, he encountered two tigers; the tigers flattened their ears and wagged their tails, and Jīvaka stroked their heads with his hand, whereupon the tigers left the road and departed. All who saw this revered him.

6.25

(Gengshen) The era was changed to Yongkang.

6.26

(Xinyou) The era was changed to Yongning. (In the first month, Sima Lun, Prince of Zhao, usurped the throne, and was subsequently executed.)

6.27

The Sixteen Kingdoms (from the Yongning era onward, various territories were divided into sixteen kingdoms: five Liang, four Yan, two Zhao, three Qin, Great Xia, and together with Shu, making sixteen):

6.28

Master Lei said: / Zhang Gui held Liang, called Former Liang; / Nine rulers, sixty-seven years, humiliated and ruined by Fu Jian.

6.29

Li Te held Yi, called Later Shu; / Six rulers, forty-six years, slaughtered and disgraced by Huan Wen.

6.30

Liu Yuan took Pingyang, called Former Zhao; / Four rulers, twenty-six years, leveled and extinguished by Shi Le.

6.31

Shi Le took Xiangguo, called Later Zhao; / Six rulers, thirty-two years, eradicated and punished by Ran Min.

6.32

Fu Jian took Chang'an, called Former Qin; / Five rulers, forty-four years, rebelled against by his vassal Yao Chang.

6.33

Murong Jun held Ye, called Former Yan; / Two rulers, twenty-two years, destroyed by Fu Jian.

6.34

Yao Chang took Chang'an, called Later Qin; / Three rulers, thirty-two years, until Liu Yu claimed true imperial rule.

6.35

Qifu took Jincheng, called Western Qin; / Four rulers, twenty-eight years, reduced to vassals by Helian.

6.36

Lü Guang took Guzang, called Later Liang; / Four rulers, thirteen years, until Yao Xing again grew strong.

6.37

Murong took Shanzhong, called Later Yan; / Four rulers, forty-two years, extinguished by Feng Ba.

6.38

Wuhu took Guangwu, called Southern Liang; / Three rulers, nineteen years, until Qipan usurped kingship.

6.39

Murong De took Guanggu, called Southern Yan; / Two rulers, eleven years, until Liu Yu obtained Heaven's mandate.

6.40

Li Hao took Dunhuang, called Western Liang; / Two rulers, twenty-four years, overshadowed by the mighty power of Mengxun.

6.41

Mengxun took Zhangye, called Northern Liang; / Two rulers, thirty-nine years, whereupon the Tuoba flourished.

6.42

Helian took Shuofang, called Great Xia; / Two rulers, twenty-five years, until Wei held all under Heaven.

6.43

Feng Ba took Changli, called Northern Yan. / Destroyed by Wei. Two rulers, twenty-eight years. / These were the Sixteen Kingdoms, interspersed between the Jin and the Wei.

6.44

Former Liang: Zhang Gui. (His courtesy name was Shiyan. He was a native of Wushi in Anding, and a seventeenth-generation descendant of Zhang Er of the Han. At the beginning of the Yongning era, he was Inspector of Liangzhou. In the Jianxing era, he usurped authority and established himself as king. He relied on the Jin king Shuo, ruling for thirteen years, until being destroyed in the Taiyuan era of Emperor Wu of the Jin.)

6.45

(Renxu) The era was changed to Da'an.

6.46

Later Shu: Li Te. (His courtesy name was Xuanxiu. He was a native of Dangqu in Baxi, and an offspring of the ancient Linjun. Following the turmoil of the Di and Qiang, he followed displaced persons into Shu. He proclaimed himself Governor of Yizhou, adopted the state title of Shu, and changed the era name to Jianchu.)

6.47

(Guihai) Emperor Wu of Shu, Li Xiong. (His courtesy name was Zhongjun. He was the third son of Li Te, and his mother was the Lady Luo. In this year, Luo Shang killed Li Te and enthroned the Emperor. In the twentieth year, the era name was changed to Jianxing. In the eighth year of Xianhe, an ulcer developed on his head, and he died after six days at the age of sixty-one.)

6.48

(Jiazi, 50) The era was changed to Yongxing.

