北山錄 9.2.3

9.2.3

諸國書籍極多）兼乎百氏備于金馬石渠之目（皆漢藏書之府。 又近有經籍志吳氏西齊母氏東齊。 皆見其目）至若文章之始歌虞頌殷。 逮周德下衰詩人盛矣。 詩人之後。 騷宋變於風雅（騷屈原宋宋玉也。 皆六國時人也）賈馬楊班漸變乎騷（賈誼司馬相如楊雄班固也）逮安變乎賈馬（漢獻帝時）晉宋已降。 咸韶不接（咸韶堯舜之樂）齊梁之間。 花繪相擬（沈約劉勰任昉謝安等）此方六書（象形。 指事。 會意。 形聲。 轉注。 假借也）定文字之所出。 故窮大篆則於文字之不惑也。 彼方六釋（一持業。 二依主分出依士。 三相違。 四帶數分同依士。 五隣近。 六有財也）辯名題之因致。 故窮世語典語。 則於名題有得矣（一切真俗世諦名題。 皆以六釋攝之。 無不辯認宗旨者也）而康僧會．支道林．澄．什．安．遠。 什門四聖（生肇融睿）梁僧祐．周道安．隋彥琮．國初淨．宣．林．概（慧淨。 道宣法林。 明概）靡不洞閑本教。 該涉經史。 研綜詞翰。 咸事著述。 極夫匡紹者也（皆貞觀譯經之高僧）禮曰。 博聞強識而讓敦善行而不怠。 謂之君子僧也。 支遁注莊子逍遙篇。 希玄之賓高其致也。 慧淨撰英華集（詩集）麗藻之士美其鑒也。 由是表正人天。 折衝師律。 文場法苑。 何世曠能。 甞有客聽遠公實相義。 往復移時。 彌增疑昧。 遠引莊子義為連類。 惑者乃悟。 自後安公時聽遠不廢俗典。 宋元嘉年（文帝也）巳日（三月三也）車駕臨曲水。 命慧觀與朝士賦詩。 觀即座先獻。 周建德年。 陳周弘正來聘詢謀談士。 曇延首應之（周武帝時也）大駕親臨釋奠。 延當席抑揚。 陳人敷袵。 稽首拜聽（展衣襟作禮而聽也）因構詩四十首簡延。 延用其韻酬和。 如宿誦焉。 彼乃圖延形像歸于陳（周都長安。 陳都金陵）晨夕向北致禮。 以為曇延菩薩也。 夫世以容詞德行難以求備之仁也。 難語其闕真可謂堂堂乎難與並為仁矣（如子張之容子責詞顏回德行各有偏也）靈裕初出家。 師令誦經。 執卷矢曰。 我於三藏洎儒教。 必望通曉。 無或以渝其志（渝變也）由是學光時彥。 世號裕菩薩也。 梁武暮年。 詔捨道法（弘明集云。 梁武初崇道。 至天監二年捨道歸佛。 具有文也）兼鄙儒教。 彼或慮人深溺不返（聖人令習外典。 但使知之慮成耽惑溺於邪徑）或正失其極。 將亡之數也（若失其正則迷於理）夫有益於生民。 大聖未甞祛之（儒道之教。 皆益於人。 是以吾教不必除之）故經曰。 不壞俗諦而建立真諦。 彼二教仁智所行。 亦人天之報也（如清虛寡欲仁孝忠信。 皆人天之行者也）但報在人天。 為道之門階。 何必捨而鄙之也。 聖人不私己。 豈以己不欲而施天下乎（不可以己不欲而令天下皆黜之）今重名教。 彼猶無親疎。 重禮樂彼猶無君臣。 重律。 曆彼猶昧寒暑。 重刑法彼猶亂彛典（彝常也。 典法也）重廉讓彼猶規僭競。 重道德彼猶尚浮偽。 況加之使人後二教混沌若鳥獸（人若不習二教。 與鳥獸何別也）而欲訓之以無生乎（儒道尚昧。 何由示之真理）夫欲絢美玄黃先潔其素。 欲涉道德先履仁義。 故大聖遺法二千年。 而中華之人以先有孔老虛無仁智。 而後識精真之教。 迴向崇奉者。 門門如日教之矣（孝經曰。 非家至而日見之）四夷之人。 非二教所覃。 于今猶不能齋戒。 而況能神遊八解之理乎（八解脫觀名如內有觀外無色等也）故釋教籍二教以為前驅也（前導也）而老教云自然者蓋真如相似之名也。 言萬物自然者。 謂自然之道與萬物為一（萬物者有為事法也。 自然者無為真理也。 萬物事法與無為真理不即不離也）非萬物不由因緣（不言萬物不從因緣而生也）稱之曰自然也。 今說者未達（異執之徒也）乃毀內教因緣之義。 妄發揮自然之理。

the books of the various states are exceedingly numerous), combined with the Hundred Schools and complete in the catalogues of the Golden Horse Gate and the Stone Canal (both were storehouses of books in the Han dynasty. Furthermore, recently there are the bibliographical treatises by the Wu clan of Western Qi and the Mu clan of Eastern Qi; all can be seen in their catalogues). As for the beginnings of literature, they sang of Yu and praised Yin; down to the decline of the virtue of Zhou, poets flourished. After the poets, the Chu Elegies and Song [Yu] brought variations to the Guofeng and Xiaoya (the Elegies are Qu Yuan, and Song is Song Yu; both were men of the Warring States period). Jia [Yi], [Sima] Ma, Yang [Xiong], and Ban [Gu] gradually brought variations to the Elegies (Jia Yi, Sima Xiangru, Yang Xiong, and Ban Gu). Down to the Jian'an period, there were variations upon Jia and Ma (during the reign of Emperor Xian of the Han). From the Jin and Song onwards, the music of Xianchi and Dashao was no longer joined (Xian and Shao are the music of Yao and Shun). Between the Qi and the Liang, florid ornamentation rivaled one another (Shen Yue, Liu Xie, Ren Fang, Xie An, and others). In this land, the six categories of scripts (pictographs, simple ideographs, compound ideographs, phono-semantic compounds, derivative cognates, and phonetic loan characters) determine the origins of written characters; thus, by thoroughly exploring the Great Seal script, one is free from confusion regarding characters. In that land [India], the six types of compound analysis (first, karmadhāraya; second, tatpuruṣa, from which karmadhāraya branches off; third, dvandva; fourth, dvigu, whose branch is identical with tatpuruṣa; fifth, avyayībhāva; sixth, bahuvrīhi) discriminate the rationale behind names and titles; thus, by thoroughly exploring worldly language and canonical language, one attains mastery over names and titles (all names and titles belonging to the ultimate and conventional truths are subsumed by the six types of compound analysis; none fails to distinguish and identify their essential tenets). Now, Kang Senghui, Zhi Daolin, [Fotudeng] Cheng, [Kumāra]jīva, [Dao]'an, and [Hui]yuan; the Four Sages of [Kumāra]jīva's gate (Daosheng, Sengzhao, Daoheng, and Sengrui); Sengyou of the Liang, Dao'an of the Zhou, Yancong of the Sui; and [Hui]jing, [Dao]xuan, [Fa]lin, and [Ming]gai of the beginning of our