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北山錄 10.2

北山錄 10.2

Language
Classical Chinese

10.2.1

大荒之西(天子王畿五百里甸服。 五百里侯服。 五百里綏服。 五百里要服。 五百里荒服。 荒服去京師二千五百里。 今指大荒之外。 極西之境也)申毒殊風(即西天之風化。 與震旦有異也)太古之始。 至聖未生(所謂如來也)有外道仙。 為世宗教首。 則僧伽衛世(初時有僧伽外道。 立二十五諦義。 衛世外道。 說六句義等也)中則六師(一不蘭迦葉。 二阿夷滿。 三瞿耶婁。 四波休旃。 五先比盧持。 六尼乾子)終於九十五種(即蘊離蘊計我等外道也)高視巖藪。 謀勍吾敵。 將危害正法。 荐食玄侶。 侵軼真境。 伐毀舟梁。 雖怙其眾。 不若吾寡。 是以舍利弗一舉勞度差之儔殄瘁矣(彈盡也。 即勝論外道也。 以此仙人形醜好夜出乞食。 故號鵂鶹。 為五頂子立六句義。 後化為石。 為陳那菩薩破之。 一吼而石粉碎矣)故以直擊亂薎有不濟。 但慢壘既高。 邪戈難偃。 稠林嘯聚。 迷津徒涉。 俾苦海波瀾浩而無際。 險道罾繳。 綿亘不蔇(繳射鳥器也。 罾取魚器也。 蔇至也。 修行者不至矣)聖人以是為瘼。 群生以是永悼。 嘻何莫如之何也已。 自白馬西來梵文貢洛(後漢明帝永平十年。 攝摩騰與竺法蘭以白馬馱經像方來至洛也)信毀迭扇。 君臣不一(時五岳道士褚善信等求比試焚燒經像也)且遐域之壤。 九服謂之荒表。 兌方之俗。 四海目為戎人(九服九州兌方西國)而彼復謂中華封略為儒邦。 䓗嶺東陲為邊裔。 夫人情各重其所處。 而傲乎他邦。 而皆曰佛何不生中國(震旦人自以此土為中國)傳聞。 中天夏至。 測影而盡其表(西天中印度夏至之日。 樹竿於日中無影。 蓋得閻浮之中日行正居上。 故彼稱中也)此方雖邵伯相宅周公往營(周本都鄗京召公相宅於陝鄏周公至成周營之。 則今洛京是也)而周禮云。 大司徒職日至之景尺有五寸(洛京雖震旦之心。 夏至之日午時樹竿尚有一尺五寸之景。 則別地更多也)謂之地中天地之所合。 四時之所交。 風雨之所會。 陰陽之所和。 百物阜安。 乃建王國。 今河南陽城縣。 得中夏之中。 而影且有餘矣。 其不在陽城則又過乎一尺五寸矣。 而天上千里地下一寸。 故此西域萬里之外。 又戎夏為邦。 古今何定。 伊洛化則為戎(左傳。 有伊洛之戎。 又有伐陸渾之戎。 皆在洛也)吳越變而為夏(吳越本夷。 而勾踐夫差皆為中國霸主矣)故至聖乘時。 本不限於方俗。 但以大千閻浮為內地。 可此即此。 可彼即彼。 豈以文武不在洛。 則非天下之君乎(文王居西戎。 武王居岐下)而西域時無輪王。 分天下為四主。 東以人為主。 正由禮樂出乎此方。 仁義冠乎八荒。 舉稱中非必由於地。 宋何承天問慧嚴曰。 佛國用何曆。 嚴曰。 彼夏至之日方中無影。 五行尚土德。 八寸為尺。 一兩當此方十二兩。 建辰為歲首(慧嚴親至西天迴故能明此事也)及討覈分至(春秋分冬夏至)薄食宿度阿衡陰陽乃以為然。 但以西來三藏越海重譯涉歷于艱險。 輕百死而致乎一生。 既至而不知鄉國之所在。 固可悲也。 其所翻譯。 方諸寰中之典既乖視聽深違背欲將使積昏之士背風靡草。 逆坂走丸。 祇增其忿。 誠又難也(以翻譯三藏來既遐遠。 不達此方語言。 致令詞有質朴文非流美。 如安世高所譯等經。 不了之士。 逆便相非。 增於謗讟。 則為未可者也)夫雍門周承孟甞騷屑悽感。 為之鼓琴琴一發。 而涕泗零落。 不知其極(雍門齊地也。 孟甞田文齊公子也。 周承為之鼓琴琴發。 而涕不能止)而邪愚之夫承王侯疑貳阻薄。 為之鼓脣脣一啟。 而訕謗搖動。 莫我已矣(此敘輕毀宗教之士因時政之官於吾教疑貳之間。 承便鼓扇于脣齒以毀謗。 致令王侯心迴而信用之也)是以假彼重位鴻才。 言為物準。