6.49

Former Zhao: Liu Yuan. (His courtesy name was Yuanhai. He was a Xiongnu native of Xinxing, and a descendant of Modu. Formerly, the Founding Emperor of the Han gave a woman of the imperial clan as a princess in marriage to Modu and entered into a brotherhood pact with him; thus, his descendants adopted the surname Liu. He established his capital at Pingyang, and in the sixth year changed the era name to Guangxi.)

6.50

(Bingyin) The era was changed to Guangxi. Shu changed its era name to Yanping.

6.51

(Dingmao) Emperor Huai, Sima Chi, changed the era name to Yongjia. (His courtesy name was Fengdu. He was the twenty-fifth son of Emperor Wu. He was born with extraordinary demeanor. Later, though blameless, he was captured by Liu Cong. He died at the age of thirty.) He ruled for six years.

6.52

(Wuchen) Zhao changed its era name to Yongfeng.

6.53

(Gengwu) Liu He of Zhao. (His courtesy name was Xuantai. He was the son of Liu Yuan. He was eight feet tall. Upon taking the throne, he changed the era name to Herui. Shortly thereafter, he was decapitated by Rui Jing at the Guangji Terrace.)

6.54

Liu Cong of Zhao changed the state title to Han. (His courtesy name was Xuanming. He was the fourth son of Liu Yuan. By nature he was exceedingly brave and outstanding. Inheriting the throne, he gave himself the title of Emperor Zhaowu and changed the era name to Guangxing. He was on the throne for eight years. At that time, a massive plague of locusts in Hedong devoured the fields, sparing only millet and beans. Jin Zhun led people to collect and bury them; their weeping could be heard for over ten li. But the locusts bored through the earth and emerged again, ultimately devouring all the millet and beans.)

6.55

(Xinwei) Han changed its era name to Jiaping.

6.56

(8. Guiyou) Emperor Min, Sima Ye, changed the era name to Jianxing. (His courtesy name was Yanqi. He was a grandson of Emperor Wu and the son of Sima Yan, Prince of Wu. When he first ascended the throne, there were fewer than a hundred households in the city of Chang'an, and mugwort and brambles formed a forest. The officials had no formal robes or official seals with ribbons, having only wooden tablets of mulberry wood on which their titles were written. Later, he was captured by Liu Cong, who made the emperor wear military garments and carry a halberd to act as a front guard. He was demoted and enfeoffed as the Marquis of Huai'an, and was murdered in Luoyang at the age of eighteen.) He ruled for four years.

6.57

Zhang Shi of Liang. (His courtesy name was Anxun. He reigned for five years and died at the age of forty-eight. His posthumous title was Duke Zhao.)

6.58

(9) In Wu this year, two stone images of the Buddhas Vipaśyin and Kāśyapa floated across the sea and arrived at the mouth of the Hudu River along the Wusong River. Daoist masters and shamans who saw them floating from afar went to welcome them, but wind and waves surged violently. Zhu Ying of Wu County, who had always revered the correct Dharma, went with several others to welcome the images together. Thereupon, riding the current, the images arrived of their own accord. They had inscriptions on their backs, and when loaded onto the boat, they were as light as feathers. They were then enshrined and made offerings to in Tongxuan Monastery. (This is now Kaiyuan Monastery; the matter is recorded in the Zhulin.)

6.59

(Jiaxu) The sun fell from the sky. Three suns appeared together in the west. In Han, stars fell upon Pingyang and transformed into flesh.

6.60

(Yihai) Han changed its era name to Jianyuan.

6.61

(Bingzi) Han changed its era name to Linjia.

6.62

Eastern Jin: Master Lei said: (Yuan, Ming, Cheng, Kang, Mu, Ai, Fei, Jian, Wu, An, Chu, Gong: the Eastern Jin had eleven rulers and lasted one hundred and four years).

6.63

(10. Dingchou) Emperor Yuan, [Sima] Rui, changed the era to Jianwu. (Of the Sima clan, ruling by virtue of metal. He moved the capital to Jianye, which was renamed Jiankang to avoid the taboo of Emperor Min's name. Courtesy name Jingwen. Great-grandson of Emperor Xuan, son of Sima Jin, Prince of Langya. Born in Luoyang. When Liu Cong sacked Luoyang, he crossed south with Wang Dao and occupied Jiangdong. He died in the inner palace in the renwu year and was buried at Pingling. Age forty-seven.) Reigned six years.

