廣弘明集 6
English (machine translation) 6
- Language
- English
6.1
Compiled by the śramaṇa Shi Daoxuan of Ximing Temple of the Great Tang
6.2
Section Two: Resolving Delusions (Part 2 of 2)
6.3
Resolving the Obstructed Delusions of Kings and Ministers Through the Successive Dynasties (Part 1)
6.4
In the Tang dynasty there was the Grand Astrologer Fu Yi. His ancestral tradition followed Laozi, and he was suspicious and jealous of the Buddhist sangha. He secretly plotted to cut it down and eradicate it to satisfy his vulgar ambitions. At the beginning of the Wude era, he submitted a memorial setting forth his views in full detail. Because it was not in accord with statecraft, it was shelved at the time. Fu Yi could not contain his indignation, and so he cited twenty-five rulers and ministers from antiquity down to the present who had slandered the Buddhist Dharma. Arranging them into chapters and headings, he titled it Biographies of Men of High Discernment, comprising one slipcase in ten fascicles. He had copies made and sold in the marketplace, seeking to spread his defilement widely. He further embellished and embellished their accusations. As for Zhang Lu occupying Hanzhong and the Yellow Turbans rebelling across the realm—all of these were instances of rebellion within the school of Li [Laozi]—yet he covered them all up without revealing them. Can this be called a text of sound discussion? Indeed, when a wall is high it will surely collapse; when a tree stands out from the forest, it will be uprooted. Only because our [tradition] is pure and lofty do other traditions envy it; one need not find their vulgar pettiness strange. One never sees kitchen servants or menial slaves subjected to annoyance or humiliation. When it is clear that one has no cataracts in the eyes, why should they be purged? Therefore, following upon his assertions, I provide explanations in sequence. These are ancient precedents, clearly distinguished by nature; those without wide learning consider them novel notions. I briefly lay out the old explanations to sketch their origins and courses. By relying on this spiritual illumination, one may truly be called a man of high discernment. Moreover, Mr. Fu had meager understanding, and his abilities relied upon others. In compiling and recounting the events and the rise and fall of the times, more than half concerned slaughter, destruction, and burning, which can be termed unprincipled governance. The measures of weeding out and inspecting [the monastic community] are truly the foundation of royal transformation. Thus the monastic regulations and secular statutes became increasingly manifest across the dynasties. These were to prohibit wrongdoing; how could they constitute destruction and abolition? Mr. Fu indiscriminately included them under the category of abolition, which is like a man who splits hairs only to sink into the mire—most pitiable indeed! Fu Yi studied the Masters and Histories of the Zhou, his intention being eradication. Searching out and extolling those who discussed the Buddhist Dharma through successive dynasties, he could not distinguish between preservation and abolition. In treating the twenty-five persons in all, there were roughly two kinds: First, those who revered the Buddhist Dharma and feared it might contain depravity and corruption, hence requiring weeding out to ensure the preservation of the Dharma; second, those who hated and envied its flourishing prominence, endangering themselves to harbor resentment, hence demanding total destruction to vent their minds. First, fourteen rulers and ministers who preserved [the Dharma] are listed. Fu Yi's Biographies of Men of High Discernment indiscriminately categorized them as destroyers; when examined now, they were in fact people who caused it to flourish.
6.5
Emperor Shizu of the Song;
Emperor Gaozu of the Tang;
Wang Du;
Yan Yanzhi;
Xiao Mozhi;
Zhou Lang;
Yu Yuan;
Zhang Puhui;
Li Chang;
Wei Yuansong;
Gu Huan;
Xing Zicai;
Gao Daorang;
Lu Sidao.
6.6
Second, eleven rulers and ministers who destroyed [the Dharma] are listed. Fu Yi's Biographies of Men of High Discernment categorized them as men of high discernment; when examined now, they were in fact destroyers.
6.7
Emperor Taiwu of the Wei;
Emperor Gaozu of the Zhou;
Cai Mo;
Liu Zhou;
Yang Xuanzhi;
Xun Ji;
Zhangchou Zituo;
Liu Huilin;
Fan Zhen;
Li Xu;
Fu Yi (who halved, curtailed, and destroyed);
Wang Wentong.