To the west of the Great Wilderness (within the Son of Heaven's royal domain of five hundred li is the dīan domain; five hundred li beyond is the hòu domain; five hundred li beyond is the suī domain; five hundred li beyond is the yào domain; five hundred li beyond is the huāng domain. The huāng domain is two thousand five hundred li from the capital. Here it refers to beyond the Great Wilderness, the regions of the farthest west), Shendu has different customs (meaning the customs and transforming influence of Western India differ from those of Zhina). In the beginning of primeval antiquity, before the Supreme Sage was born (referring to the Tathāgata), there were non-Buddhist ṛṣis who served as founders of religions in the world. Originally, there were the Sāṃkhya and the Vaiśeṣika (at first there was the Sāṃkhya non-Buddhist tradition, which established the doctrine of the twenty-five principles, and the Vaiśeṣika non-Buddhist tradition, which expounded the six categories and so forth); in the middle there were the six teachers (first, Pūraṇa Kāśyapa; second, Ajita Keśakambalin; third, Gośālīputra; fourth, Pakudha Kaccāyana; fifth, Sañjaya Belaṭṭhiputta; sixth, Nirgrantha Jñātaputra); and eventually ninety-five varieties (namely the non-Buddhists who conceived an 'I' inside the aggregates, apart from the aggregates, and so forth). Looking haughtily upon mountain crags and marshlands, they plotted to match themselves against us as adversaries, intending to bring harm to the true Dharma, repeatedly devour the dark companions, encroach upon the true realm, and fell and destroy the boats and bridges. Although they relied on their vast numbers, they were no match for our few; thus Śāriputra, in a single move, utterly crushed the cohorts of Raudrākṣa (vanquished them entirely. This refers to the Vaiśeṣika non-Buddhists. Because this ṛṣi was ugly in appearance and liked to go out begging food at night, he was called Ulūka. He established the six categories for Pañcaśikha. Later he transformed into a stone, which was shattered by Bodhisattva Dignāga, who reduced it to powder with a single roar). Therefore, striking disorder with uprightness, there is nothing that cannot be accomplished. Yet once the ramparts of pride stand tall, the weapons of heterodoxy are hard to lay down; gathering like screaming bands in dense thickets, people ford the deluded fords in vain, causing the billowing waves of the ocean of suffering to become vast and boundless, and casting fishing nets and corded arrows along perilous paths, unbroken and never ceasing (the corded arrow is a device for shooting birds; the net is a device for catching fish; 'ceasing' means reaching an end—practitioners do not reach it). The sages considered this a sorrow; the multitude of living beings forever lamented it. Alas, what could be done about it! Since the White Horse came from the west and the Sanskrit texts were presented to Luoyang (in the tenth year of the Yongping reign of Emperor Ming of the Later Han, Shemoteng [Kāśyapa Mātanga] and Zhu Falan [Dharmaratna], loading scriptures and images on a white horse, first arrived at Luoyang), faith and slander have fanned each other by turns, and rulers and ministers have not been of one mind (at that time, the Daoist masters of the Five Marchmounts, Chu Shanxin and others, sought a contest by burning scriptures and images). Moreover, as for the soils of distant realms, the Nine Domains call them the outer wasteland; as for the customs of the western quarter, the Four Seas regard them as barbarians (the Nine Domains are the Nine Provinces; the western quarter refers to the Western Kingdoms). Yet they, in turn, refer to the territories of the Central Florescence as 'the land of the Ruists' and the eastern verge of the Pamirs as a borderland. It is human nature for each to value where they reside and look down on other realms, so that all say, 'Why was the Buddha not born in the Central Kingdom?' (the people of Zhina themselves consider this land the Central Kingdom). By hearsay it is said: at the summer solstice in Central India, when measuring the shadow, it completely covers the gnomon (in Central India in the Western Heavens, at midday on the summer solstice, a pole erected in the sun casts no shadow; having obtained the very center of Jambudvīpa, the sun's course is directly overhead, hence they call it the center). Although in this land the Earl of Shao divined the site and the Duke of Zhou went to construct it (the Zhou originally had Haojing as capital; the Duke of Shao divined the site at Shanruo, and the Duke of Zhou came to Chengzhou to construct it, which is the present-day capital Luoyang), yet the Rites of Zhou states: 'The Grand Master of Instruction's office [records that] the shadow on the day of the solstice is one foot and five inches' (although the capital Luoyang is the heart of Zhina, at midday on the day of the summer solstice a pole erected still casts a shadow of one foot and five inches; in other regions it is even longer). It is called the center of the earth, where heaven and earth unite, where the four seasons intersect, where wind and rain converge, and where yin and yang harmonize; when the myriad things flourish in peace, only then is the royal capital established. Now, Yangcheng County in Henan has obtained the center of the Central Xia, yet its shadow still leaves a remainder. Regions that are not Yangcheng exceed one foot and five inches even further. And for every thousand li in heaven, there is one inch on earth; therefore, how could it be fixed for all time whether this land or that of the Western Regions, ten thousand li away, is barbarian or Xia? When the Yi and Luo rivers were transformed, they became barbarian (the Zuo zhuan says there were the Rong of the Yi and Luo rivers, and also the campaign against the Rong of Luhun, both in Luoyang); when Wu and Yue were transformed, they became Xia (Wu and Yue were originally barbarian, yet Goujian and Fuchai both became hegemons of the Central Kingdom). Therefore, when the Supreme Sage rides the times, he is fundamentally not limited by regions or customs; he simply takes the great chiliocosm and Jambudvīpa as his inner domain. If here is suitable, then here; if there is suitable, then there. Could it be said that because Kings Wen and Wu were not in Luoyang, they were not sovereigns of all under heaven? (King Wen resided among the Western Rong; King Wu resided beneath Qi). Furthermore, in the Western Regions, when there is no wheel-turning king, all under heaven is divided among four lords: the east takes humankind as paramount, precisely because ritual and music originate from this land, and benevolence and righteousness top the eight wildernesses. Designating something as 'central' is not necessarily dependent on geography. He Chengtian of the Song asked Huiyan, 'What calendar does the Buddha's country use?' Yan said, 'There, at midday on the day of the summer solstice, there is no shadow; among the five elements, they venerate the virtue of Earth; eight inches make a foot; one ounce equals twelve ounces of this land; and the chen month is established as the start of the year' (Huiyan personally went to the Western Heavens and returned, hence he was able to clarify this matter). When examining the equinoxes and solstices (the spring and autumn equinoxes and the winter and summer solstices), eclipses, constellations, and the balancing of yin and yang, he indeed deemed it to be so. But because the Tripiṭaka masters who came from the west crossed the seas through multiple translations and underwent hardships and perils, scorning a hundred deaths to attain a single life, once they arrived they did not even know where their homeland was, which is truly lamentable. When the texts they translated were compared with the scriptures within our realm, they ran contrary to what is seen and heard, and profoundly diverged from people's desires. Seeking to make those of accumulated delusion bend like grass before the wind was like rolling a pill up a steep slope—it merely increased their resentment, which was truly difficult as well (because the translating Tripiṭaka masters came from afar and did not fully command the language of this land, their phrasing was plain and their literary style lacked elegance, as in the scriptures translated by An Shigao and others. Those who did not understand immediately disparaged them, adding to slander and abuse, which was regrettable). Now, when Yongmen Zhou took advantage of Mengchang's agitated sorrow and played the zither for him, as soon as the zither sounded, Mengchang's tears fell copiously without end (Yongmen is in Qi; Mengchang is Tian Wen, a prince of Qi. Zhou played the zither for him, and when the zither sounded, his tears could not be stopped). But when crooked and foolish men take advantage of princes' and marquises' doubts and estrangement to wag their tongues for them, as soon as their lips open, calumny and slander shake things up without end (this describes how those who disparage the religion take advantage of the times when government officials doubt our teachings; seizing the opportunity, they flap their lips to defame them, causing princes and marquises to turn their hearts and give credence to them). It is for this reason that one must borrow their exalted positions and grand talents, so that their words serve as a standard for all things.

English (machine translation) (machine translation)

10.2.2

行為時憲(佛法付與王臣。 凡在位官員才學之士。 假以護持。 所在三寶尤宜援奉。 貴其大才重位以弘護宗教矣。 準繩也。 憲法也)順則誘掖。 背則擊搏(掖提膊也。 信順之者。 提臂而引之。 不信者。 擊搏而責之也)使弱喪知乎所歸。 食椹懷乎好。 音(黃鸎食桑椹而音美。 如聞法而敬信也)乃佛法金城湯池之固(假尊官為外護。 則佛法若有城池之固)而攻者罔弗敗。 律喪師矣(若有外黨相攻。 無不自然摧敗也)夫釋氏之難。 而釋氏不能違之者何(外人問有難釋氏之教。 而引釋氏之教答之。 而不能違避其難者有何所以)譬陰愆于序。 赫日晞之。 陽愆于序。 洪雨霔之(久雨者。 陰之失序。 則須晴景方解。 久旱者。 陽之失序。 則須甘雨解之)若陰濟于陰。 湯濟于陽。 則九載之水。 七年之旱。 未足多也(堯有九載之水。 湯有七年之旱)故古之賢德。 無位何威。 無賞何悅。 無辯何信。 其所酬抗。 多以釋教為證反資其倨(答難若專引己教為證。 如以陰濟陰以陽濟陽也)是以夷難靜暴復迷取亂。 挫公孫龍之辯(夷平也。 取亂取勝也。 公孫龍趙人也。 虞鄉思以邯鄲請封平原。 龍以辯捷諫而止。 後語云。 龍有白馬之辯者也)絕叔孫氏之毀(叔孫武叔毀仲尼。 子貢曰。 夫子不可毀。 他人之賢者丘陵也。 夫子之賢者日月也。 不可得而踰也)雖有方袍。 莫如服冕(服冕儒士有毀夫子輒能對之。 豈可方袍釋子遭毀其師而無對答之者可不恥乎。 必資於學矣。 方袍袈裟也)昔何承天著達性論。 顏延之折之(並宋之朝士。 顏光祿也。 有文常好飲酒)范縝搆形神滅義。 沈約質之(梁朝賢士也。 文在弘明集)故豺狼非狻猊不制。 蛇豕非鏌𮢄不斷。 而經稱為外援展如之人(展援也。 假信心為外授。 審如此也)則不失其名也。 嗚呼有天地焉。 有生成焉。 有信者焉。 有不信者焉(既天地造化則有萬物人倫。 人倫之內有信者有不信者。 情不同故也)其信如漢顯宗(則後漢第二主明帝也)傅武仲(傅毅也)吳大帝(孫權也)支與闞(支謙闞澤)東晉至于受終至王濛.郗超.許詢.謝尚之倫。 宋文明。 洎宗王.何顏輩。 魏宗恭。 南齊劉虬。 梁君臣陶隱居(陶景純。 字隱居。 號貞白先主)北齊顏之推(此並深信之士)其不信如晉蔡謨(字道明。 東晉也。 東帝令作讚佛頌。 堅不從。 乃言謗佛。 下庭尉免為庶人)偽趙王度。 宋周朗.虞愿。 魏張普濟.李瑒.楊衒之。 齊劉晝。 梁荀濟(此實心毀教不信之士也)夫信者靜乃一心昭窮萬化。 或未遺所存。 要報求施。 重因緣之理。 篤敬戒之心。 退無納隍之酷進致含光之美(隍阬也。 若致於阬也)其不信者神用匪虛。 鄙識濁慮。 或惡幢塔崇侈。 法籍宏奧。 僧居[塽-(爻*爻)+((人/人)*(人/人))]塏([塽-(爻*爻)+((人/人)*(人/人))]塏高淨也)法徒尊大。 攄已之憾(攎舒也)悖乎楊言。 駟不及舌。 陷乎邪黨。 哀哉。 然有過乎信者。 如齊文慧太子竟陵王。 梁高祖陳文宣二帝。 魏文成.獻文.孝文.齊高洋(北齊也。 此諸信等皆見弘明集)或開演金偈。 或捐擲寶位。 或縱民入道。 或竭國起寺(今大宋皇帝造金銀字大藏經數藏。 彫藏經印板一十三萬餘板。 嚴飾天下寺舍。 每年祠部牒度僧八千餘人也。 太宗初登極度天下係帳童子出家)其有過於不信者。 如拓跋(魏武燾)宇文(周武)崔皓(後魏)傅弈(唐初)為災孽魃彗焉。 其有君主議及沙汰者。 此實絜揚清之美。 非不信之士也。 昔桓玄教曰(教令也)沙門有能申述經誥。 暢說義理。 戒禁修整。 足以宣紀大化其有違於此者。 悉令罷道。 遠公與桓公書曰。 佛教陵遲。 穢雜日久。 每一尋至。 慨憤盈懷。