6.64

The commentary says: A sūtra says, 'The three realms are impermanent; conditioned phenomena do not endure.' The foundation of the Jin clan was distant lineage to the Wei royal house. They executed Cao Shuang and extinguished his clan; they devised imperial plans and displayed their merits. With metal succeeding the phase of earth, the celestial mandate rested on his person. They pacified Shu and brought Great Wu to surrender; enjoying peaceful times, they spread lenient governance. Civil accomplishments were fully perfected, and military arms were put away. Then the crisis of the 'one hundred and six' suddenly arrived, and the royal court lost its positions; the grand chaos of the realm was entirely due to this. At that time, clergy and laity broke apart and scattered; the court could not plan for longevity. Entrusting the administration to Jiangbiao, the Dharma arose along with the dynastic transition. Śramaṇas and faithful laymen assembled there accordingly. Therefore we record it consecutively, under the distinct designation Eastern Jin. Emperor Yuan was the great-grandson of Emperor Xuan and the son of Prince Gong, Sima Jin. His taboo name was Rui and his courtesy name Jingwen. At his birth, there was a spiritual light within, illuminating the entire room. A white curl grew to the left of his forehead. He held successive offices as Commander-in-Chief of Military Affairs in Yangzhou and Chancellor of the Left. After the defeats of Emperors Huai and Min, the hundred officials scattered: some fled south of the Yangtze, while others were captured and slaughtered. Chang'an lost its hold, and the emperor was held captive in Pingyang. At that time in Jiangdong, five suns suddenly appeared together. Those in the capital urged Rui that he ought to assume the title of King of Jin, to oversee the myriad affairs and govern the millions of people. After Emperor Min passed away, he thereupon ascended the supreme throne, establishing the era Jianwu. He took Jianye as his capital, renaming it Jiankang to avoid the taboo of Emperor Min. Prior to this, in the second year of Taikang, the former Wu general Guan Gong rebelled. The Grand Astrologer Wu Zhen divined: 'Gong will be destroyed forthwith. However, in another thirty-eight years, Yangzhou shall have a Son of Heaven.' When the time arrived, it proved true just as he had predicted. Furthermore, during the time of the First Emperor of Qin, those who observed the atmospheric emanations said: 'Five hundred years hence, Mount Jinling in Wu will produce a Son of Heaven.' The First Emperor feared this, so he dispatched troops to excavate and sever Mount Jinling, changing its name to Moling in the hope of extinguishing its royal aura. In total, from [Qin Shi Huang's name] Zheng to Rui was five hundred and twenty-six years; the Jin, with the movement of metal, suddenly lorded over all within the four seas. Moreover, a contemporary ditty sang: 'Five horses swim across the river; one horse transforms into a dragon.' In the chaos and loss of the Yongjia era, of the imperial clan only the five princes of Langya, Xiyang, Runan, Nandun, and Pengcheng succeeded in crossing to Jiangbiao; and Rui was the very first to establish himself as emperor. We may thus know that receiving the mandate is inspired from above by the celestial spirits, while wishing to command the territorial realm is aided from below by the land's configuration. The earth sustained its configuration, so the First Emperor excavated it without destroying it; heaven bestowed its spiritual favor, so Liu Yao slaughtered without eradicating it. From Jianwu down to Yuanxi, there were twelve rulers in total spanning one hundred and four years. Clergy and laity from the Chinese and barbarian realms translated nearly six hundred rolls of sūtras, vinaya, and treatises; the undertaking of propagating the Dharma flourished with particular splendor at this time.

6.65

(Wuyin) Era changed to Daxing.

6.66

Liu Yao of Former Zhao. (Courtesy name Yongming. Clansman of Liu Yuanhai. Left orphaned and poor in youth, he was raised in Yuanhai's household and succeeded to the throne. In the twelfth year he changed the era to the first year of Guangchu.)

