續高僧傳 1

English (machine translation) 1

Language: English

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Preface to the Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks

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Composed by Śramaṇa Shi Daoxuan of Ximing Monastery in the Great Tang

Fundamentally, the ultimate Way is without words, yet without words, how could one regulate the world? Words serve solely to guide practice, and it is upon practice that words are established. Therefore, the five stations were arranged to elevate sages and worthies, and the four reliances were manifested to perpetuate human beings and the Dharma. The Dragon Chart inaugurated the gradual unfolding of the Great Changes; the Turtle Writings initiated the application of the constant norms. Coming down to the Uncrowned King continuing the precedent, the former masters set forth his four categories; Master Ban composed expressions, and later generations promoted his nine classes. All of these are the constant regulations of transforming through the Way, and the expedient aims of words and deeds. Now, as for the shining illumination of the Great Awakened One: his transformation spread across the western lands, and his traces succeeded in the eastern rivers. Surpassing the middle antiquity, it becomes ever fresher; traversing the Chinese lands, it grows ever more flourishing. Although responsive manifestations shift between existence and extinction, and the Dharma covers both the degenerate and the pure, this is indeed the broad highway for beneficial appearance, the grand strategy for remedying deficiency. Thus, it causes masters who embody the Way and admire his influence, as well as visitors who are stirred by resonance and shadow, to meet in right understanding and establish words, to tap the dark mystery and assume appellations. Their virtues fill the universe, and their spirits outshine the unseen and the manifest. Their painted images shine brightly in vermilion and cyan; their wisdom gleams upon oiled silk. Truly, details may be found in the scriptural collections, yet none have yet compiled their systematic rubrics. I submit that the Congling River marks the boundary of the Jambudvīpa continent, and customs diverge between China and India. When Hua-xu lists genealogies, none are grounded except on the sages—the texts of which are the Traditions of the Transmission of the Dharma through the Twenty-Four Reliances. That which is recorded in the Divine Land mixes the worthy with the foolish—the titles and references of which are the various catalogues compiled during the Six Dynasties. Yet, taking the main threads of these overall and synthesizing their ultimate import, none fail to stimulate the benighted mind and encompass the correct principles, enabling those of clumsy gait to reach all nine directions and discern the noble footprints that may be followed, and those whose eyes race everywhere to look up and rest at the towering mountains. Formerly, in the Liang, Śramaṇa Shi Baochang of Jinling composed the Mingseng zhuan, and Shi Huijiao of Kuaiji composed the Gaoseng zhuan. Initiating diverse classifications, they appraised continuous currents; their investigations were worthy of scrutiny, their florid and plain styles well grounded. Yet their compilations gathered from Wu and Yue, but were brief and omitted Wei and Yan. This was truly because their broad observations were not exhaustive, so they made selections merely according to what they heard. Furthermore, during the height of the Liang dynasty, illustrious virtues were abundant, but a meager few were recorded, their numbers by no means thorough. This is the mutual belittling among contemporaries, a state of affairs accumulated since long ago. The Central Plains remained concealed and summarized, without transmitting records; when the age lacked broad erudition, who could compile a register for them? Consequently, the lofty demeanor of successive generations was swept away into antiquity. In the years of my youth, I paid heed to these writings; though following ancestral traditions remained, comprehensive ordering was lacking. I therefore relied upon various eminent figures, awaiting the drying of the green bamboo slips. Yet minds were unsettled, each following partial rivalries; distant reports were turned into documents, and successive records followed one another. However, creation envies those who cry out first, and the boat hidden in the marsh swiftly slips away; vainly holding long-cherished intentions, one ultimately wastes time. Daring with my lack of talent, I have ventured to set down notes, collecting sparse things seen and heard, and binding bamboo and leather according to the events. It is hoped that the successive generations may thereby gain a crowning adornment. From Emperor Ming of Han's dream of the sun down to Emperor Wu of Liang's glorious possession, the histories of the Buddhist order across the various eras have all circulated. Examining and weighing them, I drew upon their ancient facts; editing and revising them, I abridged previous reports. Thus, I was able to compile following the pioneers and speak forthrightly of the Great Jewel. In this degenerate age, minds are fettered, valuing reputation and worldly fame heavily; as for gathering together exemplary winds, the continuation has almost completely broken off. Only at the beginning of the Sui was there the śramaṇa Shi Lingyu of Wei Commandery, whose exemplary bearing in compiling writings showed an intention to expand broad methods. He composed the Records of the Ten Virtues in one fascicle, but it selectively narrated only the preceptors of the Court of National Monastic Affairs and did not broadly propagate or illuminate the overarching tradition. The rest were merely isolated subsidiary texts and brief accounts of conduct, which ultimately did not attain a lofty perspective; this may truly cause one to sigh deeply. Hence, those writers who took up the brush all stopped upon gazing at the cliff—and was this not indeed so? Now, in what I have composed, fearing that the continuity of the former threads might be lost, I had no choice but to set it forth. Some parts were widely consulted with elder masters, some inquired of travelers, some described directly from what I witnessed, and some investigated and collated from collected biographies. The northern and southern dynastic histories furnished supplementary accounts of their fine reputations; suburban stone stelae displayed their admirable virtues. In all cases, I gathered their aspirations and conduct, and highlighted their capacities and methods. The wording abridges the verbose, while the accounts integrate both the unpolished and the refined, sufficient to let them succeed the former virtuous and truly instruct future listeners. Beginning with the early fortune of the Liang and ending in the nineteenth year of the Zhenguan reign of the Tang, covering one hundred and forty-four years, it embraces mountains and rivers and visits both China and abroad, comprising three hundred and forty primary biographies and one hundred and sixty supplementary figures. Arranging and expounding them, they are divided broadly into ten categories: first, Translation of Scriptures; second, Doctrinal Exegesis; third, Practice of Meditation; fourth, Exposition of the Vinaya; fifth, Defense of the Dharma; sixth, Spiritual Resonance; seventh, Abandonment of the Body; eighth, Cantillation and Recitation; ninth, Promotion of Merit; and tenth, Miscellaneous Categories. In all these ten categories, it is rare in the world for one to combine all excellences. Now, turning to the most outstanding among them, they are classified according to the chapters. Since the accounts of the former biography, the general precedents have already been promulgated; the balancing and adjustments truly comply with broad regulations. Furthermore, the two arts of scriptural study and the Way shine upon the fine shoots, while the single category of Defense of the Dharma serves as the main cord of the correct net. In appending them to the accounts, which achievement could not be considered merit? Selecting their grand models for lifting hindrances, they may surely be marked in their proper ranks. The rest establish headings in accordance with goodness, without competing with contemporary needs. Propagating teachings accommodates the sentiments of beings; regarding the essentials, resolving disputes and maintaining serenity are grouped together in the final categories to distinguish worldly affairs. As for those who concealed their light among towering peaks, worshipped by the hundred spirits, whose extraordinary spirit transcended mountains and rivers, and whose chaste integrity dissolved into thickets—causing their voices to echo in dark valleys and their spirits to roam among purple vapors, bidding lofty farewell to Song and Qiao, and looking down upon impoverished ruts—all of these are detailed in separate records; how could they be suppressed from mention? Or again, there were those who hid their traces in city walls and sank into floating vulgarity; their flourishing achievements were worthy of listing, yet they rarely met with praise. Therefore, gathering the records of their conduct and character, I have tentatively established ten categories, combining them into three sets, entitled the Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks. If one seeks to investigate the sources and branches, analyze the canons and rules, weave refined words, and polish conduct and practice, these are fully provided in the treatise that follows, where they are further discussed and cited. If events were continually appended throughout the regular chapters, it would ultimately become a waste of words; hence, they have been excised just as in the former biography. Still, I regret that reaching the period of the final Dharma, although renowned monks have emerged in the world, their fine models have not been witnessed, and some have been lost from the records. May future like-minded persons also sprinkle their thoughts upon this.

