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續高僧傳 18.16

續高僧傳 18.16

Language
Classical Chinese

18.16.1

釋曇遷。 俗姓王氏。 博陵饒陽人。 近祖太原歷宦而後居焉。 少而俊朗爽異常倫。 年十三父母嘉其遠悟。 令舅氏傳授。 即齊中散大夫國子祭酒博士權會也。 會備練六經偏究易道。 剖卦析爻妙窮象繫。 奇遷精采。 乃先授以周易。 初受八卦相生。 隨言即曉。 始學文半。 餘半自通。 了非師受悟超詞理。 會深異也。 曾有一嫗失物。 就會決之。 得於兌卦。 會告遷曰。 汝試辯之。 應聲答曰。 若如卦判。 定失金釵。 嫗驚喜曰。 實如所辯。 遷曰。 兌是金位。 字脚兩垂似於釵象耳。 舅曰。 更依卦審悉盜者為誰。 對曰。 失者西家白色女子。 奉口𩮀角可年十四五者將去。 尋可得之。 後如言果獲。 有問其故。 遷曰。 兌是西方少女之位。 五色分方。 為白也。 兌字上點表𩮀角之象。 內有尖形表奉口之相。 推而測知。 非有異術。 舅乃釋策而歎曰。 吾於卜筮頗工。 至於取斷依俙而已。 豈如汝之明耶。 老舅實顧多慚。 方驗宣尼之言後生可畏也。 乃更授以禮傳詩尚莊老等書。 但經一覽義無重問。 于時據宗儒學獨擅英聲。 每言大小兩雅當時之諷刺。 左右二史君王之事言。 禮序人倫樂移風俗。 無非耳目之翫。 其勢亦可知之。 未若李莊論大道。 周易辯陰陽。 可以悟幽微。 可以怡情性。 究而味之。 乃玄儒之本也。 當時先達頗蔑其幼年。 致或抗言褒貶者。 遷辯對縱橫詞旨明爛。 無不挹謝其聲實。 自爾留心莊易歸意佛經。 願預染衣得通幽極。 二親愛之弗許。 懇誠歲久乃蒙放遣。 初投饒陽曲李寺沙門慧榮。 榮頗解占相。 知有濟器。 告遷曰。 有心慕道理應相度。 觀子骨法當類彌天。 自揣澄公有慚德義。 可訪高世者以副雅懷。 遷雖屬伸勤請。 而固遮弗許。 又從定州賈和寺曇靜律師而出家焉。 時年二十有一。 本圖既遂襟期坦然。 猛勵精勤昏曉無倦。 初誦勝鬘不日便了。 怪而檢覆未差一字。 當夜問經中深疑。 莫非妙義。 既知神思大成。 乃與受具恣其問道。 從師五臺山此山靈迹極多。 備見神異。 後歸鄴下歷諸講肆。 棄小專大不以經句涉懷。 偏就曇遵法師。 稟求佛法綱要。 當有齊之盛釋教大興。 至於宮觀法祀。 皆鋒芒馳騖。 遷性不預涉。 高謝世利。 眾咸推焉。 密謂人曰。 學為知法。 法為修行。 豈以榮利即名為道。 秦世道恒。 削迹巖藪。 誠有由矣。 遂竄形林慮山黃花谷中淨國寺。 蔬素覃思委身以道。 有來請問乍為弘宣。 研精華嚴十地維摩楞伽地持起信等。 咸究其深賾。 甞尋唯識論。 遂感心熱病。 專憑三寶不以醫術纏情。 夜夢月落入懷。 乃擘而食之。 脆如氷片。 甚訝香美。 覺罷所苦痊復。 一旬有餘流味在口。 因其聖助食月成德。 遂私改名以為月德也。 爾後每授人戒常云。 於我月德前三說受菩薩戒。 逮周武平齊佛法頹毀。 將欲保道存戒。 逃迹金陵。 結侶霄征。 間行假導多被劫掠。 進達壽陽曲水寺。 顧法屬曰。 吾等薄運所鍾。 屢逢群盜。 若怨結不解來報莫窮。 眾可哀彼愚迷自責往業各捨什物為賊營懺。 冀於來世為法知識。 既而南濟大江安然利涉。 由斯以推。 誠齋福之助也。 初達楊都栖道場寺。 掃衣分衛攝念無為。 時與同侶談唯識義。 彼有沙門慧曉智瓘等。 並陳朝道軸江表僧望。 曉學兼孔釋妙善定門。 瓘禪慧兩深帝王師表。 又有高麗沙門智晃。 善薩婆多部。 名扇當塗為法城塹。 並一見而結友于。 再敘而高冲奧。 有欲以聞天子者。 遷預知情事。 謂之曰。 余以本朝淪覆正法凌夷。 所以冒死浮江得參梵侶。 生平果志遂得有餘。 結援時榮幸願緘默。 惟有國子博士張機。 每申盡禮請法。 餘景時論莊易。 竊傳其義用訓庠序。 因至桂州刺史蔣君之宅。