6.67

(Jimao) Shi Le of Later Zhao. (Courtesy name Shilong. Native of Wuxiang in Shangdang. His ancestors were an offshoot of the Xiongnu. At age fourteen he went to Luoyang, leaning against the capital's gate and whistling. Wang Yan thought him extraordinary and said: 'This barbarian fledgling's voice and gaze show singular ambitions; he will become a calamity to the realm.' He dispatched men to seize him, but by then Le had already departed. Later he raised troops and held Xiangguo for fifteen years. Age sixty. At first Le governed with tyranny, but upon seeing the proof of Fotudeng growing a blue lotus from his bowl, he changed his mind and accepted remonstrance, which extended down to his son Hu admiring virtue and promoting the worthy.)

6.68

(Xinsi) [Zhang] Mao of Liang. (Courtesy name Chengxun. Younger brother of Shi. On the throne four years.)

6.69

(Renwu) Era changed to Yongchang. The sovereign died of grief.

6.70

(11) The Indian śramaṇa Jiyou (Śrīmitra) arrived in Jiankang. Chancellor Wang Dao saw him and remarked: 'He is one of our kind!' Grand Defender Yu Liang, Guanglu Zhou Yi, and Commandant of Justice Bo Yi—the celebrated gentlemen of the day all went to his door to form friendships with him, and his fame resounded among the gentry. He once untied his sash and sat cross-legged at ease before Wang Dao. When Minister Bian Wangzhi happened to arrive, You straightened his posture and looked reverent. When someone asked the reason, he replied: 'Master Wang engages people with spiritual style, while Director Bian measures things by regulations and standards. I must respond to each accordingly.' Bo Yi wished to compose a character appraisal of You, but after a long time could not do so. You said: 'Śrīmitra (meaning

6.71

(12. Guiwei) Emperor Ming, [Sima] Shao, changed the era to Taining. (Courtesy name Daoji. Eldest son of Yuan. Clever and possessing decisive insight, he was therefore able to use weakness to master strength and restore the grand undertaking. Alas, his allotted lifespan was not long; he passed away before achieving supreme peace. Age twenty-seven. Buried at Pingling.) Reigned three years.

6.72

(Yiyou) [Zhang] Jun of Liang. (Courtesy name Gongjian. Son of Shi. On the throne twenty-two years. Age forty.)