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Translation of Scriptures, Part One; Primary Biographies: six persons, Supplementary figures: twenty-seven persons.

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Biography 1: Śramaṇa Saṅghabhara of Funan, of Zhengguan Monastery in the capital of Liang (Mandra, Mu Daoxian, Sengfa, Daoming).

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Biography 2: Śramaṇa Shi Baochang of Jinling, of Zhuangyan Monastery in the capital of Liang (Emperor Wu of Liang, Senglang, Emperor Jianwen of Liang, Sengzhao).

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Biography 3: Śramaṇa Shi Tanyao of Heng'an, of Shiku Monastery on the Northern Terrace of the Wei (Tanjing).

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Biography 4: Śramaṇa Bodhiruci of North India, of Yongning Monastery on the Southern Terrace of the Wei (Chang Jing, Li Kuo, Baoyi, Jueding, Fachang, Zhixi, Yang Xuanzhi, Tanxian, Zhixian, Faxi, Zangcheng).

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Biography 5: Śramaṇa Guṇarata of West India, of Nanhai Commandery of the Chen (Gao Kong, Dexian, Shanji).

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Biography 6: Śramaṇa Shi Fatai of Jinling, of the capital of Chen (Zhikai, Cao Pi, Zhi Jiao, Daoni).

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Saṅghabhara—in the language of Liang, 'Sengyang', also called 'Sengkai'—was a native of the country of Funan. Discerning and intelligent from childhood, he early attached himself to the ferry of the Dharma. At school age, he underwent pravrajyā, specializing in the Abhidharma treatises. The height of his fame and honor was celebrated south of the seas. After receiving full ordination, he broadly studied the Vinayapiṭaka. Possessing a courageous mind to observe other regions, he took delight in promoting and developing conversion. Hearing that the Qi state was propagating the Dharma, he came to the capital aboard a merchant ship and resided at Zhengguan Monastery, becoming a disciple of the Indian śramaṇa Guṇabhadra. He also delved deeply into the vaipulya scriptures under Bhadra. Before a year had passed, he had read widely and mastered much, understanding the scripts and languages of several kingdoms. When the Qi dynasty fell into decline and the teachings of the Way deteriorated, Saṅghabhara kept his body and mind pure and clean, severing external ties; enclosing himself in his room and dwelling in leisure, he cultivated simplicity and fostered his enterprise. When the Great Liang governed the realm, it sought out those of technique and talent. In the fifth year of Tianjian, he was summoned by imperial decree to translate scriptures in five locations in the capital: Shouguang Hall, Hualin Garden, Zhengguan Monastery, Zhanyun Pavilion, and Funan Pavilion, concluding in the seventeenth year. In total, there were eleven texts in forty-eight fascicles, which were the Da Yuwang jing, the Vimuttimagga, and others. On the first day of translating scriptures, in Shouguang Hall, Emperor Wu personally approached the Dharma seat and took down the text by brush, after which he entrusted it to the translators to exhaust its scriptural original. He decreed that Śramaṇas Baochang, Huichao, Sengzhi, Fayun, and Yuan Tanyun, among others, should work together to draft the texts. The ornate and plain styles were properly ordered, not falling away from the traditions of translation. The Son of Heaven treated him with great courtesy, receiving him as an imperial family monk. The provisions supplied by the officials caused both clergy and laity to look upon him with renewed respect. Saṅghabhara did not amass personal wealth; he used all donations and offerings to build and maintain the monastery where he resided. Grand Defender Hong, King of Linchuan, treated him with great reverence. In the fifth year of Putong, due to illness, he died at Zhengguan Monastery at the age of sixty-five. In the early Liang, there was also a śramaṇa of Funan named Mandra—in the language of Liang, 'Hongruo'—who brought a large collection of Indic manuscripts from afar to offer as tribute. He was decreed to translate together with Saṅghabhara the Baoyun jing, the Fajie tixing jing, and the Mañjuśrīprajñā Sūtra, in three works totaling eleven fascicles. Although engaged in translation, he was not proficient in the language of Liang; hence, the scriptural texts he produced were often obscure and unpolished. At that time, there was the upāsaka Mu Daoxian, who in the fifteenth year of Tianjian presented the Youloupin jing in one fascicle; as the text was incomplete, its origins could not be determined. Furthermore, the female Sengfa, daughter of the National Academy Erudite Jiang Mi, had taken pravrajyā at a young age and at times would sit quietly, closing her eyes, and recite from memory such scriptures as the Pure Land Wonderful Adornment Sūtra. Beginning from age eight and concluding at sixteen, she produced a total of thirty-five fascicles. During the Tianjian era, in Huaguang Hall, she personally recited extraordinary scriptures in the presence of Emperor Wu. The clergy and laity of the capital all called it divine inspiration. If verified against Buddhist scriptures, this was merely habitual practice from past lives, and cannot be explained otherwise. When I secretly examine external scriptures, those born with knowledge are sages, while those who attain knowledge through learning are secondary; this is merely talking within the confines of the present life, benighted regarding the past. If this were not so, how could one distinguish the profound and shallow, unobstructed and obstructed, among internal and external worthies and sages? Just as in the former biography, Tandi remembered his paperweight, and in recent worldly accounts, Cui's son recalled his gold bracelet; such traces have existed in every generation and are certainly not external fabrications. Down to the Taiqing era, Yu Xiaojing, the editorial secretary to the King of Xiangdong, was learned in both internal and external texts; he composed the Essentials of Internal Canon Biographies in thirty fascicles, which comprehensively encompassed scriptures and treatises and brought order to the Buddhist tradition. All essential matters were completely recorded, much in the style of the Huanglan and the Leiyuan. When Zhugong fell, he donned the dyed robes and changed his name to Daoming. Wandering in the Guanzhong region, he also left writings, and so forth.