dynasty (Huijing, Daoxuan, Falin, and Minggai)—none failed to have a thorough command of our original teaching, to traverse the classics and histories, to scrutinize and integrate literary compositions, and all engaged in authorship, culminating in upholding and continuing the tradition (all were eminent monks who translated scriptures in the Zhenguan era). The *Book of Rites* states: 'One who is broadly learned and of strong memory yet yields, who is earnest in good conduct and untiring, is called a gentleman.' Such were the gentleman-monks. When Zhi Dun annotated the 'Free and Easy Wandering' chapter of *Zhuangzi*, those guests aspiring to the profound esteemed his purport. When Huijing compiled the *Yinghua ji* (a poetry collection), men of refined diction praised his discernment. From this, they served as models for gods and humans, stood as champions in monastic discipline, and in the arena of literature and the park of Dharma, in which generation was there ever a lack of such capability? Once, a guest listened to Master [Hui]yuan's exposition of the meaning of the true mark; they went back and forth for some time, yet the guest grew increasingly bewildered. Yuan then cited the meaning in *Zhuangzi* by way of comparison, and the confused person was thereupon awakened. From then on, Master [Dao]'an permitted Yuan from time to time not to abandon secular texts. In the Yuanjia era of the Song (during the reign of Emperor Wen), on the day of the Snake (the third day of the third month), the imperial carriage visited the Winding Waters and ordered Huiguan to compose poems with the court officials; Guan presented his first from his seat. In the Jiande era of the Zhou, Zhou Hongzheng of the Chen arrived on a diplomatic mission to consult and confer with debaters; Tanyan was the first to respond (during the reign of Emperor Wu of the Zhou). When His Majesty personally attended the sacrifice to the Duke of Zhou and Confucius, Yan displayed modulation and cadence from his seat; the man of Chen smoothed his lapels, bowed his head, and listened with reverence (he smoothed his robe's lapels, paid respects, and listened). Thereupon he composed forty poems and sent them to Yan; Yan harmonized with them using the same rhymes, as though he had memorized them of old. He then painted a portrait of Yan to take back to Chen (the Zhou capital was Chang'an, and the Chen capital was Jinling), and morning and evening turned north to pay homage, regarding him as Bodhisattva Tanyan. Now, in this world, it is difficult to find a benevolent person complete in appearance, rhetoric, and virtuous conduct. It is hard to speak of where they fall short; indeed one may say: 'So majestic! It is hard to practice benevolence along with him' (like the dignified appearance of Zizhang, the eloquence of Zigong, and the virtuous conduct of Yan Hui, each had their leanings). When Lingyu first renounced the world, his master bade him recite the scriptures; holding the scroll, he vowed, saying: 'Toward the Tripiṭaka as well as the Ruist teaching, I surely hope to become completely conversant; let there be nothing that alters my resolve' (to alter means to change). Because of this, his learning shone among the talents of the age, and the world called him Bodhisattva Yu. In his declining years, Emperor Wu of the Liang decreed the renunciation of Daoist teachings (the *Hongming ji* states that Emperor Wu of the Liang initially revered Daoism, and in the second year of Tianjian abandoned Daoism to take refuge in Buddhism; this is fully documented in texts), and also held the Ruist teachings in contempt. Perhaps he feared people would plunge too deeply into them and never return (the sages ordered the study of external texts only to make people know them, fearing that people would become indulgently infatuated and sink into deviant paths); or perhaps he truly deviated from the golden mean, an omen of impending downfall (if one deviates from what is correct, one becomes deluded about principle). Now, as for that which benefits the living populace, the Great Sage never once eradicated it (the teachings of Ruism and Daoism both benefit mankind; therefore our teaching does not necessarily eliminate them). Hence the sūtra says: 'Without destroying conventional truth, ultimate truth is established.' The benevolence and wisdom practiced in those two teachings also lead to retributions in the human and celestial realms (such as purity and vacuity, fewness of desires, benevolence, filial piety, loyalty, and trustworthiness, all are practices of humans and devas). Since their retribution is merely among humans and gods, serving as the gateway and steps to the Way, why must one cast them aside and despise them? The sage is not selfish with himself; how could he impose upon the world what he himself does not desire? (One cannot, because of what one personally does not desire, cause the entire world to banish them). Even now, with esteem placed on the moral teaching of names, people still disregard close and distant relations; with esteem placed on rites and music, they still lack [reverence between] lord and minister; with esteem placed on the pitch-pipes and calendar, they are still ignorant of cold and heat; with esteem placed on penal laws, they still disorder standard norms (standard means constant; norms mean laws); with esteem placed on integrity and yielding, they still plot usurpation and rivalry; with esteem placed on Dao and De, they still value vanity and falsehood. How much more so if one were to cause people to fall behind those two teachings, remaining in chaos like birds and beasts (if people do not study the two teachings, what difference is there between them and birds and beasts?), and yet wish to instruct them with the unproduced? (If Ruism and Daoism are still obscure to them, how can one reveal to them the ultimate principle?) Indeed, one who wishes to make the dark and yellow colors brilliant and beautiful must first cleanse the plain silk; one who wishes to enter Dao and De must first tread in benevolence and righteousness. Therefore, although the bequeathed Dharma of the Great Sage has lasted two thousand years, because the people of China already possessed the vacuity, nonbeing, benevolence, and wisdom of Kongzi and Laozi, they could subsequently recognize the refined and true teaching, and those who turn toward and revere it have been taught it day by day from door to door (the *Classic of Filial Piety* says: 'It is not going from house to house and seeing them daily'). The people of the four barbarian regions, untouched by the reach of the two teachings, even today are unable to observe the precepts and fasts; how much less could their spirits roam in the principle of the Eight Liberations? (The Eight Liberations are names of contemplations, such as having internal perception while contemplating external forms as absent). Therefore, the Buddhist teaching relies on the two teachings to serve as its vanguard (vanguard means forward guides). Moreover, when the Laoist teaching speaks of 'naturalness' (ziran), it is merely an analogous name for tathatā. To say that 'all things are natural' means that the Way of naturalness and the myriad things are one (the myriad things are conditioned, phenomenal dharmas; naturalness is the unconditioned, true principle; the phenomenal dharmas of the myriad things and the unconditioned true principle are neither identical nor separate), not that the myriad things do not arise from causes and conditions (it does not mean that the myriad things are not produced from causes and conditions) when calling it 'natural'. Nowadays, expositors fail to comprehend this (they are partisans of divergent attachments) and thus disparage the inner teaching's doctrine of causes and conditions, while arbitrarily expounding the principle of naturalness.