6.73

(13) The twenty-fifth patriarch, Vaśasita, was a native of the country of Kaśmīra. His family name was Brahmin. His father was Jixing (Śānticārin), and his mother was Chang'anle (Nityasukhā). Initially, his mother dreamed of obtaining a divine sword and consequently became pregnant. At birth, he clenched his left hand. Meeting the Venerable Siṃha, his past karma was disclosed, and he secretly received the mind seal. Later, traveling to the south, he arrived in Central India. The king of that country was named Jiaxing (Kāśisundara), who arranged offerings and bowed to him. At that time there was a non-Buddhist named Wowo Zun (Anātman) who had previously been venerated by the king; jealous of the patriarch's arrival, he wished to debate with him, hoping to prevail over him to secure his position. He therefore said to the patriarch before the king: 'I understand silent debate; it does not depend on speech.' The patriarch said: 'Who will know the victor and the vanquished?' He replied: 'I do not contend for victory or defeat, but only grasp the meaning.' The patriarch said: 'What do you consider meaning?' He replied: 'No-mind is the meaning.' The patriarch said: 'Since you have no mind, how can there be meaning?' He replied: 'When I speak of no-mind, it serves as a name, not as meaning.' The patriarch said: 'You say no-mind serves as a name and not as meaning; I say non-mind serves as meaning and not as a name.' He replied: 'Serving as meaning and not as a name, who can discern the meaning?' The patriarch said: 'Your name is not meaning; what name is this name?' He replied: 'In order to discern non-meaning, it is named no-name.' The patriarch said: 'Since the name is not a name, and the meaning is not a meaning, who is the discerning one, and what is to be discerned?' Back and forth in this manner for fifty-nine exchanges, the non-Buddhist was struck dumb, convinced and subdued. At that time, the patriarch suddenly faced north with palms joined and sighed deeply, saying: 'My master, the Venerable Siṃha, has encountered disaster today; how lamentable!' He promptly took leave of the king and traveled south, reaching South India where he dwelt in seclusion in a mountain valley. At that time the king of that country was named Tiande (Devapuṇya), who welcomed him and made offerings. The king had two sons: one was fierce and violent yet robust in appearance and strength; the other was gentle and yielding, but chronically afflicted with illness. The patriarch explained cause and effect to him, and the king immediately resolved his doubts. There was also a sorcerer who envied the patriarch's Way; he secretly placed poison in his food and drink. The patriarch knew it and ate it, yet the other suffered the calamity instead; he thereupon took refuge with the patriarch and went forth into homelessness, and the patriarch conferred the full precepts upon him. Sixty years later, Crown Prince Desheng (Guṇavijaya) ascended the throne; he again believed in non-Buddhists and brought disaster upon the patriarch. Crown Prince Puṇyamitra was imprisoned for offering remonstrance. The king hurried to ask the patriarch: 'My kingdom has always been devoid of monstrous deceit; what lineage is it that the master transmits?' The patriarch said: 'From ancient times your majesty's kingdom has indeed lacked evil teachings; what I have attained is the Buddha's lineage.' The king said: 'It has already been twelve hundred years since the Buddha's nirvāṇa; from whom did the master receive it?' The patriarch said: 'The Great Being Drinker of Light (Mahākāśyapa) personally received the Buddha's seal; passed down successively to the twenty-fourth generation, the Venerable Siṃha, I received it from him.' The king said: 'I have heard that the monk Siṃha could not escape execution; how could he transmit the Dharma to later generations?' The patriarch said: 'Before my master's disaster arose, he secretly bestowed upon me the robe of faith and the Dharma verse to verify the line of transmission.' The king said: 'Where is that robe?' The patriarch promptly took the robe out of his sack and showed it to the king. The king ordered it burned; five colors shone brightly, and when the firewood was consumed, it was just as before. The king immediately repented and paid homage. The true succession of Siṃha having been clarified, he pardoned the crown prince. The crown prince thereupon requested to go forth into homelessness. The patriarch asked the prince: 'If you wish to go forth, what task will you undertake?' He replied: 'If I go forth, I will not undertake worldly affairs.' The patriarch said: 'What will you not undertake?' He replied: 'I will not undertake mundane tasks.' The patriarch said: 'What task will you undertake?' He replied: 'I will undertake the Buddha's work.' The patriarch said: 'The prince's wisdom is endowed by heaven; you must be the descended trace of the sages.' He then permitted his going forth. For six years he served him. Later, when the karmavācanā for the full precepts was performed in the royal palace, the great earth trembled and shook with numerous spiritual prodigies. The patriarch then charged him, saying: 'I am already decrepit; how could I linger long? You must well guard the treasury of the eye of the correct Dharma and universally deliver all living beings. Listen to my verse: / "The sage speaks of perception and knowledge; / Facing the object, there is neither right nor wrong. / I have now awakened to original nature: / There is neither Way nor principle."' Puṇyamitra, having heard the verse, petitioned the patriarch again: 'Should the Dharma robe also be transmitted?' The patriarch said: 'This robe was used as verification on account of disaster. Since your person will meet no disaster, why rely on the robe? Your conversion will cover the ten directions, and people will naturally believe and look toward you.' Having heard these words, Puṇyamitra made prostrations and withdrew. The patriarch displayed spiritual transformations, cremating himself with the fire of samādhi. The relics on the level ground were about one foot high. King Desheng built a stūpa and enshrined them. This was in the yiyou year, the third year of Taining of Emperor Ming of the Eastern Jin.

6.74

(14. Bingxu) Emperor Cheng, [Sima] Yan, changed the era to Xianhe. (Courtesy name Shigen. Eldest son of Emperor Ming. Ascended the throne at age five; Empress Dowager Yu oversaw state affairs. Age twenty-five.) Reigned seventeen years.

6.75

(15) Tripiṭaka Dharma Master Li was named Huili, a man of Western India. At the beginning of the Xianhe era of the Eastern Jin, he traveled to this land. Arriving in Hangzhou, he saw the mountain crags looking wondrous and lovely, and remarked: 'A small peak of Mount Gṛdhrakūṭa in Central India of my country—I wonder what year it flew here? When the Buddha was in the world, it was often where immortals and spirits secluded themselves; is it now like that here too?' Formerly there was a white ape in the cave; he thereupon called to it, and it came forth in response to his voice. Only then did people believe him; Feilai (The Peak that Flew) derived its name from this. The master promptly founded two monasteries on this land: first Lingjiu and then Lingyin. He constantly sat in serene meditation within the rock cave, which was called Master Li's Grotto. His burial stūpa is there today.