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Shi Baochang's lay surname was Cen, and he was a native of Wu Commandery—that is, the former territory of the founding state of Wu. In his youth he possessed expansive intelligence and preserved a pure integrity. Considering that he stood alone, he took diligent farming as his occupation, yet what he spent on maintenance was limited to ten mu. As for seeking additional means, he sustained himself by working as a scribe. Casting his eyes over literary synopses, he was immediately able to memorize them forcefully; his literary elegance was copious and rich, and his grasp of doctrinal principles was renowned. At the age of eighteen, he took refuge with Vinaya Master Sengyou and received pravrajyā. Sengyou was an eminent monk of great renown south of the Yangzi and produced many writings, fully detailed as recorded in his earlier biography. Once Baochang began to be steeped in the ford [of the Dharma], he inquired about and received the sūtras and vinaya; inheriting the traditions and establishing virtue, he gained renown within the ancestral lineage. Residing at Zhuangyan Temple, he extensively gathered the sayings of various thinkers and extracted their refined principles. Moreover, considering that in awakening worldly customs, thorough aid must be given priority, he studied and listened to the classics, histories, Zhuangzi, and Yijing under the recluses Gu Daokuang, Lü Sengzhi, and others, briefly mastering their general significance. At the time, because he associated with worldly affairs, people thought he had secular ambitions and sought a marriage for him, yet he remained resolute and did not turn back. Approaching thirty, when the paternal shade collapsed, after the funeral rites were concluded, in the second year of Jianwu [495 CE] he cast aside his ordinary pursuits, left the capital to listen exclusively [to lectures], and after five years contracted a wind disorder. It coincided with the decline of the Qi dynasty; meeting with disorder, he went east, reaching as far as Minyue, to discuss his former undertakings. In the fourth year of Tianjian [505 CE], he returned to the capital and was imperial decree appointed abbot of Xin'an Temple. Considering that the timely conjunction of thunderclouds brought tranquility far and wide, that the wind and rain were harmoniously regulated, and that the hundred grains enjoyed an abundant harvest, the Emperor thought: Could this not be due above to the support of the triratna, in the middle to reliance upon the Four Deva-kings, and below to the aid of divine dragons? When obscure spirits assist in agreement, only then does blessing cover the black-haired commoners and receive this thick virtue. Yet because the texts were scattered among various collections, making it difficult to investigate them fully, an imperial decree ordered Baochang to compile and record a comprehensive collection to provide for contemporary needs—whether establishing merit to avert disaster, performing repentance to eliminate hindrances, making offerings to spirits and ghosts, or offering sacrifices to dragon kings. The categories were distinguished into nearly a hundred fascicles, with the names of the eight classes of divine spirits made into three fascicles, encompassing the obscure and profound and detailing ancient and modern times. Therefore, for all that was prayed for, the Emperor would invariably inspect it in person; pointing to circumstances for sacrificial prayers, he often moved the awe-inspiring spirits. For this reason, for about fifty years there were no incidents south of the Yangzi, and the myriads of people relied upon it; it was due to this power. In the seventh year of Tianjian [508 CE], the Emperor, considering that the sea of the Dharma is vast and difficult for shallow knowledge to seek out, ordered Sengmin of Zhuangyan [Temple] to compile eighty-eight fascicles of an essential digest of various sūtras at the Upper Dinglin Temple. He also ordered Zhizang of Kaishan to compile the principles and meanings of various sūtras, entitled the Yilin in eighty fascicles. He further ordered Senglang of Jianyuan to annotate the Mahāparinirvāṇa Sūtra in seventy-two fascicles. All of these Baochang undertook by special decree, additionally assisting in their accomplishments, weaving together the beginning and end and stitching them into volumes. When Emperor Jianwen was in the Eastern Palace, he was especially fond of internal teachings and compiled over two hundred fascicles of the Fabao lianbi; he specially ordered Baochang to patch together and categorize them, sorting them into comprehensive and abridged classes. The Emperor, considering that the Buddha-Dharma is profound and obscure, difficult for shallow intellects to penetrate, and impossible to reach the utmost without talent and learning, further ordered Baochang to gather together the writings and expositions of Buddhist principles by both monks and lay scholars since the eastward flow of the Great Teaching, entitling it the Xu falun lun in over seventy fascicles, so that confused and awakened guests upon seeing it would take refuge in faith, providing profound aid to the Way and the Dharma beyond compare. He also compiled the Faji in one hundred and forty fascicles; all of these Baochang resolved independently with dedicated deliberation, synthesizing and knitting them into volumes, which after imperial inspection were circulated inside and outside [the court]. In the fourteenth year [515 CE], Sengshao of Anle Temple was ordered to compile a catalogue of sūtras for the Hualin Buddha Hall; although it was completed, it did not satisfy the imperial intention. Baochang was then ordered to recompile it; relying on Shao's previous catalogue, his annotations on syntheses and separations possessed rigorous criteria, in one case of four fascicles, gracefully satisfying contemporary expectations. Thereupon, he was ordered to take charge of the Baoyun Sūtra Repository in the Hualin Garden, searching out omitted works to make them all complete, preparing three copies to present above. Because of this, he was further ordered to compile the Jinglü yixiang in fifty-five fascicles, and the Fansheng sengfa in five fascicles. The Emperor also annotated the Dapin jing in fifty volumes; at that time Buddhism flourished grandly, beyond words of praise. The literary talents of both monks and laymen alternately set forth literary principles. From the time Emperor Wu met with good fortune, he was thirty-seven, and remained on the throne for forty-nine years. Deeply saddened that his parental shade had fallen early, he constantly harbored grief, often lamenting: 'Although I possess the honor of the four seas, I have no way to express my boundless [filial devotion].' Thus he turned his mind to the Buddhist scriptures, taking the eight Prajñā divisions as the mind's fine field; this is that from which all Buddhas are born, and it immediately eliminates calamities and cleanses burdens. Therefore, gathering the various sūtras, he personally composed annotations, mounted the Dharma seat in person to lecture, recite, and propagate them, using this wholesome cause to elevate the spiritual consciousness. Frequently on behalf of the Two Emperors, he renounced his body to serve as a menial for the saṅgha, washing away afflictions and defilements to offer unseen merit upward; every time he renounced himself, the earth trembled for it, with continuous vegetarian feasts and lectures, unbrokenly turning the Dharma wheel. For Taizu, Emperor Wen, he constructed the Da Aijing Temple at the northern ravine of Mount Zhong, intersecting the clouds to match the sun, looking down hundreds of zhang; the verdant peaks were steeply lofty, and flowing springs poured forth. The bell-whale resounded across the ridges, and the flying phoenix-ridge rose into the void. Founding the stupa encompassed the wonders of crags and ravines; peaceful sitting exhausted the depths of forests and springs. The constructed saṅghārāma was revered equally with the imperial mausoleum; its execution was carved and magnificent, suddenly like a heavenly palace. The middle courtyard lay seven li from the main gate; the corridors and verandas framed each other, eaves and gutters contiguous. Flanking it were thirty-six cloisters, all provided with ponds and terraces, enclosed by surrounding structures. Over a thousand monks were provided with the four requisites. The main hall of the middle courtyard held a sandalwood image, eighteen feet in