Conduct serves as the model for the times (The Buddha Dharma is entrusted to kings and ministers. Whenever officials in office or scholars of talent and learning offer their protection, the Three Jewels wherever present especially rely on being supported and honored. Their great talent and exalted rank are valued for propagating and guarding the religion. It means a plumbline; a model law). Those who accord are guided and assisted; those who rebel are struck and combated (Assisted means taking by the arm. Those who have faith and accord are taken by the arm and led; those who lack faith are struck, combated, and reprimanded). This enables the weak and lost to know where to turn, and like those who 'eat mulberries, to cherish a sweet voice' (When the yellow oriole eats mulberries its voice becomes beautiful; this is like hearing the Dharma and faithfully revering it). This forms the solid defense of metal walls and boiling moats for the Buddha Dharma (Relying on honored officials as external protectors, the Buddha Dharma has defenses like walls and moats), so that those who attack it never fail to be defeated, their discipline broken and their armies destroyed (If an external faction attacks, they are invariably and spontaneously overthrown and broken). Now, when difficulties are raised against the lineage of Śākya, why is it that Buddhists themselves cannot avert them? (When outsiders raise difficulties against the teachings of Śākya and one cites Śākya's teachings in response, what is the reason that they cannot avoid or deflect the difficulty?) This is like yin erring in its seasonal order, which requires the blazing sun to dry it; or yang erring in its seasonal order, which requires torrents of rain to shower down upon it (Protracted rain is an error of yin, which must have bright weather to be resolved. Protracted drought is an error of yang, which must have sweet rain to resolve it). If yin is aided by yin, or scalded water is aided by yang, then the nine years of flood and the seven years of drought would not be considered excessive (Yao suffered nine years of flood; Tang had seven years of drought). Therefore, as for the worthy and virtuous of antiquity: without status, how could they have authority? Without rewards, how could they bring joy? Without eloquence, how could they inspire faith? In their responses and counterarguments, many cited the teachings of Śākya as proof, which conversely fueled their opponents' arrogance (If in answering difficulties one only cites one's own teaching as evidence, it is like aiding yin with yin or aiding yang with yang). Thus, smoothing out difficulties, pacifying violence, bringing back the confused, and taking advantage of disorder, they thwarted the eloquence of Gongsun Long (Smoothing out means pacifying. Taking advantage of disorder means seizing victory. Gongsun Long was a man of Zhao. Yu Xiang thought to request the enfeoffment of Pingyuan on account of Handan; Long dissuaded him through quick eloquence. Later accounts state that Long had the debate of the 'White Horse') and cut short the slander of Shusun (Shusun Wushu slandered Zhongni [Confucius]. Zigong said, 'The Master cannot be slandered. The worthiness of others is like mounds and hills; the worthiness of the Master is like the sun and moon: none can surpass them'). Although there are those in square robes [monks], none compare to those who wear the ceremonial caps [court scholars] (Those who wear ceremonial caps are Ruist scholars; when someone slandered the Master, they could immediately counter it. How could Buddhist disciples in square robes, when encountering slander of their teacher, fail to offer an answer? Is this not shameful? They must rely on learning. Square robes refers to the kāṣāya). Formerly, He Chengtian composed the *Treatise on Penetrating Nature*, and Yan Yanzhi refuted it (Both were court officials of the Song; Yan was Guanglu Daifu. He had literary talent and was fond of drinking wine). Fan Zhen constructed the doctrine of the extinction of body and soul, and Shen Yue interrogated it (He was a worthy scholar of the Liang dynasty; the text is in the *Hongming ji*). Therefore, jackals and wolves cannot be subdued without a lion, and serpents and swine cannot be cut down without the sword Moye. When the scriptures refer to 'external protectors', if a person is truly like this (Truly like this means relying on a faithful mind as external support, being verified as such), then they do not lose that name. Alas! There are Heaven and Earth, there is generation and growth, there are those who believe, and there are those who do not believe (Since Heaven and Earth create and transform, there are myriad things and human relationships. Within human relationships there are believers and non-believers, because their sentiments differ). Among the believers were Han Xianzong (the second ruler of the Later Han, Emperor Ming), Fu Wuzhong (Fu Yi), the Great Emperor of Wu (Sun Quan), Zhi and Kan (Zhi Qian and Kan Ze), and in the Eastern Jin down to the end of its mandate, men like Wang Meng, Xi Chao, Xu Xun, and Xie Shang; in the Song, Wen and Ming, as well as the imperial princes and the peers of He [Shangzhi] and Yan [Yannian]; in the Wei, Zonggong; in the Southern Qi, Liu Qiu; in the Liang, the sovereign and ministers as well as Tao the Recluse (Tao Jingchun, style-name Yinjü, called the Zhenbai Hermit); and in the Northern Qi, Yan Zhitui (these were all men of deep faith). As for the non-believers, there were in the Jin, Cai Mo (style-name Daoming, of the Eastern Jin; the Eastern [Jin] Emperor ordered him to compose a eulogy praising the Buddha, but he firmly refused, speaking slander against the Buddha; he was sent to the judicial court and stripped of rank to become a commoner); in the illegitimate Zhao, Wang Du; in the Song, Zhou Lang and Yu Yuan; in the Wei, Zhang Puji, Li Yang, and Yang Xuanzhi; in the Qi, Liu Zhou; and in the Liang, Xun Ji (these were men who truly slandered the teaching and lacked faith). Now, believers are quiet and focused in one mind, their clarity exhausting the ten thousand transformations; or, not having yet forgotten worldly existence, they seek retribution and give offerings, valuing the principle of cause and conditions and strengthening a reverent and observant mind; in retreat they suffer no cruelty of being cast into a moat, and advancing they attain the beauty of contained brilliance (A moat is a pit; as if being cast into a pit). As for the non-believers, the function of their spirit is not open, their vulgar consciousness and turbid thoughts are petty; or they despise the loftiness and extravagance of banners and pagodas, the vast depth of the Dharma texts, the elevation and purity of monastic dwellings (The character variant means high and clean), and the venerated stature of Dharma followers. Venting their resentment (Venting means expressing), they utter rebellious words, but a team of four horses cannot overtake the tongue; thus they fall into deviant cliques—how lamentable! However, there were also those whose faith went to excess, such as Crown Prince Wenhui and the Prince of Jingling in the Qi; Emperor Gaozu [Wu] of the Liang; Emperors Wen and Xuan of the Chen; Emperors Wencheng, Xianwen, and Xiaowen of the Wei; and Gao Yang of the Qi (Northern Qi; all these accounts of believers appear in the *Hongming ji*). Some expounded golden verses; some cast aside the jewel throne; some permitted the common people to enter the monastic life; and some exhausted their state to build temples (The present Emperor of the Great Song has produced several sets of the Great Canon in gold and silver script, carved over one hundred and thirty thousand printing blocks for the Canon, adorned the temples across the realm, and annually grants ordination certificates from the Ministry of Sacrifices to over eight thousand monks; when Taizong first ascended the throne, he ordained youths registered throughout the realm to leave home). There were also those whose lack of faith went to excess, such as the Tuoba (Emperor Wu [Tuoba Tao] of the Wei), the Yuwen (Emperor Wu of the Northern Zhou), Cui Hao (Later Wei), and Fu Yi (early Tang), who acted as calamity-breeding draught demons and ominous comets. As for sovereigns who deliberated on weeding out the clergy, this was truly the virtue of purifying and promoting the clean; they were not men without faith. Formerly, Huan Xuan issued an edict saying (An edict is an official decree), 'Among śramaṇas, those who can expound the scriptures and decrees, elucidate the doctrinal principles, and maintain the precepts in an orderly manner, suffice to proclaim the great transformation. All those who violate this shall be ordered to leave the monastic life.' Master [Hui]yuan sent a letter to Duke Huan, saying: 'The Buddha's teachings have fallen into decline; corruption and impurities have grown for days on end. Every time my reflections turn to this, indignation fills my breast.'