6.8
First, introducing the purification of the monastic assembly: Indeed, that weeds foul the green field and that the decline of youthful bloom leads to white hair are phenomena that certainly have their causes. Thus the faults of the Group of Six arose in Śrāvastī, and the corruption of the ten improprieties originated in Vaiśālī. The Great Sage thereupon established articles and rules, whereby the non-learners corrected offenses. Consequently, there were the seven expulsions to measure minor faults and the four rules to uproot major evils. Setting forth the mesh of the net, he revealed the three thousand [rules]; displaying the vinaya etiquette, he laid out the eighty thousand. Thus both the True and Semblance [Ages] were acclaimed as having the Way, and both inner and outer regarded them as stainless. Ever since the Dharma entered the royal courts, the punishment of the golden codes has not lapsed. Monks spread across seas and mountains, and the cracks that harbored corruption grew ever more apparent. Upholding governance to restrain them by law, the decorum of 'cooking a small fish' could be witnessed. Admonishing them according to capacity and time, the simile of grasping mud was closely matched. Who among humans is without fault? Admonitions of hanging pearls provide a crossing. Ugly traces are easily observed, yet those who cover their ears are hard to make see. Therefore, the two emperors of the Song and Tang, as well as worthies like Wang and Yan, observed the dullness and brightness of beings' nature and understood the simplicity and decadence of their karmic conditions. If they indulged the chaos and dissolution of the Buddhist school, the waters of the Zi and Mian would mingle in confusion; if they reprimanded the merits and demerits of the monastic followers, the Jing and Wei rivers would flow distinctly. They cast out greedy and rivalrous knaves and eliminated the monastic dregs who hoarded possessions; they preserved high moral character and extended profound kindness to gather people in. As for the governance of the Han, Wei, Qi, and Liang, the vast net of heaven was wide enough to let boat-swallowing fish slip through, whereas the overly inquisitive royal administration combined harshness and excess. Therefore, they broadly propagated the Buddhist Dharma to bring universal salvation across the Five Vehicles; thoroughly permeating their enlightened eras, they gradually transformed both the pure and the turbid, causing the turbid to recognize their refuge and renew themselves under great creation, and accommodating the pure so they realized the many ways of adapting to transformation. This was just like a general amnesty under heaven, by which fugitives changed their ways, or overlooking flaws to embrace the multitude, through which the common crowd turned toward good. Were Yao and Shun not sage rulers? Yet their transformation did not reach Danzhu. How could the founder of the Han have delighted in the steps of disorder? Yet he pardoned the rebellion of Guan Gao. In the gate of Confucius, although Jilu was eccentric, he nevertheless ascended the hall; among the Śākya clan, Devadatta was heterodox, yet he took part in the pure assembly. From this we know that the skillful path involves suppressing and elevating, its spiritual mechanism depending on expedient use: sometimes restraining, sometimes releasing, actions arise according to the times. Next, introducing the intention behind abolishing the Three Jewels: Preserving the body and keeping life is what living beings value; prizing wealth and cherishing food are what the vulgar crowd cherishes. Therefore, although the throne is called the Great Treasure, it cannot defeat the King of Death; and though one's strength may uproot green mountains, none can escape old age and sickness. This is the teaching of the Buddha. Thus the four mountains constantly press in, the royal throne is impermanent, the three marks continuously shift, and a lifespan has its fixed measure. This is the true record. Among the common people, there are prophetic omens transmitted, though it is unknown whence they came. Some say they were orally conferred; others recount talismans and charts. Falsely displayed and secretly spread, they were publicized among scholars and commoners. In my humble view, the Five Phases succeed one another, and of emperors there is only one; who would look upon or heed the rest of the ordinary folk? Before the Zhou founder, there were those who feared the color black, saying that a 'black person' would succeed to the heavenly throne. Therefore, Emperor Xuan of Northern Qi was panicked and wished to execute Dhyāna Master Chou. Chou inquired about the reason, and the emperor said that a black person would ascend the heavenly throne. Chou said, 'These are wild words! Nothing is blacker than lacquer—can lacquer do it?' Emperor Xuan misunderstood and personally killed his seventh brother, Huan; this is truly laughable. When Emperor Taizu of Northern Zhou first received the popular omen, [he thought], 'My name is Heitai, which can correspond to it.' After entering Guanzhong, he changed [his attire] to black, and court insignia and common clothing alike conformed to it. He ordered the monks to wear yellow to accord with the prophetic apocrypha. Emperor Wu had heroic vision and initially paid no heed to it. But when Zhang Bin established hegemony and Wei Yuansong composed his poem, valuing Daoism and doubting Buddhism, the emperor was on the verge of abolishing [Buddhism] and elevating [Daoism]. There was a Dhyāna Master Shi, who was the hope of the Buddhist school and was also respected by the emperor. The emperor secretly asked him who would receive the future turn of fortune. Shi said, 'This is not something a monk knows.' The emperor said, 'According to the omens transmitted, they say a black person should obtain it. Monks mostly wear black, so I harbor some suspicions.' Shi said, 'A monk is but a single individual; who would support him? It is definitely not a monk.' The emperor said, 'If a monk will not obtain it, who is the black one?' Shi said, 'Your Majesty, as a great man, how can you rely on and believe wild rumors? If outsiders hear this, how can they call you a supreme sage? There are many black things: old crows are black, and black soybeans are black. Such things are not few; can they obtain it too?' When the emperor heard of people with the surname Wu ('Crow') or Dou ('Bean'), he used trumped-up charges to execute them. In his original disposition, his suspicions lay with the Buddhists, so he promptly eradicated them. Emperor Taiwu of Northern Wei was originally from the northern tribal lands and had no literary learning. Ascending the throne at the age of eight, he placed absolute trust in Cui Hao. Thus both emperors favored their own persons and believed in slander and prophetic omens; they trampled upon the Buddhist teaching and brought calamity upon themselves. Yet shortly after, it was revived again. Its revival came from the opportune time and was not dependent on human power. Therefore, the scriptures and commentaries say: 'The Buddha's teaching will endure far into the future, ending only at the age of sixty thousand years; the small sages who preserve it have their merit in the nine hundred million non-learners.' It cannot be eliminated! Those worthies from Cai Mo down who submitted memorials all harbored private grievances and had rifts with monks. Giving vent to their rage, they disregarded themselves, so how much more would they disregard the Buddhist Dharma? They exhausted their brushes in writing down accusations and stretched the law to ensnare them in penal nets, using 'bald thieves' to alarm ears and eyes and 'sorcerous barbarians' to sway kings and ministers. Furthermore, statutory articles and codes are not as tight as congealed fat; in the vast heavenly net, there are bound to be those who fall through the mesh. To call them thieves places them under the statutes for robbery; to describe them as sorcerous subjects them to the death penalty. Their memorials abundantly speak of 'sorcerous thieves,' yet one knows not who these 'sorcerous thieves' are. These may be termed anonymous letters, fit only to be thrown into the fire! If investigated, their groundless traces would expose themselves. Although there were ten worthies who submitted memorials across the eras, Xun Ji was the only one who had some talent and utility; as for the rest who followed in writing, they are not worth being heard by others. Fu Yi came later and considered himself outstanding, yet his words had no classical authority and his talent was empty and deficient. Calling rubble a treasure, he is despised by both the worthy and the foolish. Moreover, having no family background in Daoism, he arose from poverty and turned to monks to beg for loans. Not getting what he desired, he harbored resentment and grudge—this was indeed his original motive. At the beginning of the Wude era, he came west to enter the capital and turned to the Daoist Wang Kui. Kui was the hope of the Daoist community and known throughout the metropolis. Seeing that he was cold and hungry, Kui invited him to reside in his private residence. Kui was a cultured man and treated him as an honored guest. Within a few days, [Fu Yi] seduced his wife, entering the hall to feast and converse, without even avoiding others. Kui had an elder brother's son who was a monk, whose temple was near Kui's residence. When he went to visit, he saw this. Fu Yi became furious. The monk then informed Kui. Kui initially did not believe it, saying, 'Fu Yi is a poor scholar; I took him into my house. How could he do anything improper?' The monk said, 'If uncle has doubts, you can go and take a look.' Going together to the house, it was indeed as he had said. Kui held his breath and turned back. Kui had a son-in-law who was a garrison commander, who often spoke of this. Having stolen another's wife, the sorceries transmitted by Fu Yi are countless. Just as recorded in the Mingbao ji by Tang Lin, Vice Minister of Personnel of the Tang, [Fu Yi's] spirit became a mud person—and how appropriate that was! It is revealed elsewhere.