height; the artisans measured it, working at dawn and stopping at dusk, yet every night they constantly heard sounds of work, and upon looking at daybreak, they always felt the progress was great. When it was finally completed, it was twenty-two feet high, with dignified and austere major and minor marks, and extraordinary color and form, almost as if divinely made, repeatedly manifesting miraculous traces. The Emperor also made a gilt-bronze image eighteen feet high in the separate Longyuan Hall of the temple; he personally offered worship, weeping and choking with emotion beyond control every time he entered to pay homage, and none among the flanking attendants failed to weep. Furthermore, for Empress Dowager Xian, on the west bank of Qingxi, east of the road at the Jianyang City Gate, he raised the Da Zhidushi Temple. Situated in the capital's premier neighborhood, dry, elevated, open, and broad, midway through the court and market, at a prominent juncture of waterways and land routes, the halls were magnificent, with a seven-storied jeweled stupa; the rooms and verandas were continuously linked, with flowers and fruits blooming between them. In the main hall, an eighteen-foot golden image was also made to express post-mortem merit. Five hundred nuns lectured and recited through the four seasons. On the day the temple was completed, the Emperor turned and spoke to the nobles: 'Building these two temples offers merit to the Two Emperors, expressing boundless feelings to reach thoughts of pursuing the distant, yet I cannot dispel the sorrow of the Liaoe poem.' Furthermore, within the inner palace he built the Zhijing Hall and Jingyang Terrace, establishing the seven ancestral shrines; the lofty buildings were austere and solemn, dense like auspicious clouds, with white-plastered walls and pearl columns mutually reflecting their brilliance. He set up the seats of the Two Emperors, completely providing all rites, caps, robes, and cases; raising the eyes aroused longing, as if they were present morning and evening. The clothes, light or warm, were changed according to the seasons; rare and fragrant delicacies were presented fresh according to the day. The Emperor also said: 'Although I have exhausted the skills of craftsmen and spent all worldly wonders, with waters and stones flowing around and flowering trees mingled, limited by state affairs I cannot serve their meals morning and evening; only on the new and full moons do I personally present offerings, yet there is nothing to look up to, and my inner mind collapses as if burnt and scorched.' He also composed fifty Lianzhu poems to clarify the way of filial piety, and created the Xiaosi fu (Rhapsody on Filial Thoughts) to broadly unify the root of filial piety. As for pacifying superiors, governing the people, and transforming manners and customs, he surpassed antiquity beyond all praise. Therefore Emperor Yuan said: 'I observe prostrating how our Emperor practices filial piety: the four seasons shift, yet he does not alter with prosperity and decay; the five virtues alternate, yet he does not change his mind with high and low status. Facing the court in upright silence, the sorrow of fleeting time grieves him all the more; hanging his robes in the cliff-corridors, the grief of the wind and trees cuts all the more deeply. Purifying himself in the ancestral temple and reverently serving the suburban sacrifices, before his words are spoken tears fall, and without changing his countenance he grieves in agony; this is what is called a lifelong sorrow. From Yu Shun, Xia Yu, King Wen of Zhou, to the Emperor of Liang, in ten thousand years when discussing filial piety, there are only four men.' This is broadly recorded as described in the Jinlouzi composed by Xiao Yi. Furthermore, in the first year of Datong [527 CE], to the north of the Palace City, he opened the Datong Gate and established Tongtai Temple; the towers, pavilions, terraces, and halls were modeled on the imperial palace, with a nine-tiered pagoda rising into the clouds, and mountain trees, gardens, and ponds washing away accumulated afflictions. On the sixth day of the third month of that year, the Emperor personally visited, performing repentance and respectful reception as a regular standard; this was the place where he renounced his body. Although the affairs of the myriad millions were burdensome, the scroll never left his hand; opening and reading inner and outer sūtras, treatises, and ancient classics, he constantly made reaching dawn his rule. From the Liji, Guwen Zhoushu, Zuozhuan, Zhuangzi, Laozi, the various philosophers, the Lunyu, and the Xiaojing, what former sages had not explained in detail, he provided commentary for all. Furthermore, considering that enrollment in the National Academy was limited by high and low social status, he further established Five Institutes to recruit poor talents; thus the two gates of Confucius and Śākya stood flourishing in balance. The Emperor's earlier and later collections numbered over one hundred fascicles, and he composed the Tongshi and Shuyuan in several thousand fascicles. Baochang, meeting with this flourishing age, repeatedly received imperial rescripts to participate in translation, fully detailed as in the separate biography. Earlier, in the ninth year of Tianjian [510 CE], when Baochang's previous illness flared up again, he made two vows: to search all sūtras and treatises so that none would be lost, and to investigate the saṅgha catalogues of successive generations to initially classify them and compile them into a collection, entitled the Mingseng zhuan in thirty-one fascicles. By the thirteenth year [514 CE], he finally completed the arrangement of items. His preface states in brief: 'Now, those who deeply seek quiescent cessation lie beyond seeing and hearing; those who examine inner conduct indeed require the work of cinnabar and blue. Thus the myriad forms stand arrayed, and the establishment of words cannot be ceased. When the Great Liang possessed the realm, its majesty extended over the Red County and its merit aided the living populace. The Sovereign's transformation models the Nine Categories, his spirit roams the Eightfold Path; he wears the Dharma bridge upon his head and embraces sweet dew in his breast. I privately consider that the vast writings of external scriptures are spread across tablets and books; of the nine ranks and six arts, not an inch is omitted, yet the pure conduct of śramaṇas alone lacked records. The profound school's agile virtue had its fame cut off through antiquity; holding sighs and long longing, there was no end to this over long years. Vinaya Master Shi Sengyou's mind of the Way was firm and solid, his lofty conduct exalted and remote; his writings and collections invigorated the broad essentials. Baochang, lacking talent, took part in the rank of the two groups; in the days remaining from worship and chanting, I gathered what had been omitted.' The text is broad and not recorded here. Initially, because his beriberi broke out continuously, he went east for medical treatment; after he left, an imperial decree pursued him, and because of this he incurred guilt and was banished to Yuezhou. Soon it was ordered that he be judged according to the Vinaya by Dharma regulations. The Controller of the Saṅgha Huichao acted willfully contrary to the imperial will and banished him to Guangzhou, requiring him first to perform repentance throughout all the Great Saṅgha monasteries of the capital before being banished beyond the ridges to be forever abandoned in the desolate wilderness. This caused his compilation work to have many gaps: by day he bowed in repentance, and by night he synthesized and recorded; moreover, official and private pressure pressed upon him with no leisure during the day, so within his categories and streams, the literary wording declined. On the day he was about to depart, it was finally memorialized to the throne, and an imperial decree halted the banishment, ordering him to remain for translation work. Yet this history of the saṅgha was just about to be finalized, correcting former prolixities and further pruning them. Therefore, in the author's preface after his biography, he says: 'How dare I call myself the Dong Hu of the saṅgha? I only hope to have no crooked pen.' However, what Baochang compiled had its literary form exceeding its substance; later people relied upon it, conjecturing and using it. Thus its essentials were frequently commended and ranked by the times. His end is unknown.