English (machine translation) (machine translation)

10.2.3

常恐運出非意淪湑將及(淪湑漸漬也)竊見清澄諸道人教實應本心。 夫涇以渭分。 則清濁殊勢。 枉以直正。 則不仁自遠。 此命既行。 則二理斯得。 然後令飾偽者絕假道之路。 懷真者無負俗之嫌。 道俗交通。 三寶復隆矣(古者沙汰總有二意。 一為崇重教門惡其渝濫。 故澄汰姦冗務令清淨。 宋世祖.王度.顏延之.蕭暮之.周朗.虞愿.張普惠李瑒.衛元嵩.顧觀.那子才.高道讓.盧思道.唐高祖十四人也。 二為憎嫉昌顯危身挾怨。 故須除蕩以暢胸襟。 魏太武.周高祖.蔡暮.劉晝.楊衒之.荀濟章.仇于陀.劉惠琳.范縝.傅弈.王文同十一人。 實心毀滅也)玄教於是不及廬山。 夫血胎粒食者。 信不信何二焉。 但人稟五材正氣者。 必保乎正性正命(賢者稟五行之清氣)克昭懋行(能明勉勵之行)其憑福田。 故乃信也。 稟冷氣者。 必僻恣淫愎(愎悷也)滅沒天理。 其假禍亡。 故不信也。 若使唐虞元凱夏殷伊傅(唐虞堯舜也。 元凱十六相。 夏禹殷湯也。 伊尹傳說也)周之十亂(亂治也。 太公周公召公畢公榮公南宮括散宜生太顛閻天文母十人也)漢之三傑(張良。 蕭何。 韓信)仰眄金容。 俯聆玉軸。 則未甞不信。 興五內言動群有彼何然。 蓋為善惟日不足故也(此等雖未偶教興。 若遇之心大崇信也)若使桀.紂.莊.跖.陽貨.子臧.視之。 瞽如聽之聵如(桀夏□也。 紂殷□□也。 莊蹻楚蜀惡賊盜跖魯暴賊。 陽貨季桓子家臣暴虐於魯。 子臧鄭子臧也。 瞽聞善不足化也)彼何哉然。 蓋凶人為不善。 亦惟日不足故也。 惟生之有涯。 體非金石。 樂未備志。 哀以繼之。 老聖稱身為大患。 仲尼嘆交臂若失(浮生流速何足貴也)而釋教何讎誠心務損不為福始。 而處禍先真所謂能惡不能善之失也。 若彼果有。 雖欲自絕。 何傷於日月乎(若彼教門所說。 因果實本有。 汝縱毀之亦何能傷其道。 子貢曰。 人雖欲自絕。 何傷於日月乎)若彼果無。 慕立虛善。 足以遠害(若佛教所說因果之事本無。 虛求善譽。 亦足遠害也)夫虛去殺猶愈屠釣。 虛輟財猶愈竊盜。 虛潔己猶愈濁濫。 帷箔不修(謂不治閨門)況孰知其必不虛哉。 而釋教竊財貨財也。 食肉貨肉也。 害人貨要目領也(貨賣交易也。 今切他財。 當亦還財。 今食其肉。 當亦被他食。 今害人之要日領當却遭害。 是交易之道也。 領項也)苟使不貨。 善則實矣(誠能不盜不殺等。 稱自為善。 其事實也)其言既實。 其人豈虛乎。 佛圖澄.衡岳思大。 能遠視多生(皆得先觀)支林.道安能。 博識強學。 劉遺民.劉虬。 弓旌不顧(皆晉之高士。 辭榮者也。 古招士以弓旌也)許詢.宗炳。 襤縷畢歲。 豈佛法無其實。 而能使彼建志不拔耶(此皆賢明之士。 情豈謬哉)昔武德初。 大臣不圖邇臣希旨(高祖時。 傅弈以唐出李姓。 以老子為祖。 遂譖之令澄汰也)。 以帝系發自玄元。 文明廣大與天下咸一。 將害我教。 蜂蠆且毒。 貝錦有章(貝錦文飾之詞也)惟帝時聰明終罔攸蔽(罔無也。 攸所也。 蔽暗也。 傅弈等雖扇惑聖。 聰帝無所暗蔽也)彼娼嫉不克彥聖之夫(娼貪也。 嫉蠧也。 克勝也。 彥聖法淋道宣等。 彼傅弈情雖貪蠧。 終不能勝彼者也)庸[倖-干+貝]其德。 無所膚浸(僨僵也。 用殕其兇德使浸潤之譖。 膚受之愬不能行焉)杲杲愛日。 將墜復舉。 靄靄油雲。 既散又族(佛日沈而又明。 慧雲散而復聚)實有唐宗廟社稷之靈也。 克保于子孫黎民之福也。 夫天地邦域。 以元牧司之(天生蒸民樹之司牧)以鬼神綏之(綏安也。 神者聰明正直福善禍淫者也)苟人君失理。 則靈神是捨(神尼傳。 宇文氏毀滅佛法。 神尼見善神皆西去。 後果國滅也。 近柴氏毀鎮州銅大悲。