6.76

(Wuzi) Zhao changed the era to Taihe.

6.77

(Gengyin) Later Zhao changed the era to Jianping.

6.78

(Renchen) Murong Huang of Yan ascended the throne.

6.79

(Guisi) [Li] Ban of Shu. (Courtesy name Shiwen. Son of Xiong's elder brother. Initially appointed General of Nanping, he was later made crown prince. When Xiong fell ill, Ban attended him; upon his death, he took the throne. After one year he was killed by Xiong's son Yue. Age forty-one.)

6.80

[Shi] Hong of Zhao. (Courtesy name Daya. Second son of Le. On the throne one year, changing the era to Jianxi. Age forty-two.)

6.81

(Jiawu) Shi Hu of Zhao. (Executed Hong and set himself up, slaughtering Le's lineage. Changed the era to Jianxi.)

6.82

(Yihai) Era changed to Xiankang. Zhao changed the era to Jianwu.

6.83

In Shu, [Li] Qi (courtesy name Shiyun, fourth son of [Li] Xiong; reigning for three years, he changed the reign era to Yuhuan, and later hanged himself; Xiong's sons were all killed by Shou).

6.84

(Bingshen) A great drought occurred in Later Zhao. A dou of rice was worth a jin of gold.

6.85

(Wuxu) In Shu, [Li] Shou (courtesy name Wukao, son of Xiang and younger brother of Xiong; he killed Qi and set himself up [on the throne]; after six years he changed the reign era to Hanxing and the dynastic name to Han).

6.86

(16) In the sixth year of the Xiankang era, Emperor Cheng was young and tender, and Yu Bing, acting as the regent in his capacity as the elder imperial uncle, memorialised that śramaṇas ought to render full rites [of obeisance] to the ruler. Prefect of the Masters of Writing He Chong and others deliberated that they ought not to perform prostrations. The matter was referred to the ceremonial officials for detailed deliberation, and the erudites' deliberation agreed with Chong. However, the Chancellery, complying with Bing's intentions, rejected their view. Prefect of the Masters of Writing Chong, Vice Directors Chu Yi and Zhuge Hui, and Masters of Writing Feng Huai and Dai Guang and others memorialised: "Emperor Wu, the Martial Ancestor, carried out the revolution through abundant brilliance; Emperor Ming, the Solemn Ancestor, was sagacious and profoundly discerning. Could it be that at that time it was not easy to make śramaṇas bend their knees? Yet taking into consideration that their method of cultivating good should not be altered was precisely how the intentions of the world were brought into accord. Your ministers believe that following and upholding the precedents of the former emperors is superior in righteousness." Bing firmly maintained that they ought to pay full respect, and an imperial edict was issued saying: "Diverse customs in myriad regions and the divine way are difficult to fathom; this has a long history. Those of broad vision and wide comprehension should truly find nothing strange in it. Furthermore, as for the rite of kneeling and bowing, why must it be esteemed? One should investigate back to the intention behind why the former kings esteemed it. Did they merely enjoy this bending and folding of the body, or sitting in formal posture and prostrating? It truly has a reason! Since it has a reason, with what could it be replaced? Thus, when proper rites were established, could they have been without substance? Furthermore, is there indeed a Buddha now, or is there no Buddha? If there is, his way is certainly vast; if not, where is its meaning to be derived? Even granted that it is true, it belongs to matters beyond the mundane realm. How could matters beyond the mundane realm be embodied within the mundane realm, such that one should alter one's bodily form, transgress the regular standards, change the ceremonial canons, and discard the moral teachings? This is what I deeply doubt. Moral teachings have their origin, and have not been discarded for a hundred generations. When the bright day has not yet dawned, subsequent generations still face peril. As for the harm of such peril, its causes are difficult to trace. Yet now, to long from afar for what is indistinct, vague, and undefined, discarding ritual overnight and abolishing teaching in the present age, causing the ordinary populace to haughtily defy the constitutional laws—this is also what I deeply doubt. Even granted that it is true, even granted that he exists, I would merely commune with him through the spiritual mind and grasp him in the breast. The grand schemes of standard ordinances certainly cannot be discarded in the imperial court. All such people are people of the Jin. Assessing their talent and wisdom, they are merely ordinary men. Yet because what is spoken of is difficult to fathom, they borrow vestments to transcend the ordinances, uphold the haughty etiquette of foreign customs, and hold their bodies erect before the sovereign of ten thousand chariots—this again is what I cannot accept. You gentlemen are all pillars of the state. When discoursing, you should fathom what is profound and subtle; when discussing governance, you should esteem..."