1.13

Shi Tanyao: it is not known where he was from. He underwent pravrajyā in his youth. His practice was firm and chaste, and his discernment refined and restrained. During the Heping era of the Northern Wei, he resided at the Northern Terrace as the Director of the Zhaoxuan Office. He pacified and unified the saṅgha, winning their hearts admirably. He resided at the Grotto of Heng'an, Tongle Temple, which had been built by the Wei emperor. Thirty li northwest of Heng'an, in the valley of Mount Wuzhou, on the northern face of the stone cliff, they carved into it and established a Buddhist temple named Lingyan. The largest of the niches rises over twenty zhang in height and can hold about three thousand people. On each face they carved images of consummate skill and beauty, each niche presenting an extraordinary appearance that startled human and divine beings alike. They are linked continuously like the teeth of a comb for over thirty li. The Buddhist monastery at the eastern end always supported a thousand people; the stone stele still survives, but its details have not yet been fully set down. Prior to this, in the seventh year of the Taiping Zhenjun era of Emperor Taiwu, Minister of Education Cui Hao used wicked flattery to induce the emperor to venerate the Daoist Kou Qianzhi, conferring on him the title of Celestial Master and paying ever greater reverence to Laozi; they slaughtered the Śākya clan and burned monasteries and stūpas. By the gengyin year, Emperor Taiwu contracted a virulent disease and only then came to his senses; moreover, a 'white-footed' dhyāna master came to enlighten him. The emperor, repentant in heart, executed the Cui clan, as is recorded across various biographies. In the renchen year, Emperor Taiwu died, and his grandson Wencheng was enthroned; he immediately erected stūpas and temples and searched for the scriptural texts. After seven years of the Dharma's destruction, the triratna flourished once again. Tanyao, lamenting the past decline and ruin and rejoicing in its present restoration, assembled virtuous monks at the grottos of the Northern Terrace and, facing Tianzhu śramaṇas, translated the Fu fazang zhuan and the Pure Land scriptures to circulate them among future worthies, intending that they never be interrupted. At that time, there was also a śramaṇa named Tanjing: because the sun of the Buddha had just begun to rise again and the previously translated scriptures had all been burned, leaving no basis for guiding people in the world, he produced the Tiwei Boli jing in two fascicles. His intention was to bring about understanding, yet his words contained many absurd fabrications. Thus the text says, 'Mount Tai of the east, in the Han language, means Daiyue, because yin and yang take turns replacing [dai] each other.' But the term 'Daiyue' arose in the Wei era, yet he called it 'Han language', failing to distinguish the eras: this is the first absurdity. 'Mount Tai' is a term of this land, yet he translated it as 'Daiyue', rendering two [local] terms for each other and failing to distinguish Indic from Wei: this is the second absurdity. Such examples are very numerous, fully evident in the text of the scripture, and can be grasped upon examination. In the old catalogues there was separately a one-fascicle Tiwei jing that agreed with the other scriptures, but Tanjing added the five directions and five elements, mixing stones with gold; it is suspected to be a forgery. Nothing further is known of his end. During the Kaihuang era of the Sui, in the regions around the passes, ordinary people still practiced according to the Tiwei [jing] here and there; religious associations each held their robes and bowls and held fasting ceremonies twice a month, following proper models of the Vinaya and inspecting one another, congregating in great solemnity.