"I always feared that change would arise unexpectedly and ruin would be upon us (ruin: gradually being submerged). I have observed that the teaching of purifying and purging the various followers of the Way truly accords with the original intent. When the Jing is distinguished by the Wei, the clear and the muddy are differentiated in their tendencies. When the crooked is corrected by the straight, unbenevolence naturally recedes. Once this order is carried out, then both principles will be realized. Thereafter, let those who feign and dissemble have their path of false pretense cut off, and let those who cherish truth have no suspicion of turning their backs on the world. The religious and the secular will interact, and the Three Jewels will flourish once more." (In ancient times, siftings and purgings generally had two intentions: The first was to revere and honour the teaching, hating its deterioration and excess, hence purifying and eliminating treacherous and superfluous individuals, striving to bring about purity. Emperor Shizu of the Song, Wang Du, Yan Yanzhi, Xiao Mozhi, Zhou Lang, Yu Yuan, Zhang Puhui, Li Yang, Wei Yuansong, Gu Guan, Xing Zicai, Gao Daorang, Lu Sidao, and Emperor Gaozu of the Tang—these fourteen men were of this kind. The second was to loathe and envy its prosperity and prominence, endangering oneself to nurse grudges, hence seeking eradication to vent their spleen: Emperor Taiwu of the Northern Wei, Emperor Gaozu of the Northern Zhou, Cai Mu, Liu Zhou, Yang Xuanzhi, Xun Ji, Zhangchou Yutuo, Liu Huilin, Fan Zhen, Fu Yi, and Wang Wentong—these eleven men truly had the intention to destroy it.) Thereupon, the mysterious teaching did not extend [its purge] to Mount Lu. Now, among those born of blood and wombs who feed on grain, how can there be two sorts regarding faith and disbelief? It is simply that those humans who receive the correct qi of the Five Elements surely protect their upright nature and upright destiny (worthy individuals receive the clear qi of the Five Elements), and are able to make manifest diligent practice (able to illuminate efforts in cultivation); they rely on the field of merit, and thus they believe. Those who receive cold and turbid qi are surely perverse, unrestrained, lascivious, and obstinate (obstinate: refractory), obliterating heavenly principles; they avail themselves of calamity and perish, and thus they do not believe. If Tang [Yao], Yu [Shun], the Yuankai, Yu of Xia, Tang of Yin, Yi [Yin], and Fu [Yue] (Tang and Yu are Yao and Shun; the Yuankai are the sixteen ministers; Xia and Yin are Yu and Tang; Yi and Fu are Yi Yin and Fu Yue), the ten capable ministers of Zhou (to bring order is to govern: the Grand Duke, the Duke of Zhou, the Duke of Shao, the Duke of Bi, the Duke of Rong, Nangong Kuo, Sanyi Sheng, Tai Dian, Hong Yao, and the Mother of King Wen—these ten people), and the Three Heroes of the Han (Zhang Liang, Xiao He, and Han Xin) were to look up at the golden countenance and bend down to listen to the jade scrolls, they would never have failed to believe. When their innermost feelings were aroused to speak and act for all beings, why was it so? It is because in doing good, they only felt the days were not enough (though these people did not happen upon the flourishing of the teaching, had they encountered it, their hearts would have deeply revered and believed it). If Jie, Zhou, Zhuang Qiao, Bandit Zhi, Yang Huo, and Zicang were to look at it, they would be as though blind; if they were to listen to it, they would be as though deaf (Jie of the Xia; Zhou of the Yin; Zhuang Qiao was an evil bandit of Chu and Shu; Bandit Zhi was a violent bandit of Lu; Yang Huo was a household retainer of Ji Huanzi who was violent and oppressive in Lu; Zicang was Zicang of Zheng; being blind, hearing good is insufficient to transform them). Why was it so for them? It is because when evil people do unwholesomeness, they too only feel the days are not enough. Indeed, life has its limits; the body is not made of metal and stone. Before one's joy fulfills one's aspirations, grief follows upon it. The ancient sage [Laozi] called the physical body a great calamity; Confucius sighed that brushing arms [with passing time] was like losing it (a floating life passes so swiftly, how is it worth prizing?). What grudge does one have against the Buddhist teaching, to sincerely devote oneself to harming it, not initiating good fortune but putting oneself first in calamity? This is truly what is called the failing of being able to do evil but unable to do good. If that [doctrine of karmic] fruition really exists, even if one wishes to cut oneself off from it, how could it harm the sun and the moon? (If that which is taught in the doctrinal school—that cause and effect truly exist intrinsically—even if you slander it, how could you harm its Way? Zigong said: "Though a man wishes to cut himself off, how could he harm the sun and the moon?") Even if that [karmic] fruition did not exist, aspiring to establish nominal goodness would still suffice to keep away harm (even if the matter of cause and effect taught by Buddhism originally did not exist, merely pursuing the empty reputation of goodness would still suffice to keep away harm). Ceasing to kill in vain is still better than slaughtering and angling; relinquishing wealth in vain is still better than thieving; purifying oneself in vain is still better than corruption, excess, and unseemly conduct behind inner curtains (referring to not regulating the household). How much more so since who knows that it is definitely not vain? In the Buddhist teaching: stealing wealth incurs debt in wealth; eating meat incurs debt in meat; harming a person incurs debt in one's vital organs, eyes, and neck (debt means commercial exchange: stealing another's wealth now, one must repay wealth; eating another's meat now, one must be eaten by others; harming another's vital organs, eyes, and neck now, one will in turn suffer harm; this is the way of exchange; neck means the throat). If one does not incur debt, goodness is then real (if one can truly refrain from stealing, killing, etc., and claim to do good, its reality is genuine). Since its words are real, how could its persons be vain? Fotudeng and the Great Master [Hui]si of Mount Heng could look far into their many past lives (both attained earlier visions); Zhi Daolin and Dao'an were vastly learned and possessed formidable scholarship; Liu Yimin and Liu Qiu paid no heed to summons by bow and banner (all were lofty scholars of the Jin who declined worldly glory; in antiquity, scholars were summoned with bow and banner); Xu Xun and Zong Bing wore tattered rags to the end of their years. If the Buddhadharma had no reality, how could it make them establish their determination so immovably? (These were all worthy and bright scholars; how could their sentiments have been mistaken?) Formerly, in the beginning of the Wude era, great ministers did not plan, while close ministers flattered the imperial will (during the time of Emperor Gaozu, Fu Yi, because the Tang royal house bore the surname Li, took Laozi as their ancestor, and thereupon slandered it, ordering a purification and purge). Because the imperial lineage originated from Xuanyuan, and its brilliant culture was vast and unified with all under heaven, they intended to harm our teaching; the bees and scorpions were venomous, and the woven brocade had its patterns (woven brocade means embellishing words). Yet the emperor's intelligence and sagacity at the time were never obscured (never: without; obscured: darkened; though Fu Yi and others stirred and misled the sage, the emperor's intelligence was not darkened in any way). Those who were greedy and envious could not overcome the virtuous and sagacious men (greedy: covetous; envious: harmful; overcome: surpass; the virtuous and sagacious were Falin, Daoxuan, and others; though Fu Yi's intentions were covetous and harmful, he ultimately could not surpass them). In vain their evil virtues fell, and the soaking slander found nowhere to seep (fell: collapsed; in vain their malicious virtues collapsed, so that soaking slander and skin-deep grievances could not be enacted). The bright, cherished sun was about to set, but rose again; the thick, dense clouds, having dispersed, gathered once more (the Buddha-sun sank and then shone again; the clouds of wisdom dispersed and then re-gathered). This was truly due to the spiritual efficacy of the ancestral temples and altars of soil and grain of the Tang, which preserved the blessings of their descendants and the common people. Now, the domains of heaven and earth are governed by the supreme shepherd (Heaven gives birth to the multitudes and establishes shepherds to govern them), and pacified by the ghosts and spirits (pacified: calmed; spirits are bright, upright, blessing the good and bringing calamity upon the licentious). If the ruler of men loses the proper principle, the numinous spirits will abandon him (In the Biographies of Divine Nuns, when the Yuwen family destroyed the Buddhadharma, a divine nun saw the benevolent deities all departing to the west; afterwards, the state was indeed destroyed. Recently, the Chai clan destroyed the bronze Great Compassionate One in Zhenzhou...)

English (machine translation) (machine translation)