Śramaṇa Tanqian had the secular surname Wang. He was a native of Raoyang in Boling. His recent ancestors in Taiyuan had served in successive official posts and subsequently settled there. From his youth, he was brilliant, bright, and markedly different from ordinary peers. At the age of thirteen, his parents, admiring his far-reaching comprehension, had his maternal uncle instruct him. This was Quan Hui, who served Northern Qi as Palace Grandee of the Central Dispersal, Libationer of the National University, and Erudite. Hui was thoroughly versed in the Six Classics and devoted special study to the Way of the Changes; he analyzed the hexagrams and lines, plumbing the depths of the images and the attached texts. Finding Qian's spirit and intelligence extraordinary, he first instructed him in the *Zhouyi*. When he first received the eight trigrams and their mutual generation, he understood as soon as the words were spoken. When he had just begun learning half the text, the other half came to him spontaneously; it was completely clear without needing a master's instruction, and his insight surpassed mere words and principles. Hui marveled greatly at him. Once, an elderly woman who had lost an object came to Hui to have it divined, and obtained the Dui hexagram. Hui said to Qian: 'You try to determine it.' Responding to his voice, [Qian] answered: 'Judging from the hexagram, it must definitely be a lost gold hairpin.' Surprised and pleased, the old woman said: 'It is indeed as you have judged!' Qian said: 'Dui is the metallic position; the two downward strokes of the character resemble the image of a hairpin, that is all.' The uncle said: 'Rely further on the hexagram to scrutinize who the thief is.' He replied: 'The person who took it was a fair-skinned girl from the family to the west, with a harelip and hair bound in horn-like tufts, about fourteen or fifteen years of age, who carried it away. She can be sought and found.' Later, just as he had said, it was recovered. Someone asked the reason, and Qian said: 'Dui is the position of the youngest daughter in the west. When the five colors are assigned to the directions, it is white. The upper dots of the character *Dui* show the image of horn-like tufts of hair; the sharp shape within shows the mark of a harelip. By inferring and deducing, I came to know it; it was not by any magical art.' His uncle thereupon laid down the divination stalks and sighed: 'I am quite skilled at divination, but when it comes to rendering decisions, I only proceed by approximate guess. How could I match your clarity? This old uncle truly looks upon himself with much shame; this verifies the words of Xuanni: "The young are to be held in awe."' Thereupon he further instructed him in such books as the *Rites* and its commentaries, the *Odes*, the *Documents*, and *Zhuangzi* and *Laozi*. But with only a single glance, there was never any need to ask about their meaning again. At that time, taking Confucian learning as his basis, his brilliant reputation stood alone. He often said: 'The Lesser and Greater Ya [of the *Odes*] were the satires of their time; the Left and Right Scribes recorded the deeds and words of rulers. The *Rites* orders human relations, and music transforms mores; none of these are more than diversions for ears and eyes, and their momentum can be known. They are not like Li and Zhuang discoursing on the Great Way, or the *Zhouyi* distinguishing yin and yang, which can awaken one to what is hidden and subtle, and gladden one's nature. When investigated and savored, they are the root of the Dark Learning and Confucianism.' At that time, the elder scholars rather disdained his youth, so that some even came forward to debate and evaluate him. Qian answered with fluid eloquence, his phrasing clear and dazzling, and not one failed to bow and concede to his fame and substance. From then on, he set his heart on *Zhuangzi* and the *Changes*, and turned his intentions toward Buddhist scriptures, wishing to don the dyed robes and penetrate the profoundest mysteries. His parents loved him and would not permit it, but after many years of earnest sincerity, he was granted permission to depart. At first, he sought out Śramaṇa Huirong of Quli Monastery in Raoyang. Rong was quite skilled in physiognomy and divination, and knew he was a vessel destined for salvation. He told Qian: 'Since you have a mind that yearns for the Way, it is right that you should be ordained. Looking at your bone structure, you ought to be of the caliber of Mitian. I consider myself deficient in virtue and righteousness compared to Master Dao'an; you should seek out an exalted figure of the age to fulfill your refined aspirations.' Although Qian persistently and repeatedly pleaded with him, [Huirong] firmly refused and would not allow it. He then went to Vinaya Master Tanjing of Jiahe Monastery in Dingzhou and went forth from the household under him. He was then twenty-one years of age. Having attained his original aspiration, his breast was open and free. Fiercely diligent, he knew no weariness from dusk to dawn. When he first chanted the *Śrīmālādevī-sūtra*, in less than a day he was completely familiar with it. Surprised, [the master] tested and reviewed him, and not a single character was wrong. That very night, he asked about deep perplexities in the scripture, every one of them concerning subtle and wondrous meanings. Knowing that his spiritual intellect was fully mature, he conferred full ordination upon him and allowed him freely to inquire into the Way. He followed his teacher to Mount Wutai; on this mountain, there were very many numinous traces, and he witnessed divine marvels completely. Later, he returned to the capital at Ye and went through various lecture halls; setting aside the lesser and concentrating on the greater, he did not allow mere scriptural phrasing to occupy his mind. He went specifically to Dharma Master Tanzun to receive and seek the essential principles of the Buddha Dharma. In the flourishing period of the Qi dynasty, the teaching of the Śākya flourished greatly; even at palace shrines and official sacrifices, everyone rushed about displaying their talents. By nature, Qian did not involve himself, and proudly declined worldly gain; the congregation all revered him. He secretly told people: 'One studies in order to know the Dharma, and the Dharma is for cultivation. How could worldly glory and gain be called the Way? In the Qin period, Daoheng vanished into crags and thickets; there was truly a reason for it!' He then withdrew into hiding at Jingguo Monastery in Huanghua Valley on Mount Linlü. Living on simple vegetables and deep in contemplation, he devoted himself to the Way. If someone came to inquire, he would temporarily preach for them. He delved deeply into the *Avataṃsaka*, *Daśabhūmika*, *Vimalakīrti*, *Laṅkāvatāra*, *Bodhisattvabhūmi*, and *Awakening of Faith*, investigating all their profound subtleties. Once, while perusing the *Treatise on Consciousness-Only*, he came down with a heart fever. Relying exclusively on the Triratna, he did not burden his mind with medical arts. At night, he dreamt that the moon fell into his bosom; he tore it apart and ate it. It was as crisp as an ice flake, and he was amazed by its fragrance and sweetness. When he awoke, his ailment was cured. For over ten days, the flowing flavor lingered in his mouth. Because of this sacred assistance—eating the moon to accomplish virtue—he privately changed his name to Yuede (Candrottara). Thereafter, whenever he conferred the precepts on someone, he would always say: 'Recite three times before me, Yuede, and receive the bodhisattva precepts.' When Emperor Wu of the Northern Zhou pacified Northern Qi, the Buddha Dharma fell into ruins. Wishing to protect the Way and preserve the precepts, he fled toward Jinling. Traveling by night in company with companions, taking roundabout roads and using guides, they were frequently robbed. Arriving at Qushui Monastery in Shouyang, he looked back at his Dharma associates and said: 'We are burdened by meager fortune and have repeatedly encountered bands of robbers. If these knots of enmity are not dissolved, the future retribution will have no end. You may take pity on their delusion, reproach yourselves for past karma, and each relinquish your belongings to perform repentance on behalf of the thieves, hoping to become friends in the Dharma in future lives.' Soon afterward, they crossed the great Yangtze River southward safely and without incident; deducing from this, it was truly the assistance of the merit of this fast. Upon first arriving at the capital of Yangdu, he resided at Daochang Monastery, wearing patched robes, going on alms rounds, and collecting his thoughts in the unconditioned. From time to time, he discussed the meaning of Consciousness-Only with his companions. There were Śramaṇas such as Huixiao and Zhiguan, who were both the axis of the Way and the prominent monks of Jiangbiao under the Chen dynasty. Xiao's learning encompassed both Confucius and the Śākya, and he was wonderfully skilled in the gates of dhyāna; Guan was profound in both dhyāna and wisdom, serving as an exemplar for emperors and kings. There was also a Koguryŏ monk, Zhihuang, who was well versed in the Sarvāstivāda school; his fame stirred the ruling dynasty and he was a fortress for the Dharma. At a single meeting, they formed a friendship like brothers; upon conversing again, they praised his profundity. When someone wished to make his name known to the emperor, Qian knew of the matter in advance and said to them: 'Because my former dynasty collapsed and the true Dharma declined, I braved death and crossed the river so that I might join the brahma assembly. My lifelong aspiration has already been more than fulfilled. In forming ties with contemporary prestige, I earnestly hope you will keep silent.' Only Zhang Ji, Erudite of the National University, repeatedly paid full respects to request the Dharma, and in his leisure time discussed *Zhuangzi* and the *Changes*, quietly transmitting his interpretations to instruct the state schools. Subsequently, he visited the residence of Governor Jiang of Guizhou.