6.9
In the eighth year of the Daye era of the Sui, when the Son of Heaven was in Liaodong, there was a man named Wang Wentong from Wang Fort east of the suburbs. He had long had a dispute with monks over the profits of a water mill. Having received an imperial edict to inspect military provisions, he forged an imperial decree to assemble the monks, placed the three wooden shackles on them, tortured them to confess to rebellion, and ordered them to implicate local citizens as co-conspirators. He then slaughtered the monastic followers in Hejian commandery, killing nearly one thousand monastics and laypeople. The dispatches were circulated as far as Puzhou, and the reputation of his cruelty spread throughout the empire. At that time, Dou Qing was the governor of Hedong and reported the matter to the throne. The emperor was greatly enraged and had him executed at Hejian. Before the execution could be carried out, the common people sliced his flesh and ate it raw, down to the ground. Through this example of rebellion described below, the rebellion against the monks also corresponds. These slanders and destructions of the Buddhist Dharma initially arose from monks because of old grudges; without considering falling into drowning for many kalpas, they sought a moment's pleasure. Vented among emperors and ministers, these were not matters of state memorials. Meddling in matters outside one's station, they incurred the previous faults: vainly raising the axe, in the end they fell into having their chests ground down. Therefore, I, the compiler, narrate them following the biographies, hoping to serve as a mirror for future generations.
6.10
Emperor Shizu of the Later Wei;
Emperor Gaozu of the Northern Zhou;
Emperor Shizu of the Liu Song;
Emperor Gaozu of the Tang;
Wang Du of the Later Zhao;
Cai Mo of the Jin;
Yan Yanzhi of the Liu Song;
Xiao Mozhi of the Liu Song;
Zhou Lang of the Liu Song;
Yu Yuan of the Liu Song;
Zhang Pujie of the Northern Wei;
Li Chang of the Northern Wei;
Liu Zhou of the Northern Qi;
Yang Xuanzhi of the Northern Wei.
6.11
Emperor Taiwu, Shizu of the Later Wei
6.12
First, he established Daoist learning, erected a Daoist altar, and abolished the Buddhist tradition.
6.13
The Emperor's clan name was Tuoba. His taboo name was Fuli, and later his name was Tao. He was of a separate branch of the Xianbei Hu. During the disorders of the Western Jin, there was Tuoba Lu, who held the northern lands. The Jin then enfeoffed him as King of Dai. Lu's grandson Shiyijian (some say Gui) saw his tribal groups flourish even further, with a multitude of one hundred thousand. To the north he adjoined Yunzhong and to the west he held Mount Yin. Yunzhong is four thousand li south of the Han frontier. In the early Taiyuan era of Xiaowu of the Eastern Jin, he moved south three hundred li to the east of the northern commandery, making Pingcheng his capital for more than twenty years. Following Chinese ways, he built palaces and revered the Dharma of the Buddha. He occupied the throne for thirty-four years. Reaching the Long'an era of the Jin emperor, the third ruler, Tuoba Tao, was enthroned. At that time he was eight years old, still in tender youth. He placed complete trust in the Minister over the Masses, Cui Hao. Hao particularly disbelieved in the Buddha, his sentiments giving weight to the immortal arts of Laozi. He presented the Daodejing to the Emperor and bade him recite and savour it, whereupon the Emperor came to esteem it. In the second year of his reign, he summoned masters of methods from throughout the realm. There was a Daoist master named Kou Qianzhi, a prominent figure in the Daoist fold. He claimed of himself that atop Mount Songgao he met a Heavenly Worthy flying down, who summoned Qianzhi and conferred on him the title of Celestial Master, ordering him to attend upon the Perfect Lord of Great Peace and erect a Heavenly Palace of the Wheel of Tranquility, whereby the Dao of immortality could be attained. When the gathered ministers heard this, they disregarded it, but Hao placed deep faith in it. From this, the Emperor established a Daoist ritual precinct in the suburbs of Pingcheng, two hundred paces square, soaring and lofty with multiple storeys, and fully furnished with lavish rites, just as detailed in the 'Treatise on Buddhism and Daoism'. Later he changed his reign title to Taiping Zhenjun (Perfect Lord of Great Peace) to fulfill Kou Qianzhi's Daoist mandate. Because Gai Wu rose in revolt, there were śramaṇas in the Guanzhong region who stored bows and arrows. Hao then presented the argument that they were colluding with Wu. Thereupon, he executed the śramaṇas of Chang'an and burned and destroyed the Buddha images; it was the same throughout the four directions, sparing only those under the imperial court. By the seventh year of the Zhenjun era, he utterly swept everything away, burying monks alive and smashing images, considering that he had attained his ambition. Tainted by slander, he secretly murdered the Crown Prince. When evil illness afflicted his person, only then did he execute Cui Hao's entire clan, but what use was lamentation then? Not long after, he was murdered by the eunuch Zong Qing and perished. His grandson succeeded to the throne, immediately reopened the Buddha's Dharma, and the realm was greatly illuminated.
