北山錄 3.2.2

3.2.2

雖古有刳斮烹焚不甚此酷（昔商紂刳剔孕婦。 斮朝涉之脛置炮烙之刑。 焚炙忠良剖賢人之心。 若以比方未足為甚）慕勇濟惡。 克邁凶德（南山下有一人。 凶惡堪為獄卒。 召之父母未允。 遂殺之而來也）遇得道者以神力化之。 遽革乃過（初國中犯法罪人無輕重總入塗炭。 後有行至獄次即擒以誅戮。 時有沙門巡里乞食。 獄吏擒入。 沙門惶怖請乞禮懺七日。 俄見一人縛入斬截手足磔裂形骸。 見已深增悲悼。 成無常觀證無學果。 雖入鑊湯若在清池。 有大蓮花而為之座。 王聞騁觀深讚靈祐。 後殺獄主遂廢其獄也）大德毱多又以因果啟迪（啟開也。 迪道也。 第五祖優波毱多。 以因果而開導之也）重省增懼追思補復。 爰乃發八王之函甒。 樹八萬之靈剎（毱多自廢獄之後。 日加善誘。 廣說獻土之因如來懸記興建之功。 乃集鬼神。 勠力同心。 以八國共分收舍利。 命鬼神至期日日有隱蔽其狀如手。 宜下舍利日正中時。 羅漢伸手蔽日營建遂成矣）其王以施土之福功高位尊至於阿縱。 大天斥逐賢聖。 致令僧分二部（自大天入宮之後。 日受恩寵。 於說戒夜與僧相爭。 無憂王黨之。 乃分大眾上座二部也）佛法初破。 雖元惡大憝本不在已。 而為王者特無先鑒不得不均罪于厥躬也（自此法乖一味也。 元首也。 憝怨也。 蓋以王者不能定罪正非斯其咎也）申毒之北（毒漢書音篤。 即印度也。 或云賢亘。 唐言月也。 月有一千名。 群生淪迴不息長夜。 聖賢化之導物如月照夜。 以是立彼土名也）有健馱羅國（即北印度也。 去摩伽陀五百里。 無霜雪。 人好習藝敬外道。 無著天親生處）其王名迦膩色迦（佛滅後四百年）霸而有禮。 博而能信。 師謨脇羅漢（付法藏云。 波奢比丘曾生不臥脇不著席。 時人號脇尊者）詮鍊諸部品格同異。 撰大毘婆沙（二百卷）雖有國有君無時無僧居信而行信。 是謂不佞（口才曰佞。 為國之君居忠信而行敬信。 是謂不諂佞也。 王初不信罪福。 因獵見二牧童立窣堵波。 問之云。 佛記當有王於此收吾舍利。 大王宿殖已符遂信心深敬佛法也）緇素用之大業昭服（西國之人僧俗皆學此論也）近世戒日王斯亞矣（戒曰王即唐初時磨竭陀國王也。 亞次也）周秦世。 真源遐擁。 靈津綿阻。 主與道違。 朝不登賢。 伯陽尼父薎遭遇也（周秦之代。 孔老雖大賢皆不見用）商鞅李斯肆其酷也（皆暴酷之吏也俱不得其死）而釋氏慎厥艱故不至也（佛教未至者。 知其暴秦之艱難也。 然感化有時不可強也）且漢承秦弊馬上以取天下。 藉英雄之力乃成帝業（漢高祖仗三尺劍而取天下也）故使論功之際皆拔劍偶語。 高祖患之（漢五年會垓之後將封功。 而諸將競拔劍偶語。 高祖以雍齒。 曾射高祖有讎。 乃先封之諸將知有望乃定矣）是以叔孫通徵魯諸生。 修朝會之禮。 瞻皇帝輦輿。 百官莫不震恐。 式遏當時之弊。 以尊萬乘威儀（此乃尊天子而抑諸侯也）故太皇反拜（高祖父也）家令受賜。 自稱霸業。 貽厥孫謀。 皇王之風。 崇師降禮。 未有聞也（此前漢叔孫通等徵漢禮。 而未見尊師重道降禮自臣之事也）夫黃帝問道於廣成（軒轅問道於廣成子也）唐堯順風於具茨（堯王禮具茨先生並出南華真經）豈非至尊之事歟。 洎漢室中興。 帝莊丕顯（後漢第二主明帝名莊丕顯明也）賓于大鴻臚。 司於大宗伯（自西國摩騰等所來。 或安鴻臚寺。 或宗伯主之也）故支謙安清（支謙月氏國優婆塞。 字恭明。 漢未遊洛。 授業於支亮。 亮授於支讖。 世稱天下博知不出三支。 安清字世高。 安息國王子。 讓位出家漢桓元嘉元年至此也）德重緇倫。 而未為王侯所師友也。 雖楚王修仁聖之祠。 孝桓興華蓋之祭（皆漢諸王）亦但神佛而已矣。 未求仁祠華蓋之人也（但嚴其器也）魏因漢禮徵用奇尚。

Although of old there were disembowellings, amputations, boilings, and burnings, none surpassed this cruelty (in ancient times, King Zhou of Shang disembowelled pregnant women, severed the shins of morning-waders, instituted the punishment of the roasting pillar, burned and roasted the loyal and good, and cut out the hearts of worthy men; yet if compared to this, they were not yet extreme). Coveting valour to foster evil, he could surpass [all in] vicious virtue (beneath the Southern Mountain there was a man so ferocious and evil that he was fit to be an executioner-jailer; when summoned, his parents did not consent, so he killed them and came). Meeting one who had attained the Way, who transformed him through spiritual powers, he hastily reformed his errors (at first, all criminals in the realm who violated the law, whether light or heavy, were plunged into misery; later, anyone passing near the prison was seized and executed. At that time, a śramaṇa went round the neighbourhood begging for food; the prison guard seized and took him in. Terrified, the śramaṇa begged to worship and repent for seven days. Suddenly he saw a man brought in bound, his hands and feet severed, his body torn to pieces. Having seen this, he felt profound sorrow and grief, cultivated the contemplation of impermanence, and attained the fruit of an arhat [aśaikṣa]. Although cast into a boiling cauldron, he was as if in a clear pool, with a great lotus blossom as his seat. Hearing of this, the king rushed to observe it, profoundly praising the divine assistance. He later killed the prison warden and thereupon abolished the prison). The Venerable Gupta further enlightened and guided him through cause and effect (Gupta refers to "opening"; Guiding refers to "leading on the Way"; the Fifth Patriarch Upagupta opened and guided him by means of cause and effect). Reflecting deeply, his dread increased; looking back in contemplation, he sought to make amends. Thereupon he opened the urns of the eight kings and erected eighty thousand wondrous stūpas (after the prison was abolished, Gupta daily increased his skillful guidance, extensively expounding the karmic cause of offering earth and the Tathāgata's former prophecy of the merit of erecting