English (machine translation) (machine translation)

18.16.2

獲攝大乘論。 以為全如意珠。 雖先講唯識薄究通宗。 至於思搆幽微有所流滯。 今大部斯洞文旨宛然。 將欲弘演未聞彼之家國。 承周道失御隋歷告興。 遂與同侶俱辭建業。 緇素知友祖道新林。 去留哀感各題篇什。 曉禪師命章賦詩曰。 生平本胡越。 關吳各異津。 聯翩一傾蓋。 便作法城親。 清談解煩累。 愁眉始得申。 今朝忽分手。 恨失眼中人。 子向涇河道。 慧業日當新。 我住邗江側。 終為松下塵。 沈浮從此隔。 無復更來因。 此別終天別。 迸淚忽沾巾。 餘之名德並有綴詞。 久失其文。 各執手辭袂。 登石頭岸。 入舟動檝。 忽風浪騰涌眾人無計。 遷獨正想不移。 捧持攝論告江神曰。 今欲以大法開彼未悟。 若北土無運命也如何。 必應聞大教請停風浪。 冀傳法之功冥寄有屬。 言訖須臾恬靜安流達岸。 時人以為此論譯於南國。 護國之神不許他境。 事同迦延之出罽賓為羅剎之稽留也。 進達彭城。 新舊交集遠近欣赴。 欝為大眾有一檀越。 捨宅栖之。 遂目所住為慕聖寺。 始弘攝論。 又講楞伽起信如實等論。 相繼不絕。 攝論北土創開。 自此為始也。 徐州總管穀城公萬緒。 率諸僚佐擁篲諮承。 盡弟子之禮。 遷弘化此土屢動暄涼。 黑白變俗大有成業。 自周毀正法。 遺形充野。 乃勸獎有緣。 於慕聖寺多構堂閣。 隨有收聚莊嚴供養。 上柱國宋公賀若弼長史張坦。 出鎮楊州。 承風思展。 結為良導。 及諸道俗佇願德音。 坦乃手疏邀延。 遷亦虛舟待吹。 遠到廣陵。 舉郭迎望。 歌梵遏雲霞。 香花翳日月。 桑門一盛榮莫加斯。 宋公名重位高。 頗以學能傲誕。 遷應權授法。 不覺心醉形摧。 乃携其家屬。 從受歸戒。 初停開善建弘攝論。 請益千計。 不久徐方官庶思渴法言。 江都纔了復迎還北。 盛轉法輪聲名遐布。 屬開皇七年秋。 下詔曰。 皇帝敬問徐州曇遷法師。 承修敘妙因勤精道教。 護持正法利益無邊。 誠釋氏之棟梁。 即人倫之龍象也。 深願巡歷所在承風飡德。 限以朝務實懷虛想。 當即來儀以沃勞望。 弟子之內閑解法相能轉梵音者十人。 並將入京。 當與師崇建正法刊定經典。 且道法初興觸途草創。 弘獎建立終藉通人。 京邑之間遠近所湊。 宣揚法事為惠殊廣。 想振錫拂衣。 勿辭勞也。 尋望見師不復多及。 時洛陽慧遠。 魏郡慧藏。 清河僧休。 濟陰寶鎮。 汲郡洪遵。 各奉明詔同集帝輦。 遷乃率其門人。 行途所資皆出天府。 與五大德謁帝於大興殿。 特蒙禮接勞以優言。 又勅所司。 並於大興善寺安置供給。 王公宰輔冠蓋相望。 雖各將門徒十人。 而慕義沙門勅亦延及。 遂得萬里尋師。 於焉可想。 于斯時也宇內大通。 京室學僧多傳荒遠。 眾以攝論初闢投誠請祈。 即為敷弘。 受業千數。 沙門慧遠領袖法門。 躬處坐端橫經稟義。 自是傳燈不絕于今多矣。 雖則寰㝢穿鑿時有異端。 原其解起莫非祖習。 故真諦傳云。 不久有大國不近不遠大根性人。 能弘斯論。 求今望古豈非斯人乎。 十年春。 帝幸晉陽。 勅遷隨駕。 既達并部。 又詔令僧御殿行道。 至夜追遷入內與御同榻。 帝曰。 弟子行幸至此。 承大有私度山僧。 欲求公貫。 意願度之如何。 遷曰。 昔周武御圖殄滅三寶。 眾僧等或剗迹幽巖。 或逃竄異境。 陛下統臨大運更闡法門。 無不歌詠有歸來投聖德。 比雖屢蒙招引度脫。 而來有先後致差際會。 且自天地覆載莫匪王民。 至尊汲引萬方寧止一郭蒙慶。 帝沈慮少時。 方乃允焉。 因下勅曰。 自十年四月已前。 諸有僧尼私度者。 並聽出家。 故率土蒙度數十萬人。 遷之力矣。 尋下勅為第四皇子蜀王秀。 於京城置勝光寺。 即以王為檀越。 勅請遷之徒眾六十餘人。

