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大明高僧傳 1.8

大明高僧傳 1.8

Language
Classical Chinese

1.8

釋沙囉巴西國積寧人。總丱即依癹思巴帝師薙染。習諸部灌頂法。又從著栗赤上師學大小乘。時有剌溫卜。善通焰曼德迦。密教為世所稱。投之盡得其道。所以善吐番音說諸妙法兼解諸國文字。後因迦囉思巴帝師薦于世祖。命譯中國未備顯密諸經。各若干部。其辭旨明辯。特賜大辯廣智之號。其時僧司雖盛而風紀寢弊。官吏不能干城遺法抗禦外侮。返為僧害。世祖每論至此切憂之。乃選能者整維其失。故特授師為江浙等處釋教都總統。帝親勞送之。既至江南盡削去煩苛務從寬大。故遐邇僧寺賴以安之。隨改統福廣。因師之氣正德莊嚴峻不倚。是以多忤同列。甞自歎曰。天下何事耶。吾人自擾之耳。朝廷設官愈多。則天下之事愈煩。況釋教乎。今僧之苦無他。蓋官多事煩耳。所謂十羊九牧可勝言哉。遂建言以聞。得旨盡罷諸路總統。天下快焉。師即遁迹壟坻。築室種樹將欲終老。至大中復召至燕京。拜光祿大夫大司徒。皇太子諸王甞問法要。詔給廩館於慶壽寺。所譯之經朝廷皆為刊行。延祐元年十月五日示疾。賜鈔萬緡。勅太尉瀋王視醫藥謝却之。竟面佛端坐而化。帝悼之哀賜給葬。遣使馳驛送歸故里。建塔  系曰。譯經之盛莫過於六朝盛唐鳩摩什實叉難陀輩。及入五代北宋則漸漸寢矣。況自康王渡江胡馬南飲。鑾輦馳遁淳熙之後。雖有一隙之暇。烏能於是哉。至元世祖而華夷一統。始復有譯經之命。入我  國朝。洪武建元以來以三藏頗足摩滕不至故止是例。今於元史僅得此人。庶不虛此首科亦幾希矣。

Shi Shes rab dpal was a native of Jining in the Western Regions. While still a boy with his hair in tufts, he relied upon Imperial Preceptor 'Phags pa to undergo tonsure and dyeing of robes, studying the abhiṣeka rituals of the various divisions. He also studied the Mahāyāna and Hīnayāna under Guru Zhuolichi. At that time there was La wen bu, who was well versed in Yamāntaka; his Esoteric Teaching was widely praised by contemporaries. Shes rab dpal went to him and fully attained his teachings. Thus he was skilled in the Tibetan language, spoke various wondrous teachings, and also understood the scripts of various lands. Later, recommended to Emperor Shizu by Imperial Preceptor Ga luo si ba, he was ordered to translate various exoteric and esoteric scriptures not yet extant in China, each in several fascicles. His words and expressions were clear and eloquent, and he was specially bestowed the title of Great Eloquence and Broad Wisdom. At that time, although the monastic administration flourished, moral discipline was declining into abuse; officials could not serve as a protective wall for the bequeathed teachings or resist external insults, and instead brought harm upon the monks. Whenever Emperor Shizu discussed this, he was deeply troubled, so he selected capable persons to rectify their shortcomings. Thus he specially appointed the Master as Supreme Controller of Buddhist Affairs for Jiangzhe and other circuits. The Emperor personally encouraged and saw him off. Upon reaching the south of the Yangtze, he abolished all troublesome and harsh regulations, making leniency and generosity his standard; thus monastic communities near and far relied on him for peace. He was subsequently reassigned to oversee Fujian and Guangdong. Because the Master's character was upright, his virtue dignified, and his conduct strict and impartial, he frequently clashed with his peers. He once sighed to himself: "What trouble is there in the world? We people merely disturb ourselves. The more officials the imperial court appoints, the more troublesome worldly affairs become; how much more so for the Buddhist teaching! The distress of monks today has no other cause than an excess of officials and vexatious affairs. It is indeed just as they say: 'Ten sheep and nine shepherds'—need one say more?" He then memorialized the throne with this proposal. An imperial edict was obtained to abolish the controllers of all circuits, and the empire rejoiced. The Master then retired to the countryside, building a dwelling and planting trees, intending to live out his days there. During the Zhida era, he was summoned back to Yanjing and appointed Grand Master of Splendid Happiness and Grand Minister of Education. The Crown Prince and the various princes often inquired of him on the essentials of the Dharma. By imperial decree, he was granted grain allowances and lodged at Qingshou Monastery. The scriptures he translated were all published by the imperial court. On the fifth day of the tenth month in the first year of the Yanyou era, he manifested illness. He was bestowed ten thousand strings of paper money, and the Grand Preceptor Prince of Shen was imperial decreed to attend to his medicines, but he declined them. He eventually faced the Buddha, sat upright, and transformed. The Emperor mourned him with deep sorrow, granted funds for his burial, and dispatched imperial messengers via post-relay to escort his remains back to his native place, where a stūpa was built. The appraisal says: The flourishing of scripture translation was never greater than under the Six Dynasties and High Tang with the likes of Kumārajīva and Śikṣānanda. Entering the Five Dynasties and the Northern Song, it gradually dwindled. How much more so after Prince Kang crossed the Yangtze, the barbarian horses drank from southern waters, and the imperial carriages fled! After the Chunxi era, even if there was a brief moment of respite, how could they attend to this? Only with Emperor Shizu of the Yuan, when Chinese and barbarians were unified under one rule, were commands to translate scriptures issued once again. Entering our Imperial Dynasty, since the establishment of the Hongwu era, because the Tripiṭaka was quite sufficient and no one like Kāśyapa Mātanga had arrived, this practice was halted. Now, within Yuan history, only this single person has been obtained; thus this opening section is not left vacant, yet he stands almost alone.

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