6.87

"...the statutes of the realm. If this were not so, what could I set forth?" Chong and the others again submitted a remonstrance, stating in a memorial: "Your ministers are obtuse and shallow, insufficient to praise the sagely intention or proclaim the great righteousness. Prostrating to examine the luminous decree, we are terrified and tremble with anxiety. We forthwith carefully examined the matter: whether there is a Buddha or no Buddha is certainly not for your ministers to determine. Yet examining the surviving texts and penetrating their essential points, the prohibitions of the Five Precepts truly assist the king's transformation. They disparage overt renown and conduct, and esteem covert, hidden cultivation. Practicing virtue lies in forgetting oneself, embracing the subtle purity of the one mind. Moreover, it arose in the Han period and has reached down to the present; though the Dharma has had periods of prosperity and decline, its harms have never involved witchcraft or deception. In its enduring longevity, the divine way has had no equal. Where a proposal has drawbacks, how much more so should one consider if it is certain to have benefits! Your ministers' humble sincerity truly wishes that minute drops of dust and dew may add moisture to Mount Dai, and our humble offerings may assist the imperial ultimate above. Now, if they are commanded to bow, their dharma will immediately be destroyed, and the custom of cultivating goodness will be discarded in a sagely era. Habit becomes second nature; this will inevitably cause resentment and fear. In our hearts, your ministers secretly feel uneasy about it. Although your ministers are foolish and benighted, how would we dare mislead the sagely hearing with biased views? We merely observe that throughout the three generations, each monarch was more brilliant and sagely than the last. Not making regulations for them now causes no detriment to the king's governance, and the communication with the unseen realm will encounter no blockage. For this reason, we submit our humble sincerity again, begging your imperial consideration." Bing still considered it unacceptable, and another decree was issued saying: "I have examined what you set forth; it is detailed in emotion and intent. Obscure matters are truly not fully expressible through metaphor. Yet roughly surveying the overarching principles, the regular norms of humanity and spirits roughly possess their separate applications. Generally, in the laws established by the hundred kings, though refinement and simplicity varied with the times, none ever mixed governance with strange customs or adulterated transformation with extravagant absurdities. Could it be that former sages were unenlightened, while future sages are broadly penetrating? Furthermore, the minor goodness of the Five Precepts only roughly resembles human relations, yet they cast aside the etiquette and reverence of the world. Ritual is weighty! Reverence is great! The main cords of governance are fully contained therein. The lord of ten thousand chariots does not love being exalted; the commoners of the realm do not love being humble. Yet if exalted and humble are not arranged, the royal teachings cannot be unified; to divide them causes chaos. This is why former sages codified the state's constitution, making it appropriate and free of doubt. Men of universal talent who gather widely often encompass such matters: cultivating it in the family is acceptable, but applying it to the state and court is unacceptable. Is this not far removed? Examining what has been presented, you also have not truly clarified whether he exists or not. Even if it were clear, I would still say it cannot be mingled with governance; how much less so when it is entirely absent, should we allow both ways to run parallel?" Chong and the others submitted a third memorial maintaining their stance, stating: "Although your ministers are truly foolish and benighted, unable to fathom far-reaching intentions, we toil diligently day and night to consider upholding the royal ordinances; how could we stubbornly cling to narrow views and disrupt the great bonds of human relations? We only observe that from the Han and Wei down to the Jin, no dissenting opinion was heard, and the standards of high and low never suffered any temporary loss. Now the śramaṇas' observance of precepts is single-minded, and their rites are singular. As for the firmness of their observance, in sacrificing their lives they are never negligent; how would they dare use their physical forms to slight ritual and reverence? Whenever we see them burn incense and offer prayers, they invariably give priority to the state, wishing it prosperity and abundance, with boundlessly sincere emotion. Their veneration and obedience to their superiors arise from nature. The simplicity of their rites is merely due to their single-minded adherence to the Dharma. Therefore, former sages governing the world accommodated them without change. Indeed, heaven's net is wide; its mesh is coarse, yet nothing slips through. Your ministers humbly believe that not requiring them to bow brings no detriment to the laws. Benefiting them by according with what is advantageous to them, so that neither the worthy nor the foolish dare hold back their devotion—then above there will be the shelter of heaven and the support of earth, and below there will be people who preserve the one and cultivate the good. We respectfully present our shallow thoughts once more, hoping for your imperial consideration." Bing's proposal was thereupon dropped. He Chong, courtesy name Cidao, was a man of Qian in Lujiang, and a grandson of Yan, the Grand Master of the Palace for Ceremonial of the Wei. In his youth he was praised for his literary talent. Initially he was an assistant to Wang Dun. Dun's elder brother Han was governor of Lujiang and was corrupt. Dun once praised him at a gathering, saying: "My elder brother was truly excellent in his commandery; the literati of Lujiang praised him." Chong straightened his countenance and said: "I am a native of that commandery, and what I heard was different." Dun fell silent, and all the guests felt uneasy, but Chong remained calm and at ease. Prime Minister Yu Liang once recommended him to Emperor Ming, saying: "He Chong's capacity and integrity possess the expectations of ten thousand men. If he could manage the court administration, he would serve as a deputy to this old minister." When Chong was appointed Prefect of the Masters of Writing, he promoted the capable and rewarded merit, not using his position to bestow private favors; the world respected him greatly. Earlier, Ruan Yu had once teased him, saying: "Your ambition is as vast as the universe, and your courage surpasses antiquity." Chong inquired why he said so, and Yu said: "I aimed for a commandery of several thousand households and still could not achieve it; you aim to become a Buddha—is that not vast?" He died at the age of fifty-five. Thereafter, his household served the Buddha with great devotion. His grandsons Shangzhi, Dian, and Yin all established the great principles and propagated the Buddhadharma.