He obtained the Mahāyānasaṃgraha-śāstra and regarded it as a complete wish-fulfilling jewel. Although he had previously lectured on Vijñaptimātra and had briefly examined and thoroughly studied its school, when it came to conceiving its abstruse subtleties, there remained points where he was impeded. Now this great work was fully penetrated, its textual purport perfectly clear. Wishing to propagate and spread what had not yet been heard to those distant lands and states, and having heard that the ruling virtue of the Zhou dynasty had collapsed while the epoch of the Sui was proclaimed to rise, he thereupon, together with his companions, took leave of Jianye. Clergy and laity, acquaintances and friends, held a farewell gathering at Xinlin; those departing and those remaining were moved with sorrow, each composing verses. Dhyāna Master Xiao ordered a composition and composed a poem, saying: / 'In life we were originally as distant as the Hu and Yue, / Separated at the passes and Wu by different ferries. / Travelling along, our carriages momentarily brushed, / And straightway we became kin within the fortress of Dharma. / Pure conversation dispelled weariness and toil; / Frowning brows only then began to relax. / This morning we abruptly part hands; / Grieved to lose the person before my eyes. / You head toward the route of the Jing River; / Your karmic fruit of wisdom daily shall be renewed. / I dwell beside the Han River; / Destined in the end to become dust beneath the pines. / Floating and sinking, henceforth separated; / There will be no cause to meet again. / This parting is a parting for all eternity; / Gushing tears suddenly moisten my kerchief.' / Other eminent and virtuous masters likewise composed verses, but their texts have long been lost. Each clasped hands and parted sleeves. Ascending the banks of Shitou, they boarded the boat and worked the oars. Suddenly the wind and waves surged violently, and the multitude was at a loss. Tanqian alone kept his right contemplation unmoved; holding the Mahāyānasaṃgraha, he addressed the river spirit, saying: 'I now desire to open those who have not yet awakened by means of the Great Dharma. If the northern lands have no destiny for it, what then can be done about fate? If they are surely meant to hear the Great Teaching, I pray you calm the wind and waves. I trust that the merit of transmitting the Dharma may be invisibly entrusted and fulfilled.' When he finished speaking, in a brief moment it became calm and quiet, and they reached the shore over peaceful currents. Contemporary people thought that since this treatise had been translated in the southern realm, the protective spirit of the realm would not permit it to go to other territories—a situation identical to Kātyāyana's departure from Kashmir being delayed by a rākṣasa. Proceeding forward, he reached Pengcheng. New and old acquaintances gathered together, arriving with joy from far and near. As they swelled into a great assembly, a dānapati gave up his residence to accommodate them. Thereupon they designated the residence as the Musheng Monastery. He first propagated the Mahāyānasaṃgraha, and furthermore lectured on the Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra, the Awakening of Faith, the Tattvasiddhi-śāstra, and other treatises, one after another without cease. The initial opening of the Mahāyānasaṃgraha in the northern lands began from this. Wan Xu, Duke of Gucheng and Area Commander of Xuzhou, led all his subordinate officials to hold brooms and inquire of him, carrying out the etiquette of disciples to the utmost. As Tanqian propagated and transformed in this land, warm and cold seasons repeatedly turned, and both monastics and laity altered their customs, achieving great accomplishments. Ever since the Zhou destroyed the True Dharma, abandoned bodily relics had filled the wilderness. He thereupon exhorted and encouraged those with karmic affinity to construct numerous halls and pavilions at Musheng Monastery, gathering, adorning, and making offerings wherever relics were found. Heruo Bi, Grand Pillar of State and Duke of Song, and Zhang Tan, the Chief Administrator, went out to garrison Yangzhou. Hearing of his reputation, they wished to pay their respects and establish ties as a fine guide; likewise, all the monastics and laity eagerly awaited his virtuous words. Tan thereupon wrote a letter by his own hand to invite him, and Tanqian, like an empty boat waiting for the wind, travelled afar to Guangling. The entire city came out to welcome and look upon him. Brahma chants arrested the clouds and mist; incense and flowers obscured the sun and moon. For a śramaṇa, this was a height of grandeur none could surpass. The Duke of Song possessed great fame and high rank, and was somewhat arrogant on account of his learning and ability. When Tanqian adapted expediently to confer the Dharma upon him, he unconsciously became deeply enraptured and subdued; he thereupon brought his family to receive the refuge and precepts from him. Initially, he stayed at Kaishan Monastery to establish and propagate the Mahāyānasaṃgraha, with those requesting instruction numbering in the thousands. Soon, the officials and commoners of the Xu region thirsted for his Dharma discourses; no sooner was his work in Jiangdu finished than they welcomed him back to the north again. Magnificently he turned the wheel of the Dharma, his reputation