6.14
The sixth emperor, Xiaowen, is styled Wenzu. He changed the imperial surname to Yuan, changed the dynastic name from Dai to Wei, discarded barbarian dress, determined official titles, wore the caps and robes of Huaxia, and moved the capital to Heluo, whereupon the Buddha's Dharma flourished grandly. Yet Shizu (Taiwu) was bold in martial strategy and timid in civil greatness, careless in self-examination and heavy in trusting falsehoods. For Fu Yi to describe him as an epoch-making enlightened sovereign is truly a slanderous falsehood! In reviewing Fu Yi's investigation of memorials submitted across the dynasties that touched upon the Buddhist fold, they are broadly five, as already clarified earlier and now debated again in detail: first, that karmic movements are obscure and murky, with recompenses and fruits criss-crossing; second, that the teachings point toward worldly fraudulence, ultimately returning to empty extinction; third, that temple halls are soaring and lavish, looking upon them with envy as rivals to imperial tombs; fourth, that monks engage in mixed practices, plundering wealth and pursuing sex; fifth, that monks originally stem from the common folk, yet their exalted status equals that of rulers in ceremony. Though these five aspects raise many confusions, he mostly dwells upon those of mixed practices. This is the narrow-mindedness of an undiscerning person. As for those who renounce household life, their value lies in setting forth to transcend material forms, their minds and conduct differing from the mundane, upholding the noble lineage and terrifying the māra kings. Even the Heavenly Lord comes down to bow, and the nāga spirits all pay reverence. It is not that there are not three or five who engage in mixed practices, violate the law, and betray their vocation, wallowing in sights and tastes and voraciously craving fame and profit. Such practices run contrary to the Buddha's transformation; they are darnel and weeds among the true Dharma. The Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra calls them shaven-headed men; the Fanwang jing calls them great bandits. The ocean of precepts is like the sea that does not harbor a corpse; under monastic regulations, their wealth and Dharma privileges are revoked—such prohibitions are manifest. To wrongly lay blame upon the Buddha is utterly impermissible. As for mundane scholars and pure ministers, countries have regular laws: those of chaste conduct are honored; those who are corrupt and covetous are punished. One cannot, seeing one scholar deviate, execute the entire country; or seeing one official corrupt, dismiss the whole court. This is intolerable. These matters appear in the Book of Later Wei and the Spring and Autumn Annals of the Sixteen Kingdoms. Shizu, seeing a fault arise in a single monastery, beheaded monks throughout the whole country, slaughtering both young and old in an instant. He may well be called a barbarian chieftain! For Fu Yi to blindly agree with his judgments and cite them as an enlightened strategy—from such 'enlightened ones' true discernment flees! Moreover, seeing monks receive lavish offerings in frequent succession, he was unable to pull himself out of jealousy and further exaggerated the facts. Monks are fields of merit; to attend upon them is naturally to reap their recompense. Officials administer government; to grant them stipends is to enhance their achievements. When the king today bestows gifts upon ministers below, who among them declines the stipend? When laypeople give wealth to monks, there are always those who do not accept. Officials without stipends are unheard of in the state, while scholars receiving salaries fill the nine provinces. Could it be that because one scholar accepts a bribe, the imperial court terminates all administration for it, or that because one monk improperly receives alms, the Buddhist fold thereby incurs suspicion? This too is impermissible. Thus we know that the paths of purity and impurity differ, yet both are common to religious and secular realms alike. The Censorate corrects infractions of law; the judicial officers sentence according to gravity—this is secular governance. The vinaya inspects the seven transgressions; expulsion and punishment rectify through the three standards; monastic regulations bar external offenses; statutes encourage the inner mind—this is Buddhist instruction. Thus religious and secular codes and ordinances are fully bright and clear, manifestly shining upon the four classes of laity and flourishing among the five assemblies of renunciants. What is lacking in them that required your memorial?
6.15
The Sovereign on high dwells aloft in the ninefold palace, watching closely over the four seas; the gathered ministers supervise royal affairs, each official bearing his assigned concern. You did not belong to that office, yet recklessly meddled in governance, merely being a superfluous officer—what purpose did you serve in holding post? Therefore, among later memorials, rarely did any follow his. Thus the sūtras speak of the four reliances to distinguish the counterfeit from the spurious; human cognition is difficult to discern, but the wisdom of the Dharma is easily illuminated. How can one, seeing the wrongful conduct of a single monk, implicate the entire Buddhist fold above, or seeing a single precept perhaps compromised, thereby belittle the true Dharma? One can only discard the person on account of the Way, because the person fails to propagate the Way; one cannot discard the Way on account of the person, because the Way towers high above devas and humans. Consider it further in detail: if today one measures people by the five constant virtues, what person can be complete in them? If one measures scholars by the five filial duties, what scholar possesses them all? Reading the Book of Changes, they neglect yin and yang; discoursing on the Rites, they retain arrogance. Benighted rulers and treasonous ministers have existed in every generation; those who draw salaries in vain and disorder government have been all the more abundant across time. Among the three thousand disciples of Confucius, Yan Hui alone excelled in virtuous conduct. Among rulers across twenty-nine generations, Yao of Tang consistently held first rank. This is merely a brief initial sketch; if examined comprehensively, the mirror-like exemplars within the Buddhist fold are exceedingly abundant.