stūpas; he then assembled spirits and gods, uniting their strength and mind, using the relics collected by the eight kingdoms together; he commanded the spirits and gods that when the appointed day arrived, the sun would be eclipsed in the shape of a hand; at midday, when it was fitting to deposit the relics, the arhat stretched forth his hand to block the sun, and the construction was thus completed). Because of the merit of offering earth, this king was exalted in stature and lofty in rank, yet he went so far as to indulge [evil]. Mahādeva expelled the worthy and holy, thereby causing the Saṅgha to divide into two schools (after Mahādeva entered the palace, he daily received favour and patronisation; on the night of the prātimokṣa recitation he disputed with the monks, and King Aśoka sided with him; thus it divided into the two schools of the Mahāsāṃghika and Sthavira). When the Buddha's Dharma was first fractured, although the primary culprit and great scourge did not originate with the king himself, nevertheless, as a ruler he was peculiarly devoid of foresight, and thus he cannot escape sharing the guilt in his own person (from this point on, the Dharma diverged from its single flavour. "Primary" means the head; "scourge" means resentment. It was because the sovereign could not determine guilt and correct wrongs that this fault occurred). To the north of Shendu (Du has the sound of "du" in the Han texts; that is to say, India; or called Xian-gen, which in the Tang language means "moon"; the moon has one thousand names; living beings drift and cycle endlessly in the long night, and the holy and worthy transform and guide creatures just as the moon illuminates the night; for this reason that land was named) lies the kingdom of Gandhāra (that is, North India; five hundred li from Magadha; without frost or snow; its people love practicing arts and honour non-Buddhists; it is the birthplace of Asanga and Vasubandhu). Its king was named Kaniṣka (four hundred years after the Buddha's nirvāṇa). Hegemonic yet possessing propriety, broadly knowledgeable yet capable of faith, he took the Arhat Pārśva as his model and master (The Record of the Transmission of the Dharma Treasury says: The bhikṣu Pārśva throughout his life never lay down, his ribs never touching the mat; contemporaries called him Venerable Pārśva). He compiled and refined the agreements and differences in the principles and doctrines of the various schools, and composed the Mahāvibhāṣā (in two hundred fascicles). Although states have kings and every age has monks, to abide in faith and practice faith—this is called not being fawning (glibness of speech is called "fawning"; for the ruler of a state to dwell in loyalty and faith and practice reverent faith is called not being flattery and fawning. The king at first did not believe in guilt and merit; while hunting he saw two cowherd boys building a stūpa; when he questioned them, they said: "The Buddha prophesied that here a king would enshrine my relics"; the great king's past planting of roots having matched this, he thereupon gave rise to faith and deeply revered the Buddha's Dharma). Clergy and laity made use of it, and the great undertaking was gloriously acclaimed (the people of the Western Lands, both monks and laity, all study this treatise). In recent times, King Harṣa is next to him (King Harṣa was the king of Magadha at the beginning of the Tang dynasty; "subordinate" means next). In the Zhou and Qin eras, the source of truth was distantly obstructed, and the spiritual ford was long barred. The sovereigns were at odds with the Way, and the court did not promote the worthy; Boyang and Nifu met with no recognition (in the Zhou and Qin eras, although Confucius and Laozi were