spreading afar. In the autumn of the seventh year of the Kaihuang era, an imperial edict was issued, stating: 'The Emperor respectfully inquires after Dharmabhāṇaka Tanqian of Xuzhou. We have heard that you cultivate and unfold wondrous causes, diligent and refined in the teachings of the Way. Safeguarding and upholding the True Dharma, your benefit is boundless. Truly you are a ridgepole and beam of the Śākya clan, an elephant and dragon among human kind. We profoundly wish to make an imperial tour wherever you are, to receive your reputation and partake of your virtue; but restrained by court affairs, We indeed harbor an unfulfilled longing. You should immediately come to the court to satisfy Our weary longing. Among your disciples, bring ten persons who are well-versed in the characteristics of phenomena and capable of chanting in Brahma tones into the capital together with you. We shall, together with you, Master, erect the True Dharma and emend the scriptural canons. Moreover, the Buddha Dharma is newly flourishing, and its undertakings are in their nascent stages; its broad encouragement and establishment ultimately rely on men of comprehensive penetration. The imperial capital is where those from far and near converge; proclaiming and propagating Dharma affairs will bring exceptionally wide benefit. We envision you shaking your staff and dusting your robes, without declining the fatigue. We look forward to seeing you soon, and shall not elaborate further.' At that time, Huiyuan of Luoyang, Huizang of Weijun, Sengxiu of Qinghe, Baozhen of Jiyin, and Hongzun of Jijun, each receiving the radiant imperial edict, gathered together at the imperial carriage. Tanqian thereupon led his disciples; all provisions for the journey were supplied from the imperial treasury. Together with the five bhadantas, he had an audience with the Emperor at the Daxing Hall, where he was specially received with ritual courtesy and comforted with flattering words. An edict was also issued to the relevant authorities to accommodate and supply them at the Daxingshan Monastery. Princes, dukes, and prime ministers crowded together in an unbroken stream of carriages and robes. Although each master brought ten disciples, śramaṇas who admired righteousness were also extended the invitation by edict; thus they were able to seek their masters from ten thousand miles away, which can well be imagined. At this time, communication throughout the realm was wide open. Scholar-monks of the capital mostly transmitted traditions from remote wildernesses. As the Mahāyānasaṃgraha was newly opened, the multitude devoted their sincerity to make requests; he straightway expounded and propagated it, with those receiving instruction numbering in the thousands. Śramaṇa Huiyuan, a leader of the Dharma gate, personally sat at the head of the assembly, placing the scriptures across his lap to receive the doctrinal meanings. From this point onward, the transmission of the lamp has continued without cease down to the present day in great numbers. Although throughout the realm there have occasionally been divergent heterodox opinions arising from forced interpretations, trace their origins, and none fail to stem from ancestral transmission. Therefore, the biography of Paramārtha says: 'Before long, there will be a person of great faculties in a great realm, neither near nor far, who will be able to propagate this treatise.' Seeking in the present and looking to the past, is it not this very person? In the spring of the tenth year, the Emperor visited Jinyang and ordered Tanqian to accompany the imperial retinue. Having reached the Bing region, another edict ordered the monks to conduct circumambulation in the imperial hall. When night arrived, Tanqian was summoned into the inner palace to share the same couch as the Emperor. The Emperor said: 'Since Our imperial tour arrived here, We have heard that there are a great many mountain monks who took the tonsure privately, seeking official registration. Our wish is to ordain them; what do you think?' Tanqian said: 'Formerly, Emperor Wu of the Zhou held the imperial domain and annihilated the Triratna. The monks either effaced their tracks in secluded crags or fled to foreign borders. Your Majesty reigns over the great epoch and re-opens the Dharma gate; there are none who do not sing praises and return, taking refuge in your sagely virtue. Although recently they have repeatedly received summons for liberation, their arrivals have had precedence and delay, resulting in missed encounters. Furthermore, under Heaven and Earth, whoever is covered and carried is none other than the king's subject; when the Most Venerable draws and guides the myriad directions, how could the blessings be confined to merely a single city?' The Emperor pondered deeply for a short while, and only then assented. He thereupon issued an edict, stating: 'From before the fourth month of the tenth year, all monks and nuns who were privately ordained are permitted to take pravrajyā.' Therefore, throughout the entire realm, those who received ordination numbered several hundreds of thousands—this was through the effort of Tanqian. Soon after, an edict was issued to establish Shengguang Monastery in the capital for the fourth imperial prince, Xiu, Prince of Shu, making the prince its dānapati. An imperial order invited more than sixty of Tanqian's disciples to reside there.