1.14

Bodhiruci, translated in Wei as Daoxi ('Aspirant to the Way'), was a man from North Tianzhu. He had thoroughly mastered the Tripiṭaka and possessed a wondrous entry into dhāraṇī. With his mind set on propagating the Dharma and widely disseminating what should be seen and heard, he took up the Way, set out by night, and arrived from afar on the eastern side of the Congling Mountains. In the early Yongping era of the Wei dynasty, he travelled to the Eastern Xia. Emperor Xuanwu issued an edict to welcome and comfort him, making grand and lavish provisions for his sustenance, and settled him in the great Yongning Temple. The four requisites were supplied to seven hundred brahma monks, and by imperial decree, Bodhiruci was appointed as the foremost master for scriptural translation. That temple was originally founded in the first year of the Xiping era by the Empress Dowager Hu (Ling) under Emperor Xiaoming. It was situated east of the imperial avenue south of the Changhe Gate in front of the palace. Within it was a nine-storey stupa constructed of timber, rising over ninety zhang high, with a golden spire atop it another ten zhang high, standing a thousand chi above the ground. Even a hundred li away from the palace terrace, it could already be seen from afar. When they first broke ground for its foundation and dug down to the yellow springs, thirty-two golden statues were unearthed. The Empress Dowager regarded this as an auspicious omen and a sign of veneration for the Dharma of faith. For this reason, its adornments and craftsmanship were made wonderfully rare, exhausting the worldly standard of magnificence. Above the spire was set a precious golden vase with a capacity of twenty-five hu, and there were eleven tiers of dew-catching golden plates, anchored at the corners by iron chains. Upon both the plates and the chains hung golden bells as large as a one-shi jar. From all corners of the nine storeys hung great bells, totaling one hundred and thirty from top to bottom. The stupa had nine bays on each of its four sides, with six windows and three doors, all featuring vermilion-lacquered door panels. From these hung golden bells, amounting to 5,400 bells per storey. Furthermore, it was fitted with golden bell pushou door-knockers. The Buddhist appurtenances were exquisite and wondrous, exhausting the limits of masonry and carpentry. The brocade pillars and golden fittings startled both heart and eye. On long nights with high winds, the chimes and bells rang together in harmony, their resonant clatter audible for more than ten li. To the north stood the main hall, shaped after the Taiji Hall. Inside, the golden, jade, jeweled, and embroidered statues and arrangements were of a craft so rare that they stood unrivaled in that age. Monks' cells adjoined one another all around, numbering more than a thousand bays. Terraces and pavilions were scattered like constellations, emerging unevenly among them, adorned with vermilion and purple carvings and painted with cinnabar and cyan. Juniper, cypress, cedar, and pine were clustered with exotic grasses. The precinct walls all around were fitted with eaves and tiles. On the direct south, the three-gate tower opened with three avenues and three tiers, rising more than two hundred chi above the ground, resembling the Gates of Heaven in dazzling brilliance and splendor. Flanking the gate were lined four mighty warriors and four lions, adorned with gold and jade in radiant and lustrous glory. The east and west gates were likewise of this sort. What differed was only that the towers had two tiers, and the northern gate served as a thoroughfare, simply laid out as a road. Outside the four gates, green scholar trees were planted along shimmering waters. Travelers and migrants in the capital mostly took shelter beneath them; the road cut off flying dust without needing the moisture of gather-clouds, and the cool breeze sent refreshment without relying on the opening of albizia blossoms. An edict was then issued commanding the Secretariat Drafter Chang Jing to compose a stele inscription for the temple. Jing, a man of Henai, was clever, widely knowledgeable, and renowned within the four seas. In the nineteenth year of the Taihe era, Gaozu promoted him to Erudite of Legal Codification, and an edict ordered him to revise and establish statutory provisions as a permanent general standard. Jing thereupon evaluated both antiquity and present times and systematised the penal codes, which constituted the twenty chapters of the Wei Code. He consecutively held the posts of Secretariat Drafter, Attendant Gentleman of the Yellow Gate, Director of the Palace Library, and Inspector of Youzhou. His residence was poor and frugal, managed like a peasant's house, with nothing but carts full of scriptures and histories. He authored more than a hundred literary pieces, for which Attendant-in-ordinary Feng Weibo wrote a preface to circulate in the world. When the temple was first completed, Emperor Ming and the Empress Dowager ascended the stupa together; looking down upon the palace was like viewing the palm of one's hand, overlooking the clouds and rain below while the sky above was clear and bright. Because the affairs within the palace could be seen from there, people were prohibited from ascending it. Those who had traveled through various kingdoms from the Western Xia to the Eastern Hua all said: 'Such a stupa and temple does not exist in Jambudvīpa.' In the second year of the Xiaochang era, a great wind tore off roofs and uprooted trees; the precious vase atop the spire fell with the wind and plunged into the ground more than a zhang deep. Artisans were again commanded to install a new one. By