6.16
2. Emperor Wu of the Northern Zhou
6.17
His intentions lay in Daoist study; he personally received talismans and registers, and was suspicious and jealous of the Buddhist fold.
6.18
The Emperor's clan name was Yuwen; his taboo name was Yong. He was the third son of Taizu, the Wei Chancellor Heitai. His clan originally stemmed from the Xianbei. At the end of the Yuan Wei, Taizu took the Prince of Pingyang of Wei and settled west in the Guanzhong region. After four emperors of Wei and twenty-three years, he passed away. His heir, the Duke of Luoyang, received the abdication of Wei and took the title of Zhou; within the same year he was deposed. His younger brother, the Duke of Ningdu, was enthroned; after four years as emperor, he passed away and was posthumously titled Emperor Ming. Because his son was young, his younger brother, the Duke of Lu State, was enthroned as emperor—this was Gaozu (Emperor Wu). He changed the reign era to the first year of Baoding. Deep in plotting and autocratic in decisions, suspicion was in his heart; he concealed his traces from both near and far to obscure his cunning techniques. In the sixth year of Baoding, he changed the era to Tianhe. Before and after, this spanned twelve years. The Grand Chancellor, the Duke of Jin State, Yuwen Hu, was Taizu's nephew. Having personally received the testamentary edict, he assisted the imperial plans; with heroic strategy he maintained control, lending brilliance to the era and aiding the state. Fearing there might be a deposition or enthronement, Emperor Wu lured him into the inner quarters and killed him, along with his ten sons, exterminating the clans of six high ministers. He changed the era to Jiande. Having executed the heroic and destroyed the bulwarks of the state, he looked far ahead with calculated weight, his heroic majesty remaining composure itself. Yet he was able to restrain himself and exert diligence, opening his heart to ministers and subordinates; in cloth robes and frugal fare, he maintained himself in toil and humility, personally marching in the battle ranks and traversing mountains and ravines on foot. Hence, he won the hearts of his soldiers, who did not begrudge dying for him. At that time, there was a prophetic text fearing those in black garments, saying that within the śramaṇas the next would inherit dynastic fortune. Therefore, though the Emperor had initially placed great faith in the Buddha, because affairs pressed closely upon him, he proceeded to abolish and sweep it away. In the third year of Jiande, adopting the flattering eloquence of the Daoist Zhang Bin, he abolished both teachings and further established the Tongdao Monastery to express his original intent. By the fifth year of Jiande, after he had pacified Northern Qi, he considered this to be the blessed protection gained from destroying the Dharma. He changed the era to Xuanzheng. By the fifth month, he passed away from a virulent illness at Yunyang. His son Yun succeeded to the throne, killed the Prince of Qi and his ten sons, and on the first day of the first month changed the era to Dacheng. He abdicated the throne to his son Yan, changed the era to Daxiang, styled himself Heavenly Prime Emperor, and immediately reopened the Buddha's Dharma. Yet his misfortune was deep and his merit shallow; his transgressions eclipsed his achievements. In the fifth month of the following year, he passed away and was posthumously titled Wenxuan. In the first month of the subsequent year, the era was changed to Dading; within the second month, he abdicated the throne to the Sui. Thus Fu Yi stated: 'Observing Emperor Wu's governance, he was resolute and decisive—such was his intent. Having eliminated the demonic and heterodox teaching, he attended solely to strengthening the military; within five years, great achievements were thus assembled. How magnificent! Such was his success.' The compiler says: Fu Yi says that without the Buddha, the state would be peaceful and its fortunes long-lasting; how is it, then, that just after the ancestor of Zhou had completed his extermination, violent death suddenly arrived? Thus Fu Yi was raving mad! However, Emperor Wu was martial only and never hesitated; following his mind's desires, he carried out executions. Murdering his uncle and destroying the Buddha, his deceit and delusion were already deep; that his fortune was cut short and the dynastic calendar shifted was indeed fitting! How much more so when virulent illness struck his person—what could cries and laments avail then? That disasters gathered and calamities assembled upon him is truly sorrowful. Yet Fu Yi took the true Buddha to be demonic and heterodox, and pointed to the false Dao as a master to revere. For benighted rulers and profligate lords, why wait for the Xia and Yin dynasties? Surely the office of posthumous titles gave both the Wei and Zhou rulers who destroyed the Dharma the title 'Wu' (Martial)—is this not appropriate? As for other aspects of destruction and the bitter retribution incurred, they are fully recounted separately.
6.19
3. Emperor Xiaowu, Shizu of the Liu Song
6.20
The purge of the monastic assembly and the matter of paying homage.