English (machine translation) (machine translation)

18.16.3

住此寺中受王供養。 左僕射高頴。 右衛將軍虞慶則。 右僕射蘇威。 光祿王端等。 朝務之暇。 執卷承旨。 四門博士國子助教劉子平。 孔門俊乂。 屈膝飡奉。 魏郡道士仇岳。 洞曉莊老。 文皇欽重。 入京造展共談玄理。 遷既為帝王挹敬侯伯邀延。 抗行之徒是非紛起。 或謂滯於榮寵者。 乃著亡是非論以示諸己。 其詞曰。 夫自是非彼。 美己惡人。 物莫不然。 以皆然故舉世紜紜無自正者也。 斯由未達是非之患。 乃致於此。 言至患者有十不可。 一是非無主。 二自性不定。 三彼我俱有。 四更互為因。 五迭不相及。 六隱顯有無。 七性自相違。 八執者偏著。 九是非差別。 十無是無非。 初明無適主者。 此云我是。 彼云我是。 彼此競取。 乃令是非無定從。 彼云此非。 此云彼非。 彼此競興。 遂使非無適趣。 或者必欲以是自歸以非屬彼者。 此有何理而可然耶。 理不然故強為之者莫不致敗耳。 物豈知其然哉。 文多不委。 十三年。 帝幸岐州。 遷時隨彼。 乃勅蜀王布圍南山。 行春蒐之事也。 王逐一獸入故窯中。 既失蹤迹。 但見滿窯破落佛像。 王遂罷獵。 具以事聞。 遷因奏曰。 比經周代毀道。 靈塔聖儀填委溝壑者多。 蒙陛下興建已得修營。 至於碎身遺影尚遍原野。 貧道觸目增慟。 有心無事。 帝聞惘然曰。 弟子庸朽垂拱巖廊。 乃使尊儀冒犯霜露。 如師所說。 朕之咎也。 又下詔曰云云。 諸有破故佛像。 仰所在官司。 精加檢括。 運送隨近寺內。 率土蒼生口施一文。 委州縣官人檢校莊飾。 故一化嚴麗遷寔有功。 十四年。 柴燎岱宗。 遷又上諸廢山寺并無貫逃僧。 請並安堵。 帝又許焉。 尋勅率土之內。 但有山寺一僧已上皆聽給額。 私度附貫。 遷又其功焉。 又勅河南王。 為泰岳神通道場檀越。 即舊朗公寺也。 齊主為神寶檀越舊靜默寺也。 華陽王為寶山檀越。 舊靈巖寺也。 又委遷簡齊魯名僧來住京輦。 其為世重誠無以加。 文帝昔在龍潛。 有天竺沙門。 以一顆舍利授之云。 此大覺遺身也。 檀越當盛興顯。 則來福無疆。 言訖莫知所之。 後龍飛之後。 迫以萬機未遑興盛。 仁壽元年。 追惟昔言將欲建立。 乃出本所舍利。 與遷交手數之。 雖各專意。 而前後不能定數。 帝問所由。 遷曰。 如來法身過於數量。 今此舍利即法身遺質。 以事量之。 誠恐徒設耳。 帝意悟。 即請大德三十人安置寶塔為三十道。 建軌制度一准育王。 帝以遷為蜀王門師。 王鎮梁益。 意欲令往蜀塔檢校為功。 宰輔咸以劍道危懸塗徑盤折。 高年宿齒難冒艱阻。 更改奏之。 乃令詣岐州鳳泉寺起塔。 晨夕祥瑞。 以沃帝心。 將造石函。 於寺東北二十里許。 忽見文石四段光潤如玉大小平正。 取為重函。 其內自變作雙樹之形。 高三尺餘。 異色相宣。 或有鳥獸龍象之狀。 花葉旋轉之形。 以事上聞。 帝大悅。 二年春。 下勅於五十餘州分布起廟。 具感祥瑞如別傳敘之。 四年又下勅於三十州造廟。 遂使宇內大州一百餘所皆起靈塔勸物崇善。 遷寔有功。 及獻后云崩。 於京邑西南置禪定寺。 架塔七層駭臨雲際。 殿堂高竦房宇重深。 周閭等宮闕。 林圃如天苑。 舉國崇盛莫有高者。 仍下勅曰。 自稠師滅後禪門不開。 雖戒慧乃弘而行儀攸闕。 今所立寺既名禪定。 望嗣前塵。 宜於海內召名德禪師百二十人各二侍者並委遷禪師搜揚。 有司具禮。 即以遷為寺主。 既恩勅爰降。 不免臨之。 綏撫法眾接悟賢明。 皆會素心振聲帝世。 時大興善有像放光。 道俗同見。 以事聞上。 勅問遷曰。 宮中尊像並是靈儀。 比來修敬光何不見。 遷曰。 但有佛像皆放光明。 感機既別有見不見。 帝曰。 朕有何罪生不遇耶。