great worthies, neither was employed). Shang Yang and Li Si gave free rein to their cruelty (they were both violent and cruel ministers, and neither met a natural death). And the lineage of the Śākya was prudent regarding such tribulations, and therefore did not arrive (that Buddhism did not arrive was because it knew the tribulations of the tyrannical Qin; however, transformation through resonance has its proper time and cannot be forced). Furthermore, the Han inherited the decay of the Qin, winning all under heaven on horseback; relying on the power of heroes, the imperial enterprise was accomplished (Emperor Gaozu of Han grasped a three-foot sword to win all under heaven). Thus, when discussing merits, [the generals] all drew their swords and whispered in pairs; Gaozu was troubled by this (in the fifth year of Han, after the battle of Gaixia, when he was about to enfeoff for merits, the generals vied with each other, drawing their swords and whispering in pairs; Gaozu, because Yong Chi had once shot at him and was an enemy, enfeoffed him first; when the generals knew there was hope, they settled down). For this reason, Shusun Tong summoned the scholars of Lu to establish the rituals for the imperial audience. Looking up to the emperor's carriage, not one of the hundred officials failed to tremble in awe; this checked the abuses of that time, thereby elevating the majesty of the Lord of Ten Thousand Chariots (this was to venerate the Son of Heaven and restrain the feudal lords). Thus the Grand Emperor bowed in return (he was Gaozu's father), and the House Steward received gifts; claiming it to be a hegemonic enterprise, he bequeathed his designs to his descendants. In the ways of emperors and kings, honoring a teacher and abasing propriety [before him] was something not yet heard of (previously, when Shusun Tong and others instituted Han rituals, they had not yet seen the matter of respecting a teacher, valuing the Way, and humbling propriety to act as a subject). Now, the Yellow Emperor asked after the Way from Guangcheng (Xuanyuan asked after the Way from Guangchengzi), and Yao of Tang followed the wind to Juci (King Yao paid homage to the Master of Juci; both appear in the Nanhuai Zhenjing); were these not matters of the most exalted? When it came to the restoration of the Han house, Emperor Zhuang shone brightly (the second ruler of the Later Han, Emperor Ming, was named Zhuang; "brightly" means clearly). [Envoys] were received at the Court of State Ceremonial and handled by the Minister of Ceremonies (when Kaśyapa Mātanga and others arrived from the Western Lands, they were lodged at the Court of State Ceremonial or overseen by the Minister of Ceremonies). Hence Zhi Qian and An Qing (Zhi Qian was an upāsaka of the Yuezhi kingdom, courtesy name Gongming; at the end of the Han he traveled to Luoyang and received instruction from Zhi Liang; Liang had received it from Lokakṣema; contemporaries said that comprehensive learning under heaven did not exceed the three Zhis; An Qing's courtesy name was Shigao; he was a prince of Parthia who renounced the throne to leave the household, arriving here in the first year of Yuanjia under Emperor Huan of Han)—though their virtue was esteemed among the black-robed clergy, they were not treated as teachers and friends by kings and nobles. Although the King of Chu cultivated a shrine to the Benevolent Sage, and Emperor Xiaohuan instituted the sacrifice under the Floriate Canopy (both were Han princes and kings), they merely treated the Buddha as a deity; they did not seek out the persons of the Benevolent Shrine and the Floriate Canopy (they only adorned the ritual vessels). The Wei followed the Han rites, summoning and employing the eccentric and eminent.