6.21
The Emperor's clan name was Liu; his taboo name was Jun. He was the third son of Emperor Wen. Punishing treason on his father's behalf, he beheaded his elder brother Liu Shao in the southern suburbs, along with his thirty-one sons. Establishing himself, he changed the era to Xiaojian. In the second year, he executed his uncle Yixuan. In the second year of Daming, he executed Wang Sengda and his son. When the Qiang man Gao She revolted, the matter implicated the śramaṇa Tanbiao. The Emperor issued an edict stating: 'The Buddha's Dharma has degenerated and śramaṇas are mixed and corrupt; far from being sufficient to support and aid the great teaching, they have solely become a refuge for criminals. Moreover, treacherous hearts frequently emerge and violent acts are repeatedly heard of, corrupting the Way, disordering customs, and provoking the wrath of both humans and spirits. Let them be handed over to the local authorities to be rigorously purged. Those who violate the laws hereafter shall be strictly executed and punished.' He then established various prohibitive articles, requiring all to return to secular life except those whose observance of precepts was refined and austere. Although the edict was stern, in the end it was not implemented. Prior to this, during the time of Emperor Cheng of the Jin, Yu Bing held exclusive power and wished to make śramaṇas pay homage to the ruler; He Chong, Wang Mi, and others disputed this with divergent arguments. When Huan Xuan usurped the throne, he revived the previous proposal, but neither came to fruition, fully detailed elsewhere. In the sixth year of Daming, Shizu ordered the officials to memorialize and deliberate to make monks pay homage. Having already practiced the cruelty of disemboweling and hacking, he whipped Yan Jun's face and beheaded him; people could not bear his cruelty. Moreover, monks paying homage was not a canon for statecraft, so it was not implemented either. In the eighth year of Daming, he passed away. His son Ziye was enthroned, but was soon overthrown by Emperor Ming. Yet Fu Yi described him as an emperor of lofty discernment—with such indiscriminate punishments, what discernment could be called lofty? In an instant, his lineage was extinguished, his person and reputation both destroyed; this can truly serve as a mirror for the Yin! Examining Xiao Zixian's account, it states: 'The House of Song claimed for itself the virtue of Water, but its transmission of fortune was crooked and unstable. Eight rulers occupied the throne, lasting five decades; four times the primary heir was cut off, and three times an era was styled a restoration. Within the palace, disasters and crises arose, and flesh and blood trampled upon each other—how can words express it?'
6.22
4. Emperor Taiwu, Gaozu of the Great Tang
6.23
The edict to purge the two traditions of Śākya and Li. Because many monks in the late Wude era were deviant, the Emperor issued an edict to clarify, select, and purify the bequeathed Dharma; it by no means meant destruction, so Fu Yi's interpretation completely lost the purport. Thus the edict stated: 'We, having responded to the cyclical mandate to govern the universe, deeply ponder the benefits of flourishing the teachings and Dharma, our sentiments lying in protecting and maintaining them, so that jade and stone may be distinguished and the fragrant and foul differentiated, preserving the wondrous Way forever and making the field of merit perpetually firm. To rectify the origin and clarify the source, a purge should be undertaken.' This was the true edict. Yet for Fu Yi to describe it as destroying the Dharma is to slander the sovereign and commit a grave offense; encountering generous and lenient governance, where the net allows a ship-swallowing fish to slip through, his head was spared. The rest is recounted below.
6.24
[Fu] Yi also cited the memorial of Tuoba Cheng, Prince of Rencheng and Prefect of the Masters of Writing under the Yuan Wei, which forbade the further construction of saṅghārāmas in towns and villages so as not to obstruct people's dwellings; and he cited the memorial of Gao Zhao, Prefect of the Masters of Writing, to distribute grain from the Saṅgha grain depots to the poor. Yet when one examines their memorials, there is no statement about eradicating [Buddhism]; they aimed solely at regulating government, ordering religious affairs, and eliminating corrupt distortions. Can such careful scrutiny be considered anything other than admonitions for grand protection?
6.25
5. Wang Du of Taiyuan, Palace Secretariat of the Later Zhao
6.26
Preface to his memorial. Shi Hu issued an edict inquiring: 'The Buddha is titled the World-Honoured One and is revered by the state. Should common people in the lanes and villages without official titles and stipends be permitted to serve the Buddha or not? Moreover, śramaṇas should all be loftily pure, upright, and correct. Only those whose conduct is refined and pure may become religious practitioners. Now śramaṇas are exceedingly numerous; among them are wrongdoers and evaders of corvée labour, many of whom are not the right sort of person. May they be vetted and screened?'
Having deliberated in detail, [Wang] Du memorialised: 'Because the ruler performs the suburban sacrifices to Heaven and Earth and offers sacrifices to the hundred spirits, the rites contain regular offerings. The Buddha was born in the Western Regions; he is not an object of worship for China. When the Han first received this teaching, they only permitted Western barbarians to erect temples in the capital and cities. The Wei inherited the Han regulations, and the Zhao followed previous rules. We request that the people of Zhao not be permitted to visit temples, and that those who have already become śramaṇas be sent back to lay clothes.' Most of the court officials agreed with this proposal.
Hu issued an edict stating: 'Du argues that the Buddha is a foreign deity and not an object of worship for the Chinese. We originate from the border Rong; it is proper that We follow Our native customs. Regulations originate from above and serve as norms for eternal generations. If the undertaking is appropriate and without harm, why be bound by former eras? Whether barbarian or Zhao, let all who wish to be Daoist practitioners and take pleasure in serving the Buddha be permitted to do so.'
As for the rest, [Fu] Yi embellished and abundantly stated falsehoods. Daoist texts have been fraudulent and spurious since ancient times: the 'Yellow Books' on merging qi promote licentious conduct between men and women, and the 'Red Talismans' for exorcisms stir up chaos in both the seen and unseen realms. From this we know that those who invent falsehoods bring calamity, and those who disorder customs deserve execution—their guilt is more than enough.