10.2.4

致惡疾而終也)不保于山川。 山川匪寧。 則災禍作矣故天反其常。 地載其妖。 人懷其亂。 稼穡病矣(山崩川竭。 星辰失度。 地動山鳴。 賊盜競起。 妖怪作興。 水旱為沴也)粢盛何有焉。 昔桀紂周幽(桀夏癸也寵末嬉。 紂殷辛也寵姐己。 周幽寵褒姒。 皆以美色昏亂朝政。 而失天下也)酒池肉林。 作奇技淫巧。 以悅婦人(紂有酒池肉林醩山脯丘。 有炮烙之刑。 斮朝涉之脛。 剖賢人之心。 刳剔孕婦等)為虐不及於神祇。 尚山崩川震。 星流鬼哭。 況剪除善道。 萬靈無依。 詎得鳴鳳造于郊玉燭為之調太階如砥乎(堯時鳳巢阿閣。 四時和謂之玉燭)于時高業沙門慧淨。 法琳洎宿儒望彥。 瑤華疊綷(綷五色之文也。 子對反)金奏諧響。 懷之以德。 強之以義。 淬礪矛斧。 傾塞巢穴。 有門下典儀李師政。 撰內德通命正邪論三篇。 舉其所惑。 詳校黜剝(文在古弘明集第十四卷也)文而有據最備斯作足以毘贊真門。 闡楊玄極。 後世觀者宜杜口塞淵。 不復疑謗。 但文沈隱不為凡淺之所知也(近代有歸正論。 及釋教廢興記等。 亦其事也)且忠臣孝子。 宜徼福防害(繳求也)以保君親。 敬恭禱祀。 精謹藥石。 何必知其無益而故務也(只如秦皇好道。 漢帝求仙。 或變金銀抂燒鈆录竟有何成者也)揆其無傷而故犯也。 禮云。 疑事無質如崔皓率己專斷。 以貽君親之戚(魏武以惡疾而終。 崔皓戮尸者也)安得崔也。 謂之忠孝乎。 今有蓬心之士。 尚欲與崔何其昏也(與者許也)覆軌之跡。 孰得貳焉。 若以東漢已前世未有佛。 家國自寧。 今宜復其昔者(此牒外人難也)則義軒已前未有文字。 天下遂性(羲軒前未有文字。 帝道無為自理也)姬孔漸滋。 人用梏械(所以拘手足也)殆于瘥札(瘥小死也。 札大死也則今疫癘之疾也)秦正坑之。 亦何罪也(秦正始皇也。 三十四年。 博士淳于越奏。 令封子弟為諸侯。 李斯云。 諸生不師古而學古非兩世。 諸非秦記皆燒之。 諸有藏詩書及百家語悉燒。 偶語詩書者死)若以四夷之人𦌎弋鮮食(𦌎免網也。 弋以生絲線繫箭而射鳥。 夫子弋不射宿也)孰為施戒(四夷之人以殺戮為耕作何有施戒事也)而世襲穹廬者(穹廬蕃帳)則四夷之民。 何甞有姬孔之教。 行於禮義。 而君臣父子繼焉。 是則姬孔亦可廢也(東漢已前無佛法。 東漢已前國自理。 四夷之國無儒教。 四夷之國亦自理。 佛教如可廢。 則儒教亦可廢也)若以平施俾家給人足(謂普施賙急也)不必在乎齊戒者。 誠亦驅其人於塗炭矣(若不持齊戒而施。 則以殺盜淫等惠人是也)夫慈心惠下。 宗廟不修。 不得謂之孝也(慈雖及下。 敬不及祖。 豈曰孝乎)豐物恣惡。 香火不修。 不得謂之福也(如殺馬祭天等)其無孝無福而望人安固。 如憑攸枿而待蔭者也(枿斷樹之餘也。 殺命求福。 如依無葉之樹。 豈有蔭也)若以佛無形響。 復不可奉者。 則郊祀先王先公。 孰有見聞而敦其禮乎(考祖亦無見聞。 何故祀之)若以鬼神不實。 先儒但導人為敬者。 則何患佛教不實。 而使人為善耶。 但謗者構惡不盈耳。 不足以駭聽。 聽者聞惡不暢心。 不足以承謗。 故聽與謗。 其過均矣。 而氛囂之世。 愛則廣其美。 惡則厚其過。 夫有虞氏仁孝之宗也。 汲冢以平陽之變。 非揖讓而取也(汲冢書云。 舜囚堯於平陽。 以奪其位。 非受禪也。 今見有囚堯城也)伊尹人臣之表也。 汲冢以桐宮反刺乃復夏政也(伊尹相太甲。 太甲不用伊尹之訓。 伊尹放之桐宮。 三年俟其改過。 乃歸復其位。 以盡仁臣之道。 今汲冢書云。 伊尹放太甲于桐宮。 太甲自竇中潛出。 殺伊尹而自立。 與尚書之文全別)凡是非徑侹之論。 何有窮乎。 故當承堯典殷書乃可經矣。 仲尼曰。

[...contracting a foul disease and died.) They could not protect the mountains and rivers. When mountains and rivers are not at peace, disasters and calamities arise. Therefore, heaven reverses its normal course, earth brings forth anomalies, people harbor rebellion, and the crops are blighted (mountains collapse and rivers run dry; the stars lose their courses, the earth quakes and mountains rumble, bandits and thieves arise in competition, monsters and prodigies appear, and floods and droughts become pestilential). How could there be grain for sacrificial vessels? Formerly, Jie, Zhou, and King You of Zhou (Jie was Gui of the Xia, who favored Meixi; Zhou was Xin of the Yin, who favored Daji; King You of Zhou favored Baosi; all of them confounded state affairs with female beauty and lost the world), with ponds of wine and forests of meat, devised strange arts and wanton contrivances to please women (Zhou had ponds of wine and forests of meat, dregs piled as hills and dried meats as mounds; he had the punishment of the roasting pillar, cut through the shins of morning-waders, cut open the hearts of worthy men, and ripped open pregnant women). Their cruelty did not yet extend to the spirits and gods, yet mountains still collapsed and rivers shook, stars fell like rain and ghosts wailed. How much more so when the good Way is sheared away and eradicated, so that the myriad spirits have nothing to rely upon—how could singing phoenixes arrive in the suburbs, the jade candle regulate [the seasons] accordingly, and the grand steps [of the stars] be as flat as a whetstone? (In the time of Yao, phoenixes nested in the palace eave-pavilions; the harmony of the four seasons is called the jade candle.) At that time, śramaṇas of eminent attainment such as Huijing and Falin, together with senior Ruists and renowned scholars, layered jade-flower patterns (cui means five-colored patterns; pronounced zi-dui) and harmonized the sounds of metal bells; they attracted them with virtue, strengthened them with righteousness, sharpened their spears and axes, and overturned and blocked up their lairs. There was Li Shizheng, an usher of the Chancellery, who composed the Neide tongming zhengxie lun in three scrolls, citing their perplexities and examining and stripping them down in detail (this text is in the fourteenth fascicle of the Gu hongming ji). Being literary and grounded in evidence, it is the most complete among these works; it is sufficient to assist the true gate and elucidate the profound pinnacle. Later viewers should stop their mouths and plug their deep springs, never again doubting or slandering. It is only because the text is profound and concealed that it is not understood by the shallow and ordinary (in recent times there are also the Gui zheng lun and the Shijiao feixing ji, which are matters of the same sort). Moreover, loyal ministers and filial sons should seek blessings and ward off harm (jiao means to seek) to protect their lord and parents, respectfully offer sacrifices and prayers, and take meticulous care with medicines and minerals. Why must one deliberately pursue them knowing them to be of no benefit? (Just like the First Emperor of Qin loving the Dao or Emperor Wu of Han seeking immortals, or transmuting gold and silver and vainly burning lead and cinnabar—what did they ultimately accomplish?) Or deliberately commit offenses reckoning they will do no harm? The Rites says: "Doubtful matters should not be determined arbitrarily." If, like Cui Hao, one follows one's own whim and decides arbitrarily, thereby bequeathing grief to one's lord and parents (Emperor Taiwu of Wei died of a foul disease, and Cui Hao's corpse was subjected to execution), how can Cui be called loyal or filial? Nowadays there are men of narrow and entangled minds who still wish to approve of Cui; how benighted they are! (Yu means to approve.) When tracking the overturned wagon, who could dare take a second turn? If one maintains that before the Eastern Han there was no Buddha in the world, yet the families and the state were spontaneously peaceful, and thus nowadays we should revert to that past (this is to cite the opponent's challenge), then before Fuxi and Shennong there was no writing, yet the realm followed its natural dispositions (before Fuxi and the Yellow Emperor there was no writing, and the imperial Way governed itself through non-action). With King Ji and Confucius writing gradually multiplied, and people were shackled and fettered (shackles are used to bind the hands and feet) to the point of pestilence and death (cha means minor death; zha means mass death, which refers to contemporary epidemic plagues). When Qin Shi Huang buried them in pits, what crime was that either? (Qin Zheng was the First Emperor. In his thirty-fourth year, Erudite Chunyu Yue presented a memorial proposing that the imperial sons and younger brothers be enfiefed as feudal lords. Li Si said: "The scholars do not take the present as their master, but study antiquity to criticize the present age. All chronicles not of Qin are to be burned; all who store the Songs, Documents, and sayings of the hundred schools are to have them burnt entirely. Those who speak in pairs of the Songs and Documents shall be put to death.") If one maintains that the people of the four barbarian tribes, hunting with nets and shooting birds with stringed arrows to eat raw meat (ju is a net for catching hares; yi is shooting birds with an arrow tied with raw silk cord; Confucius used a stringed arrow but did not shoot roosting birds), have no one who gives charity or keeps precepts (the people of the four barbarian tribes treat slaughter as their farming; how could they have matters of giving and precepts?), yet their generations inherit felt yurt tents (qionglu means barbarian tents), then when did the people of the four barbarian tribes ever have the teachings of King Ji and Confucius practicing rituals and righteousness, yet their lines of lords and ministers, fathers and sons, continue uninterrupted? If so, then King Ji and Confucius could also be abolished! (Before the Eastern Han there was no Buddhist Dharma, and before the Eastern Han the state governed itself; the states of the four barbarian tribes have no Ruist teachings, and the states of the four barbarian tribes also govern themselves. If Buddhism could be abolished, then Ruism could also be abolished.) If one maintains that general charity provides for households and satisfies individuals (meaning wide charity to relieve emergencies), so that it need not consist in fasting and precepts, this truly drives people into the mire and ashes (if one gives without observing the fast and precepts, this is to benefit people through killing, stealing, debauchery, and the like). Now, to have a compassionate heart that benefits inferiors while neglecting to cultivate the ancestral temple cannot be called filial (though compassion reaches subordinates, respect does not reach ancestors; how can this be called filial?). To indulge in evil amidst abundant wealth while neglecting incense and lamps cannot be called blessed (such as slaughtering horses to sacrifice to Heaven). To expect people to be secure and stable while lacking both filiality and blessing is like relying on a lopped stump to await shade (nie is the remnant of a felled tree; seeking blessing by killing life is like relying on a leafless tree—how could there be shade?). If one maintains that because the Buddha has neither physical form nor audible voice he cannot be worshipped, then when offering suburban sacrifices to the former kings and former dukes, who has ever seen or heard them, yet still accords them sincere rites? (One has neither seen nor heard the deceased ancestors either; why sacrifice to them?) If one maintains that ghosts and spirits are not real, and the former Ruists merely guided people to be respectful, then why worry that the Buddhist teachings might not be real, so long as they cause people to do good? It is merely that the evil fabricated by slanderers does not fill the ears, so it is insufficient to shock the listener; and when listeners hear evil, it does not delight their hearts, so it is insufficient to accept the slander. Therefore, the listener and the slanderer share equal fault. But in a noisy and turbid age, where there is love, people magnify its beauty; where there is hatred, they exaggerate its faults. Now, Youyu Shi (Emperor Shun) was the ancestor of benevolence and filiality, yet the Ji Tomb text claims that with the coup at Pingyang he took the throne not by abdication (the Ji Tomb texts say that Shun imprisoned Yao at Pingyang to seize his position, and did not receive the abdication; today there is still the City of Yao's Imprisonment). Yi Yin was the paragon of ministers, yet the Ji Tomb text claims that returning from Tong Palace he stabbed [Tai Jia] and restored the Xia regime (Yi Yin was prime minister to Tai Jia. Tai Jia did not follow Yi Yin's instructions, so Yi Yin exiled him to Tong Palace, waiting three years for him to reform his faults, and then restored him to his position, fulfilling the way of a benevolent minister. Nowadays the Ji Tomb texts say that Yi Yin exiled Tai Jia to Tong Palace, and Tai Jia secretly slipped out of a hole, killed Yi Yin, and established himself, which completely contradicts the text of the Shangshu). Where could there ever be an end to disputes over straight and crooked rights and wrongs? Therefore, one must uphold the Canon of Yao and the Books of Yin, and only then can one possess a classic standard. Confucius said:

English (machine translation) (machine translation)

10.2.5

攻乎異端斯害也矣(穿鑿之家。 害於正義也)夫何不然哉。 觀乎古今撰製(內教文章)多先貶周孔而降老莊。 以為能文者(如因明疏序等)此啟戶納盜怒敵惎黨之由也(惎教也。 比者怒道兼非儒教則是教。 道儒結黨為授也)夫一寇尚不可翫。 況結二寇之衝乎。 使敵果至矣。 桓桓赳赳。 以頑勁為干櫓。 以訾讟為矛槊。 憤憤悱悱。 欝干眦睚(眦睚怒也)致使愚則囅而抃。 仁則懣而疾(囅笑也。 抃舞也。 下愚聞而笑之。 懣愁恨也。 仁者見而惡之也)將欲鼓而壓之。 秉羽而來之(比欲鼓勢以壓之。 舉羽以招之。 皆不可也)實難能也。 夫泄[穴/(犮-乂+又)]之一熛。 始蔓草而烶於宮室。 邪夫之一勃。 始凡庸而上訕賢聖(竈[穴/友]之火。 能爇宮闈。 邪夫之謗。 安懼聖賢哉)何無善慎歟(無不也何不慎言也)古語云。 行無禮必自及(敬人者人必敬己。 陵人者人亦讎已)昔呂布(魏曹操下將)強袁渙令作書罵劉備渙曰。 唯德可以辱人不聞以罵。 彼固君子耶。 且不恥將軍之言(君子之道犯而不校)彼誠小人耶。 復將軍之意。 則辱在此不在彼矣。 故鳥窮則啄。 獸窮則攫(居縛反。 說文云。 爭持物也)人窮則詐。 馬窮則佚。 夫能使啄佚之不至者。 其唯上智哉。 是以當吾教昭夷之際。 孰不黨行余侮。 雖色怡於外。 而實腸結于內(夷傷也。 侮慢也。 像教既屬陵夷。 誰不朋扇。 侮慢者也。 儒道之士。 外雖恭順。 內結蛆嫉也)但果行育德。 陰搆默化。 漏彼所短。 悅彼所長。 百或其一。 味我道腴。 自然迴席(對彼二教。 但行恩德。 舉彼教之所長。 闕彼教之不足。 百人之內或偶一人。 味道餐風。 自然歸心者也)夫適裸國者。 解裳乃合(禹至裸國。 忻然解衣。 蓋順其俗也)且今人是此方之人。 儒道是此國之教。 其俗縱知不加於我。 亦姑各阿比其門(阿比朋黨也。 姑且也)鱗張角捍。 安得不美而從之。 婉而優之。 綏而遷之。 使悅而後服。 豈在庸言酬酢耶(所謂善戰不陣。 善閉無關者也)若以彼說不至極慮人不驟徙節於吾道者。 然聖人亦各當機御物。 如佛與提謂說人天福。 而大聖豈不欲令人盡至寂滅歟。 但居其辰不為利矣(縱說至教。 不契其根不利於他也)其老聖豈不欲令盡至沖漠歟。 所著二篇之經(道德二篇)兼辯治於家國。 俾濟世者不相抑廢(雖序道德。 不廢治國之法)仲尼豈不欲使人盡至皇道歟。 所修六典。 兼存霸王。 將苞舉而無遺也。 故覆燾莫大於天地。 變化莫大於聖人。 而實二教之於我。 贊而不害也。 吾之於二教。 統而有歸也。 何謂飲醇酎者不競。 咀糟粕者競焉(至人君子殊途同歸。 澆薄小人是非阿黨)但人多不自信己愚。 而於可誷則欣欣然(不知已愚。 而調所不及者)未知丹碧好抑揚藻繪。 未知鈆墨好毀稱篆隸。 未知禮樂好昇降法度。 未知宮羽好賞罰音律。 其有矚余此詞能無訧兮。 余之參玄私為適已也(就責也。 矚見也。 恐後人見參玄語錄而責於己。 今我蓋自取適性情。 而著述之也)不敢謂於君子也。 昭文之琴(文如海云古之善琴者也)是非兩至。 寧不鼓乎(不以人是非而不鼓之)夫蘧大夫五十。 知四十九年非(衛大夫蘧瑗。 字伯王。 見耕者問。 䵩牛赤牛何者力大。 耕夫不答。 直驅牛遠方。 答云。 二牛俱得力。 答不平恐有怨也。 蘧瑗云。 一農夫猶懼二牛之怨。 我今五十。 知四十九年之非也)孔宣父六十。 知五十九年非。 如余瑣焉耄與闔柩而已(闔棺蓋也)齊君懸賞。 以待諫慮失於治也(齊威王懸賞曰。 有面諫寡人者受上賞。 書諫者受中賞。 謗議於市朝者受下賞也)漢相貶爵以杜諫(蕭何以苑中之地貸法賈人。 高皇大怒。 何遂免冠徒跣以請罪。 帝乃釋之)審其能守也。