6.88

(Guimao) Emperor Kang, [Sima] Yue, changed the reign era to Jianyuan (courtesy name Shitong, younger brother of Emperor Cheng by the same mother; he ascended the throne at age twenty-one; Yu Liang served as prime minister and held exclusive power; he later died in the Shiqian Hall at the age of twenty-three, and was buried in the Chang Mausoleum); he reigned for two years.

6.89

(Jiachen) In Shu, [Li] Shi (courtesy name Ziren, eldest son of Shou; seven chi and nine cun in height, with a waist of fourteen girths, skilled in bowing and bending; reigning for five years, he changed the reign era to Taihe; he later died in Jiankang).

6.90

(18, Yisi) Emperor Mu, [Sima] Dan, changed the reign era to Yonghe (courtesy name Pengzu, eldest son of Emperor Kang; he ascended the throne at age two, with his mother Empress Chu ruling as regent; he died at age nineteen in the Xianyang Hall, and was buried in the Yongping Mausoleum); he reigned for seventeen years.

6.91

(Bingwu) Shu changed the reign era to Jianing.

6.92

(Dingwei) In Liang, Zhang Chonghua (courtesy name Dalin, second son of Jun; reigning for seven years, he lived to age twenty-seven).

6.93

(Wushen) In Later Zhao, Fotudeng remonstrated against the killing of Crown Prince Xuan.

6.94

(Jiyou) Later Zhao changed the reign era to Taining. [Shi Zun] took the imperial throne, but soon died and the state fell into chaos.

6.95

In Former Yan, [Murong] Jun (surname Murong, courtesy name Ziying; his grandfather was named Hui, courtesy name Yiyi, a Xianbei of Jicheng in Changli; their ancestors were descendants of the Youxiong clan who lived for generations among the northern barbarians, establishing their settlement in the wilderness of Zimeng; the Jin enfeoffed him as Prince of Yan, and he moved the capital to Longcheng; he begot Huang; Jun was Huang's second son; he resided in Ye for eleven years, living to age forty-two).

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佛祖歷代通載 — Classical Chinese