Why is this? Yi said: 'Fotudeng ordered his disciples to travel about persuading commanderies and states, and the likes of Zhi Dun acted as his right-hand men, turning the subtle tenets of the Three Mysteries to ornament a heterodox teaching.' These words slander and disparage in a way that Heaven and Earth cannot tolerate! Why? Because Fotudeng was a person who attained sagehood. Light streamed from his breast without reliance on lamps or torches; by looking at bells and gazing into his palms, he sat and observed the portents of success and failure. Two rulers served him like a spirit; the hundred ministers revered him like a Buddha. He forewarned of the succession of the Eastern Palace and prefigured the disaster of Shi Cong. When troubles arose and strange portents appeared, he remonstrated with Hu that excessive punishments and harsh laws would make his lifespan short. These words were profoundly urgent. Yet Yi claims that he made Hu kill his nephew to take his imperial throne—how can these words be so excessive!
He also claimed that Zhi Dun and his cohort were his wings. When the Jin moved south, Daolin was just one monk. Although they were contemporaries, rivers and mountains separated the northern barbarians from the southern Yue. How could he have split his body, rushed north, and served as the right hand of the Zhao court?
He also said that they 'turned the subtle tenets of the Three Mysteries to ornament a heterodox teaching.' This too is empty talk; how could it be falsely alleged? Furthermore, the writings of Daoism consist of only five thousand words; the remaining thousands of fascicles are entirely false and fraudulent. Are the details of the affair of Jiang Bin in the Wei era not fully known?
Yet, judging [others] by oneself, they claim that the saṅgha is the same. Moreover, the Buddha's teachings are comprehensive and have a coherent source; their texts and principles from beginning to end never contradict or conflict with one another. When tracing the Daoist scriptures, how grossly have they plagiarised! Unable to establish a single doctrine of their own, they lean entirely upon the Buddhist tradition—either transcribing the Buddhist scriptures wholesale into four fruits and ten stages, or recording the Buddha's teachings in full as hells and heavens. These are none other than the descent and ascent of karmic conduct and the grand norms of retribution and causation. If they are questioned about the ranks and stages of attainment, their claims exceed the Milky Way. How can they compile books and biographies to deceive the worldly and disorder the true? Without an iota of help to edification, they shoulder mountain-like offences, dying in vain throughout their lives. How lamentable!
6.27
6. Cai Mo
6.28
Whose courtesy name was Daoming, was a native of Chenliu. Wang Hong, Minister of Ceremonies and Prince of Pengcheng of the Jin, submitted a memorial stating that because Emperor Suzu took pleasure in the Buddhist way, he personally painted an image in the Lexian Hall; having passed through wars and tribulations, the hall still remained, and an imperial order should be issued to the court historians commanding them all to compose eulogies. Emperor Xianzong presented Hong's memorial for broad deliberation.
Mo said: 'The Buddha was a barbarian. I have only heard of transforming barbarians to follow the Xia, not of transforming the Xia to follow barbarians. The late emperor was divinely gifted with manifold talents and merely painted this image in passing; it is not a depiction of the grand virtue of the Great Jin. Now to issue a royal command ordering the court historians to praise the late emperor's devotion to Buddhism above and compose a eulogy for a barbarian image below—in principle, I find this doubtful.'
When Emperor Kang ascended the throne, Mo was appointed Minister of Education. In the fifth month of the fourth year of Yonghe, an imperial edict was issued; he stubbornly refused to take up the post and submitted a memorial asking to retire his aged bones. When Emperor Xiaozong ascended the court, he summoned Mo, but Mo did not arrive. (From morning until noon, the Empress) Dowager issued an edict to dismiss the court. The high ministers memorialised to deliver Mo to the Commandant of Justice to apply the penal code. Mo led his sons and younger brothers in plain clothes to the Commandant of Justice to await punishment. An edict demoted him to commoner, whereupon he closed his gates and did not go out.
These are all the stubbornness of vulgar men and the narrow perspective of frogs in a well! Yet Yi describes him as a pure minister, which is not a solid evaluation.
Why so? Mo's satirical criticisms were confined to one region of the Divine Continent, regarding this as the Central Kingdom; whereas the Buddha encompassed the entire continent of Jambudvīpa, regarding this [China] as a borderland. Describing it from immediate sight: this country borders the ocean to the east, but there is no ocean in the other three directions; where there is none, it cannot be said to have no visible boundary. Speaking of this continent, it is surrounded by oceans on all four sides. India is the centre of the earth: at the summer solstice, moving northward, there is no shadow at noon; thus it is the central land of Heaven and Earth, and for this reason the Buddha was born there. How much more so as its domain reaches the centre of the three thousand suns and moons and the ten thousand koṭis of worlds! That which the Buddha governs alone is not something Mo could comprehend.
Moreover, ordinary men throughout their lives constantly protect their narrow domain, clinging to the idea of an identical antiquity; they consider their own household to be a land of joy, and their own people to be good—this is hardly surprising. Measuring the shadow with a sundial at Mount Song and Luoyang in the Central Plains to determine the centre: that is merely the separate centre of the Divine Continent, yet when it comes to the seasons and residual fractions, it cannot determine them.
The island barbarians south of the Yangtze live in low-lying land with pestilential air, where people's temperaments are excitable—hence it is called Yangzhou. When the Jin fled thither, it was additionally termed a 'cultured kingdom'. The phrase 'transforming barbarians to follow the Xia' has its origin here; thus, that Confucius wished to dwell among the Nine Barbarians shows they were not vulgar.