the second month of the third year of the Yongxi era, it was struck by lightning from heaven. The Emperor mounted the Lingyun Terrace to watch the fire, and dispatched the Prince of Nanyang, Baoju, and the Director of the Department of State Affairs, Changsun Zhi, leading one thousand palace guards of the Forest of Plumes to extinguish it. At that time, thunder, rain, darkness, sleet, and snow poured down together. At dawn, fire broke out in the eighth storey; two monks, unable to bear the sight of it burning to ashes, cast themselves into the fire and died. The flames continued for more than three months; even after a full year, the base of the spire's mast deep in the ground still emitted smoke. In the fifth month of that year, someone arrived from Donglai Commandery saying that he had seen the stupa in the midst of the sea, its radiant light majestic and solemn, witnessed by more than one person. Soon afterward, clouds and mist arose in confusion and its location was lost. In the seventh month, the Prince of Pingyang was seized by Palace Attendant Husi Chun and fled west to Chang'an. In the tenth month, the capital of Luoyang was moved to Ye on the Zhang River. Earlier, Bodhiruci had received an imperial order to undertake the translation of the Daśabhūmika[-sūtra-śāstra]. Emperor Xuanwu decreed that a chapter be dictated each day, personally presiding over the scribal recording, and only then was it entrusted to the śramaṇa Sengbian and others to complete the commentary. The Buddhadharma flourished greatly, and brilliant talents gathered in abundance, zealously learning and transmitting it to one another. The Emperor also commanded the pure-faith upāsaka Li Kuo to compile a catalogue of scriptures. Kuo was erudite in both the profound and the plain, and had systematized the sūtras and treatises with admirable classifications. Thus his catalogue states: 'From Luoyang to Ye, spanning more than twenty years up to the Tianping era, the Tripiṭaka [Master] Bodhiruci translated thirty-nine works in one hundred and twenty-seven fascicles, which include the *Buddhanāma-sūtra*, the *Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra*, the *Dharmasaṃgīti-sūtra*, the *Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra*, and commentaries on the *Viśeṣacintā[-brahma-paripṛcchā-śāstra]*, the *Mahāratnakūṭa*, the *Lotus*, the *Nirvāṇa*, and so forth.' These were all recorded by the śramaṇas Senglang and Daozhan, as well as Palace Attendant Cui Guang and others, as fully listed in the Tang *Zhenguan Neidian Lu*. Kuo also states: 'Inside the chamber of the Tripiṭaka Master Bodhiruci, the Indic manuscripts of sūtras and treatises amounted to perhaps ten thousand cases, and the rough transcriptions of newly translated texts written down by the scribes filled an entire room.' Now, his wisdom and understanding were on par with Ratnamati, yet his spiritual awakening, acumen, thorough mastery of local dialects, and skill in incantations were without equal. Once, while sitting by the mouth of a well, his water jar was empty. Since his disciples had not yet arrived, there was no one to draw water. Bodhiruci then took a willow branch, casually waved it into the well, and secretly chanted an incantation for only a few times; the spring water surged upward level with the well-curb, whereupon he scooped it with his bowl and used it for washing. The monks nearby witnessed this fully, unable to fathom his spiritual power, and all praised and exclaimed that he was a great holy man. Bodhiruci said: 'Do not praise me in vain. This is merely a magical technique; it is commonly practiced in foreign countries, but since it is not practiced in this land, you deem it holy.' Fearing it might mislead worldly attachments, he kept it secret and did not proclaim it. At that time, there was also a monk from Central Tianzhu, Ratnamati, called Baoyi ('Treasure of Intention') in Wei. He had immense and rich knowledge, thoroughly understanding both principle and phenomena, and had memorized one hundred million verses, each verse containing thirty-two syllables. He was especially versed in the meditation methods and was devoted to wandering and converting. In the fifth year of the Zhengshi era, he first arrived in the city of Luoyang, where he translated twenty-four fascicles of major works such as the *Daśabhūmikavyākhyāna* and the *Ratnakūṭa-śāstra*. There was also a monk from North Tianzhu, Buddhasānta, called Jueding ('Awakened Composure') in Wei. From the first year of the Zhengguang era to the second year of the Yuanxiang era, he translated ten works such as the *Jin'gang Shangwei Jing* at White Horse Temple in Luoyang and Jinhua Temple in the capital of Ye. At the time of translation in the inner palace of Luoyang, Bodhiruci conveyed the text while the other monks assisted. Afterward, the three venerables followed rumors, each transmitting his own teacher's tradition without consulting the others. Because of the grandeur of propagating the Dharma, the Emperor found it troublesome to arbitrate their detailed differences; he ordered the three to translate separately in different places and only then collate the texts. Between them, omissions and differences arose, leading to varied phrasing and occasional differing compilations. Later people combined them to form a unified work, as seen in the catalogues of Baochang and others. Initially, the śramaṇa Baoyi (Ratnamati) possessed an extraordinary spiritual nature; his comprehension of Wei expressions thoroughly penetrated their subtle depths. The Emperor often commanded him to lecture on the *Avataṃsaka Sūtra*; whenever he unfolded and explained to awaken others, refined meanings constantly emerged. One