[Tanqian] dwelt in this monastery and received offerings from the Emperor. Left Administration Vice Director Gao Jiong, Right Guard General Yu Qingze, Right Administration Vice Director Su Wei, Guanglu official Wang Duan, and others, in their leisure time away from court duties, held scrolls and received his instruction. Four Gates Erudite and National University Assistant Instructor Liu Ziping, a talent of the Confucian school, knelt on his knees and respectfully partook [of his teachings]. The Weijun Daoist Chou Yue, who thoroughly understood Zhuangzi and Laozi and was deeply revered by Emperor Wen, entered the capital to visit [Tanqian] and discuss profound principles together.
Since Qian was respected by emperors and kings and invited by nobles and lords, those of rival conduct raised continuous disputes over right and wrong. Some claimed he was attached to glory and imperial favor. He thereupon composed the *Treatise on the Elimination of Right and Wrong* (Wang shifei lun) to admonish himself. His words said:
“Affirming oneself and negating another, praising oneself and disparaging others—no being is not so. Because all are so, the whole world is in confusion, and none rectifies himself. This stems from failing to comprehend the harm of right and wrong, which leads to this state. Speaking of its greatest harm, there are ten impossibilities:
First, right and wrong have no definite master.
Second, their own nature is not fixed.
Third, both the other and oneself possess them.
Fourth, they alternately serve as causes for each other.
Fifth, in turn, they do not reach each other.
Sixth, concealment and manifestation, existence and nonexistence.
Seventh, their natures intrinsically contradict each other.
Eighth, those who cling are biased and attached.
Ninth, the differentiation of right and wrong.
Tenth, there is neither right nor wrong.
First, explaining that there is no definite master: this one says ‘I am right,’ and that one says ‘I am right.’ Both sides vie to claim it, which causes right and wrong to lack any fixed standard. That one says ‘this is wrong,’ and this one says ‘that is wrong.’ Both sides vie to raise this, thereby causing wrong to have no definite destination. If someone insists on attributing right to oneself and wrong to the other, what principle could justify this? Because principle does not allow it, anyone who forces it will inevitably meet with failure. How could beings understand that it is so?”
The text is extensive and is not detailed here.
In the thirteenth year [of Kaihuang], the Emperor visited Qi Prefecture, and Qian accompanied him at that time. [The Emperor] then ordered the Prince of Shu to deploy a hunting cordon at the Southern Mountains to conduct the spring hunt. The Prince chased a beast into an old kiln. After losing its trail, he saw only that the kiln was full of broken and dilapidated Buddha statues. The Prince thereupon ended the hunt and reported the matter fully [to the Emperor].
Qian took this opportunity to submit a memorial: “Recently, during the suppression of the Dharma under the Zhou dynasty, many numinous stūpas and sacred images were dumped into ditches and ravines. Benefiting from Your Majesty's restoration, many have already been repaired. Yet fragments of bodies and remaining forms still cover the plains and fields. Wherever this poor monk looks, my grief increases; my heart is willing, but I lack the means.”
The Emperor was distressed upon hearing this, and said: “This disciple is crude and decayed, ruling from the palace halls, yet has allowed the revered images to be exposed to frost and dew. As the Master has stated, it is indeed Our fault.”
He then issued an edict stating: “... [ellipsis in original]. All broken and old Buddha statues are to be carefully sought out by the local officials, and transported to nearby monasteries. Let all subjects under heaven donate one coin per head, and instruct the prefectural and county officials to supervise their repair and adornment.” Thus, in the adornment and beautification of the whole realm, Qian truly played an instrumental role.
In the fourteenth year, [the Emperor] offered sacrifices at Mount Tai. Qian again submitted a memorial concerning all abandoned mountain monasteries and unregistered fugitive monks, requesting that they all be settled in peace. The Emperor granted this as well. Soon an edict was issued throughout the realm that wherever there was a mountain monastery with one monk or more, it was permitted to grant an official name plaque, and secretly ordained monks were to be registered. Qian was also instrumental in this.
An edict was also issued ordering the Prince of Henan to act as the dānapati of the Shentong Bodhimanda on Mount Tai, which was the former Langgong Monastery; the Ruler of Qi to act as the dānapati of Shenbao [Monastery], the former Jingmo Monastery; and the Prince of Huayang to act as the dānapati of Baoshan [Monastery], the former Lingyan Monastery. Furthermore, Qian was entrusted with selecting eminent monks from Qi and Lu to reside in the capital. The esteem in which he was held by the world truly could not be surpassed.
When Emperor Wen had previously been in hiding before ascending the throne, an Indian śramaṇa gave him a single śarīra, saying: “This is the remnant body of the Great Awakened One. If the dānapati vigorously promotes and displays it, your future blessings will be boundless.” Having spoken, it was not known where he went. After [the Emperor] ascended the throne, pressed by myriad state affairs, he had not yet had the leisure to promote it.
In the first year of Renshou, recalling the former words and wishing to establish [stūpas], he brought out the original śarīra and counted them together with Qian by passing them hand to hand. Although each was concentrated, the count varied before and after and could not be determined. The Emperor asked the reason. Qian said: “The Tathāgata’s Dharmakāya transcends numbers and measures. Now this śarīra is the material remnant of the Dharmakāya. If one attempts to measure it with worldly calculation, I truly fear it is in vain.” The Emperor understood. He then invited thirty bhadantas to enshrine the precious stūpas in thirty circuits, following the regulations and institutions entirely modeled on King Aśoka.
The Emperor regarded Qian as the spiritual mentor to the Prince of Shu. The Prince was garrisoned in Liang and Yi, and [the Emperor] intended to send [Qian] to the Shu stūpa to oversee the work. The chief ministers all considered that the Sword Pass road was perilously suspended and the route twisted and winding; someone of advanced age and seniority should not brave such hardships and obstacles. They presented an altered memorial, and an order was instead given for him to go to Fengquan Monastery in Qi Prefecture to raise a stūpa. Morning and evening, auspicious omens appeared, comforting the Emperor’s heart.
When they were about to construct a stone reliquary casket, about twenty li northeast of the monastery, four pieces of patterned stone were suddenly discovered, luminous as jade, flat, and regular in size. They were taken to make the outer reliquary casket. Inside it, the shape of twin trees naturally transformed and appeared, more than three feet high, displaying various colors, or exhibiting the shapes of birds, beasts, dragons, and elephants, and the forms of swirling flowers and leaves. When this matter was reported to the throne, the Emperor was overjoyed.
In the spring of the second year, an edict was issued to distribute and construct shrines in more than fifty prefectures, with all their auspicious omens recorded in a separate biography. In the fourth year, another edict was issued to build shrines in thirty prefectures. Consequently, numinous stūpas were raised in more than one hundred large prefectures across the realm, exhorting beings to venerate good. Qian truly played an instrumental role.
When Empress Xian passed away, Chanding Monastery was founded southwest of the capital. A seven-story stūpa was erected, towering into the clouds; the halls were lofty and elevated, and the rooms deep and layered. The surrounding walls equaled the imperial palaces, and the groves and gardens resembled celestial parks. Throughout the country's revered structures, none was higher. An edict was issued saying:
“Since Master [Seng]chou passed away, the gate of dhyāna has not been opened. Although precepts and wisdom have flourished, proper conduct has been lacking. The monastery now established is named Chanding; hoping to continue the former legacy, one hundred and twenty eminent dhyāna masters throughout the realm, each with two attendants, should be summoned, with Dhyāna Master Qian entrusted to search out and promote them. Let the authorities prepare the rituals.”
Qian was promptly appointed the abbot of the monastery. Since the gracious imperial decree had arrived, he could not avoid undertaking it. He pacified the assembly of the Dharma and received and enlightened the wise and virtuous; all met with his original intention, raising his reputation in the imperial era.
At that time, an image at Daxingshan [Monastery] emitted light, seen by both monastics and laity. The matter was reported to the throne. An edict questioned Qian, saying: “The revered images in the palace are all numinous forms. Although we have recently cultivated respect, why has no light been seen?”
Qian said: “Wherever there are Buddha images, they all emit light. Since the capacities of beings to receive resonance differ, there are those who see and those who do not.”
The Emperor said: “What sin do We possess that in Our lifetime We have not encountered it?”