Furthermore, one who possesses virtue rules over people; one who lacks the Way brings violence and chaos. Thus Yu of the Xia was born among the Western Qiang, and King Wen grew up among the Eastern Yi. The Tuoba clan of the Yuan Wei were Northern Di, yet all of them ruled over the great rivers and peaks, facing the light and taking the southern throne. How could their lack of birth in the Chinese lands cause them to go against cultural transformation?
As for You Yu, a solitary minister of the Western Rong, Duke Mu of Qin used him to establish his hegemony; Jin Midi was of the lowly stock of the Xianyun, yet Emperor Wu of Han received him and his position was preserved. Therefore we know that where the Way resides, there is honour; it is never constrained by barbarian or Chinese. Cai Mo clung rigidly to his own stance and cannot be called a person of universal understanding. Refusing an edict and disobeying orders, he incurred guilt and was dismissed from the palace; that he received the legal penalty was entirely proper!
Examining it further: a pearl or jade a foot across or an inch in diameter originally comes from distant lands; a sagacious person who penetrates the spirit and reaches the principle is not limited by cardinal directions. Therefore Kongtong is not confined to the Nine Provinces, and Kunlun is in the lands of the Five Indias; yet the Yellow Emperor Xuan Yuan hurried westward to them, and Laozi and Yin Xi followed in their footsteps to climb them. Why was this? Because they knew where to take refuge!
Moreover, one acts upon seeing the opportune moment without waiting for a fixed measure. As for the governance of Jie of the Xia, he burned the Yellow Diagrams and executed Longfeng; as for the cruelty of Zheng of Qin, he burned the classics and buried the scholars alive. Worldly tradition transmits them as unprincipled rulers. Yet the moulding of clay for bricks and tiles is not called Jie's achievement, and Emperor Gaozu of Han's enlightenment did not honour Lü Buwei's virtue. Since these have been widely practiced through successive generations, their meaning must be evaluated. The ancients had a saying: 'Yao and Shun were not necessarily completely sagely, nor could Jie and Zhou be utterly foolish.' Yet to attribute all blame to the Xia and Shang, while reserving all veneration for Tang and Yu, is a biased and disproportionate deception. How could Cai's narrow-mindedness be worthy of praise?
6.29
Wei Zheng, Duke of Zheng and Specially Advanced of the Tang, posed one hundred policy questions. One of them said: 'Question: Concerning the scriptures, at what early or late date did the Buddha arise and prosper, and what were the gains and losses?'
6.30
The answer said: 'The pearl star fell by night, and the Buddha was born during the Zhou era. The white horse arrived in the morning, and the Dharma flourished in the Han era. Therefore Tang Yao and Yu Shun could not know of it in detail, nor could Confucius and the Duke of Zhou expound it. Thus the Dharma King is self-mastered, with inexhaustible transformations: containing Sumeru within a mustard seed, shading the sun and moon beneath a lotus flower; a cloud of Dharma and rain of benevolence, a bright pearl and a jewelled vessel, bringing the children out of the burning house and rescuing living beings from the sea of suffering.
'When an arrow-stone finds a whetstone, it cuts bone and severs sinew; when a carriage receives grease, the horses are agile and the wheels are swift. One must indeed turn one's mind with devotion and take refuge with pure intention. One should believe the words of Fu Yi and not follow the precedent of Cai Mo.'
[Wei Zheng] was an important minister of the state; he may be said to have possessed lofty discernment and a true haven. Therefore Emperor Taizong revered him, composed an inscription, personally wrote the stele, and buried him in an attendant tomb at Zhaoling to be a model for ten thousand generations. Cai Mo's years and deeds were both exhausted, his usefulness rarely displayed; had he examined his own inability and firmly declined public office, that would have been acceptable. Yet in discussing the separation of Chinese and barbarian, he cannot be called a person of universal understanding, and he is hardly worthy of praise.
6.31
7. Yan Yanzhi
6.32
A native of Langya. He was skilled in literature, fond of drinking wine, and uninhibited, paying no heed to minor conduct. During the Yuanjia era of the Song, he was promoted to Minister of Ceremonies. The śramaṇa Huilin was appreciated by Emperor Taizu on account of his exceptional talent and learning, and was frequently granted the etiquette of a private couch. Yanzhi was jealous of him and said: 'This seat of the Three Excellencies—how can it be occupied by someone who has suffered mutilation?' The Emperor changed countenance.
Yi described him as a famous scholar; this shows what he was like. Because Huilin was favoured by Emperor Wen, while Yanzhi was not an official capable of governance, he was jealous and mocked him. Once he was no longer involved in the court, he retired to his village. His son Jun became the Inspector of Yangzhou; when he returned home in a high carriage, Yanzhi carried a staff, stepped aside, and mocked him. He did not engage in household management, wore plain clothes, ate vegetarian food, and roamed the countryside alone. Contemporary talents considered him uninvolved with the worthy ministers of the court and beyond the reach of public discussion. Was it not because he was denied the honour of the private couch that he envied Huilin and called him a mutilated person?
The rest is as evaluated in the Treatise on Reaching the Nature. However, Lord Yan composed treatises with immense praise and admiration, such as the Treatise on the Buddha's Shadow and Footprints, the Treatise on the Buddha's Ushnīsha, Teeth, and Nails, the Treatise on the Buddha's Robe, Bowl, and Staff, and the Treatise on the Buddha's Two Carpets. Were it not so, why would all these treatises be established as models by exceptionally talented figures? His words about 'mutilation' were merely a momentary slight against Huilin. His four treatises are all found in the Continued Treatise on the Dharma by Lu Cheng of the Song.
First 32 of 48 passages. Read on
Linked texts (1)
- 廣弘明集 — Classical Chinese