"To attack heterodoxy brings harm indeed!" (The schools that force strained interpretations harm the correct meaning.) How could it be otherwise? Observing ancient and modern compositions (writings of the inner teaching), many first disparage the Duke of Zhou and Confucius and demote Laozi and Zhuangzi, considering this to show literary capability (such as the prefaces to commentaries on Hetuvidyā). This is the reason why they open the doors and admit robbers, provoking enemies and inciting factions (to incite means to instruct; recently, angering Daoism while also criticizing Confucianism is instructing them, so Daoism and Confucianism form factions to give support). Even a single bandit must not be treated lightly, how much less can one face the brunt of two bandits uniting? If the enemy indeed arrives, valiant and martial, taking stubborn rigidity as their shields and slander and abuse as their spears and pikes, angry and resentful, seething with glared eyes (glared eyes denote anger), this causes the foolish to laugh and clap their hands, while the benevolent are sorrowful and pained (laughing means smiling; clapping means dancing; the utterly foolish hear it and laugh at it; sorrowful means grieving and hating; the benevolent see it and abhor it). Wishing to drum them down and suppress them, or waving feathers to beckon them (recently wishing to muster momentum to suppress them, or raising feathers to summon them, both are impossible), this is truly hard to achieve. Now, a single spark from the flue of a stove begins on creeping weeds and blazes up into the palace halls; a single outburst from a wicked man begins among the mediocre and ascends to slander the sages and worthies (the fire from the flue of a stove can burn the palace chambers; does the slander of a wicked man fear the sages and worthies?). How can one not be truly cautious? (Not being without means how could one not be cautious in speech?) An ancient saying goes: "If one behaves without propriety, it will surely rebound upon oneself" (one who respects others will surely be respected by others; one who insults others will also have others as enemies). Formerly, Lü Bu (a general under Cao Cao of Wei) forced Yuan Huan to compose a letter reviling Liu Bei. Huan said: "Only virtue can humiliate a person; I have never heard of doing so with revilement. If he is indeed a gentleman, he will not feel disgraced by the general's words (the way of the gentleman is that when offended, he does not retaliate); if he is truly a petty person, and retaliates with the general's intent, then the disgrace lies here and not there." Therefore, when birds are desperate they peck; when beasts are desperate they seize (pronounced *fu*; the *Shuowen* says: contending to grasp an object); when people are desperate they deceive; when horses are desperate they bolt. He who can prevent pecking and bolting from arising—is he not of the supreme wisdom alone? Therefore, when our teaching meets with decline and injury, who does not form factions to practice further insult? Though their expressions are genial on the outside, their bowels are knotted within (injury means damage; insult means contempt; as the image teaching has fallen into decline, who does not join in factions to despise and scorn it? The scholars of Confucianism and Daoism, though deferential and obedient on the outside, inwardly harbor malice and jealousy). Yet if one acts resolutely to cultivate virtue, working invisibly and transforming silently, passing over their shortcomings and taking pleasure in their strengths, perhaps one in a hundred will taste the richness of our Way and naturally change their seats (towards those two teachings, merely practice kindness and virtue, promote that teaching's strengths, and overlook that teaching's insufficiencies; within a hundred people, perhaps by chance one will taste the Way and partake of the breeze, naturally turning their hearts toward it). One who travels to the Land of the Naked removes his garments to conform (when Yu arrived at the Land of the Naked, he happily took off his clothes, which was conforming to their customs). Moreover, people today are people of this land, and Confucianism and Daoism are the teachings of this country. Even if their customs recognize that nothing surpasses us, each will still temporarily bias toward their own school (to bias means to form factions; temporarily means for the time being). Bristling like scales and butting like horns, how could one not praise and follow them, be gentle and accommodating to them, pacify and guide them, so that they submit with pleasure? Does it really consist in common verbal recriminations? (This is what is called: "He who excels at war does not form battle ranks; he who excels at closing has no bolts"). If one worries that their doctrines do not reach the ultimate and that people will not swiftly shift their allegiance to our Way, yet the sages also responded to each capacity to guide beings. For instance, the Buddha expounded the merits of humans and gods for Trapuṣa and Bhallika; could the Great Sage not have wished that everyone entirely reach quiescence and cessation? Yet residing in that circumstance, it would not have been beneficial (even if expounding the ultimate teaching, if it does not accord with their faculties, it will not benefit others). Could the Old Sage Laozi not have wished that all entirely reach the vast emptiness? In the classic of two chapters he composed (the two chapters on the Way and Virtue), he concurrently discussed governing the family and state, so that those who save the world would not suppress or discard them (though expounding the Way and Virtue, he did not discard the methods of governing the state). Could Confucius not have wished that people all entirely reach the imperial way? In the Six Canons he cultivated, he also preserved the hegemons and kings, aiming to encompass them comprehensively without omission. Therefore, nothing covers greater than Heaven and Earth, and nothing transforms greater than the sages; and in truth, the two teachings toward us support without harming; and we toward the two teachings unify and have a return. Why is it that those who drink pure mellow wine do not dispute, while those who chew on the dregs dispute? (The consummate persons and gentlemen reach the same goal by different routes; the frivolous and petty persons bicker over right and wrong and form factions). Yet most people do not believe in their own foolishness, and are gleeful about things they can deceive themselves about (not knowing one's own foolishness and criticizing what one cannot reach). Ignorant of cinnabar and malachite, they love to praise or decry painted patterns; ignorant of lead and ink, they love to disparage or extol seal and clerical scripts; ignorant of rites and music, they love to alter standards and laws; ignorant of the *gong* and *yu* tones, they love to appraise melodies and pitchpipes. If anyone observes these words of mine, could they be without blame? My engagement with the profundity is privately to satisfy myself (seeking blame; *zhu* means seeing; fearing that later generations seeing the records of engaging with the profundity will blame oneself, now I merely follow my own disposition and write this). I dare not address it to gentlemen. On Shi Wen's zither (Wen Ruhai says he was an ancient adept of the zither), praise and blame both arrived—would he thus not play it? (He would not refrain from playing because of people's praise or blame). Grand Master Qu at fifty knew the wrongs of forty-nine years (Grand Master Qu Yuan of Wei, styled Boyu, saw a plowman and asked: "Between the black ox and the red ox, which has greater strength?" The plowman did not answer, but drove the oxen far away and then answered: "Both oxen are equally strong; if I answered unequally, I feared there would be resentment." Qu Yuan said: "A single farmer still fears the resentment of two oxen. Now at fifty, I know the wrongs of forty-nine years"). Confucius at sixty knew the wrongs of fifty-nine years. As for a petty person like me, it remains only to grow senile and close the coffin lid (closing the coffin means putting the lid on). The lord of Qi hung up a reward to await remonstrance, fearing lapses in governance (King Wei of Qi hung up a reward saying: "Those who remonstrate with us face to face will receive the highest reward; those who submit written remonstrance will receive the middle reward; those who criticize in the marketplace and court will receive the lowest reward"). The Han chancellor demoted his own rank to stop remonstrances (Xiao He leased the land within the imperial park to merchants contrary to the law; Emperor Gaozu was furious, and He thereupon took off his cap and walked barefoot to plead guilty, upon which the emperor released him), examining whether he could abide by his duty.

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