English (machine translation) (machine translation)

18.16.4

遷曰。 世有三尊各有光明。 其用異也。 帝曰。 何者是耶。 答曰。 佛為世尊。 道為天尊。 帝為至尊。 尊有恒政不可並治。 所以佛道弘教開示來業。 故放神光除其罪障。 陛下光明充于四海。 律令法式禁止罪源。 即大光也。 帝大悅。 遷美容儀善風韻。 故臨機答對如此。 又器宇恢雅。 含垢藏疾。 妙於定門練精戒品。 天性仁慈寡於貪競。 雖帝王贈捨遠近獻餉。 一無自給並資僧眾。 或濟接貧薄。 追崇圖塔。 又不重厚味。 不飾華綺。 內有關籥外屏名利。 顯助弘道冥心幽隱。 立志清簡不雜交遊。 時俗頗以疎傲為論。 深鑒國士而體其虛心應物也。 凡有言述理無不當。 皆能遣滯顯旨深矣。 故遠公每云。 遷禪師破執入理。 此長勝我。 斯言合也。 而詞旨典正有文章。 焉。 雖才人沈欝含豪。 未能加也。 夙感風痿之疾。 運盡重增卒於禪定。 春秋六十有六。 即大業三年十二月六日也。 葬於終南北麓勝光寺之山園。 鑿石刻銘樹于墳所。 當停柩之日。 有一白犬不知何來。 徑至喪所。 雖遭遮約終不肯去。 見人哀哭犬亦號叫。 見人止哭犬亦無聲。 與食不噉。 常於喪所右縈而臥。 既輿柩隨行。 犬便前後奔走。 似如監護之使。 及下葬訖。 便失所在。 識者以犬為防畜。 將非冥衛所加乎。 初未終之前。 有夢禪定佛殿東傾。 數人扶之還正。 惟東北一柱陷地。 拔之不出。 遷房屬於陷角。 故有先驗之徵。 既卒之後。 有沙門專誠祈請欲知生處。 乃夢見淨土嚴麗故倍常傳。 寶樹宮闕欝然相峙。 道俗徒侶有數千人。 遷獨處金臺為眾說法。 雖夢通虛實。 而靈感猶希。 況隨請而知。 故當降靈非謬矣。 所撰攝論疏十卷。 年別再敷。 每舉法輪諸講停務。 皆傾渴奔注有若不足也。 又撰楞伽起信唯識如實等疏九識四月等章華嚴明難品玄解總二十餘卷。 並行於世。 有沙門明則。 為之行狀覼縷終始見重京師。

Qian said: “In the world there are Three Venerables, each having light, and their functions differ.”
The Emperor asked: “What are they?”
He answered: “The Buddha is the World-Honoured One (Lokajyeṣṭha). The Dao is the Heavenly Venerable (Tianzhun). The Emperor is the Supreme Venerable (Zhizun). Each venerable has their constant governance and they cannot be governed in the same manner. Therefore, the Buddha and the Dao spread teachings to reveal future karma, and thus emit divine light to eliminate sinful hindrances. Your Majesty's light fills the four seas; your penal codes and statutory models prohibit the source of sins, which is itself a great light.” The Emperor was overjoyed.
Qian possessed a handsome appearance and deportment, and was skilled in manner and elegance; hence he answered and responded spontaneously in this way. Moreover, his capacity was expansive and refined; he concealed defects and bore offenses. He was subtle in the gates of samādhi and refined in the categories of precepts. By nature he was benevolent and compassionate, and had little desire for competition. Although emperors and kings offered donations and those near and far presented gifts, he kept nothing for himself, giving all to support the saṅgha, or to relieve the impoverished, and to construct stūpas and images. Furthermore, he did not value rich flavors nor did he adorn himself in splendors. Internally he guarded himself, and externally he rejected fame and profit; he openly assisted the propagation of the Dharma while his mind dwelt in seclusion. He established his aspirations on purity and simplicity, not mingling in social intercourse. People of the time often considered him aloof and proud, but men of profound discernment recognized him as an eminent talent and understood that he responded to things with an open mind.
Whenever he spoke or wrote, his reasoning was invariably appropriate; he could dispel obstructions and clarify profound purports. Therefore Master Huiyuan often said: “Dhyāna Master Qian breaks attachments and penetrates principle; in this excellence he surpasses me.” This remark was indeed fitting. His diction was canonical and upright, possessing literary elegance; even when accomplished writers reflected deeply and held their brushes, they could not surpass him.
He had long suffered from wind-paralysis. When his lifespan came to an end, it worsened, and he died at Chanding [Monastery] at the age of sixty-six, on the sixth day of the twelfth month in the third year of Daye. He was buried in the mountain garden of Shengguang Monastery on the northern slopes of Mount Zhongnan. A stone was chiseled, an epitaph carved, and erected at the tomb.
During the days when his coffin was laid out, a white dog arrived from nowhere and went straight to the funeral site. Even when driven away, it refused to leave. When it saw people wailing in grief, the dog also howled; when it saw people cease weeping, the dog made no sound. Given food, it would not eat, and constantly lay curled up to the right of the mourning hall. When the coffin was carried and moved forward, the dog ran back and forth before and behind, appearing like an attendant watching over it. Once the burial was completed, its whereabouts were lost. Those who understood considered that the dog was a guardian animal; was it not an escort sent by the unseen world?
Before his death, someone dreamed that the Buddha hall of Chanding tilted to the east, and several people propped it upright again, but only the northeast pillar sank into the ground and could not be pulled out. Qian’s room was in the sunken corner; thus it was an advance verification. After he died, a śramaṇa prayed with singular sincerity, wishing to know the place of his rebirth. He then dreamed of a pure land, splendid and twice as magnificent as normally transmitted, with jeweled trees and palace towers towering opposite one another. There were several thousand monastic and lay followers; Qian sat alone on a golden dais, expounding the Dharma for the assembly. Although dreams may be true or false, such spiritual resonances are rare; how much more so when known upon supplication, so his manifestation of spiritual power was surely no error.
He composed a commentary on the *Mahāyānasaṃgraha* in ten fascicles, which he expounded twice each year. Whenever he set turning the wheel of the Dharma, other lectures were suspended; all flocked and rushed to attend as if they could never get enough. He also composed commentaries on the *Laṅkāvatāra*, the *Awakening of Faith*, the *Vijñaptimātra*, and the *Tattvasiddhi*, treatises on the *Nine Consciousnesses* and the *Four Moons*, and a profound exposition of the “Clarifying Difficulties” chapter of the *Avataṃsaka*, totaling more than twenty fascicles, all circulating in the world. The śramaṇa Mingze wrote a detailed account of his life from beginning to end, which was held in high esteem in the capital.

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