day, while he was seated on the high seat, suddenly there appeared someone holding a tablet and a name card, looking like a high official, who said: 'I have received the command of the Heavenly Emperor to come and invite the Dharma master to lecture on the *Avataṃsaka Sūtra*.' Baoyi said: 'This Dharma assembly has not yet concluded; once the scripture is finished, I shall comply with the summons. Nevertheless, what is needed for the Dharma service cannot be established by myself alone; the chief lecturer, the incense master, the karmadāna, and the brahma reciters are all required as well. You may request and appoint them.' The messenger then invited the various lecturing monks as requested. Shortly after, when the Dharma service was drawing to an end, the previous messenger appeared again, saying that he had come down to welcome them by order of the Heavenly Emperor. Baoyi smiled happily, spoke to the assembly in farewell, and suddenly passed away on the Dharma seat. The chief lecturer and the other monks also died at the same time. None in the Wei realm who heard or saw this failed to sigh in admiration. At that time, there was also the śramaṇa Fachang who translated one fascicle of the *Bianyizhangzhe Wen Jing* in Luoyang; although it lacked a translator-dialogue record, it is an authentic text, as seen in Fashang's catalogue. Furthermore, in the first year of the Xiping era, there was a brāhmaṇa of the Gautama clan from the city of Vārāṇasī in South Tianzhu named Prajñāruci, called Zhixi ('Aspirant to Wisdom') in Wei. From that first year to the end of the Xinghe era, he translated fourteen works in eighty-five fascicles in the city of Ye, including the *Saddharmasmṛtyupasthāna-sūtra*, *Ārya-suvikrāntacintin*, *Vigrahavyāvartanī*, and *Vijñaptimātratā*. The śramaṇas Tanlin, Sengfang, and others served as scribes. At that time, the śramaṇa Bodhiruci and Prajñāruci produced sūtras one after the other, but scribes of various catalogues were mostly careless and brief, dropping the first character and simply writing 'Ruci', without distinguishing which Ruci it was. To this day, the translation entries in various catalogues overlap and are difficult to determine with certainty. Furthermore, the Governor of Qicheng Commandery, Yang Xuanzhi, compiled the *Luoyang Qielan Ji* in five fascicles. Its preface states in brief: 'The discourses of the Three Fens and Five Dians, the teachings of the Nine Schools and Hundred Philosophers, all locate their principles in the human realm and their meanings not beyond heaven. As for the teachings of the One Vehicle and the Two Truths, the significance of the Six Superknowledges and the Three Clarities, the Western Regions detail them completely, while the Eastern Land has no record of them. As for the past, when an imperial dream was inspired and the full moon shed its light, the Yang Gate was adorned with the image of the white curl between the brows, and the Night Terrace was painted with the likeness of blue-black hair. From then on, people competed to follow, and the practice widely spread. As for the Jin dynasty, during the Yongjia era, there were only forty-two temples; but under the imperial Wei's reign, the capital temples around Mount Song and Luoyang exceeded a thousand, all built through the devout faith of emperors, kings, literati, and commoners, while eminent monks and wondrous omens arose in profusion. Now, gathering the auspicious and unusual, I have fully annotated them.' Because the text is extensive, it is not recorded here. At that time, during the Datong era of Emperor Wen of Western Wei, the Chancellor Yuwen Heitai revitalized the Śākya teachings and venerated the Mahāyāna; though overseeing all affairs of state, he constantly propagated the triratna. Within his residence, he constantly supported a hundred dharmabhāṇakas, investigating sūtras and treatises and lecturing on the Mahāyāna. He also commanded the śramaṇa Tanxian and others to compile the *Bodhisattvapiṭaka Essentials of Various Sūtras* and the *One Hundred and Twenty Dharma Gates* based on Mahāyāna scriptures, beginning with the Buddha-nature and culminating in the gate of interpenetration. When opened for lecturing each day, these were continually expounded to replace the older traditions. The traces of the five periods of teaching circulate down to the present day; burning incense, chanting brahma sounds, bowing, and cantillation all follow their rules. Although the regions east of the mountains and the Jiangbiao region are praised as oceans of learning, in having an appropriate standard of deportment, they could not surpass them. By the second year of Emperor Wen of Zhou, the vinayadhara Jñānabhadra of the kingdom of Paduma, called Zhixian ('Wise and Worthy') in Zhou, together with Yaśogupta and others, translated the *Pañcavidyā-śāstra*, namely treatises on grammar, medicine, crafts, technical methods, talismans, and seals, with the śramaṇa Zhixian acting as scribe. In the Tianhe era of Emperor Wu, the śramaṇa Dharmaruci from the kingdom of Malla, called Faxi ('Aspirant to the Dharma') in Zhou, was commissioned by the Grand Preceptor, Duke of Jinyang Yuwen Hu, to translate the *Brahmanic Astronomy* in twenty fascicles. Furthermore, the dhyāna master Jñānayaśas from the kingdom of Magadha, called Zangcheng ('Treasure-Fame') in Zhou, along with his disciple Jñānagupta and others, was ordered to translate six works including the *Dingyitianzi Wen Jing* at the Four Heavenly Kings Temple in the old quarter of Chang'an, with the śramaṇas Yuanming and Daobian, as well as the Duke of Chengyang Xiao Ji, acting as scribes.

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續高僧傳 — 道宣, Classical Chinese