北山錄 4

English (machine translation) 4

Language: English

4.2 — 10 parts

4.1

Seventh: Treatise on Ancestral Masters (Discussing how sūtras, vinaya, śāstras, and dhyāna each have their lineage and ancestral teachings)

The residual waves from the Jeta Grove first began to flow in the Yongping reign period (The grove of the country of Vārāṇasī. It is also called the country of Po-luo-ni-si [Vārāṇasī], which is translated here as 'City Surrounded by the Flowing [River]'. Because the river surrounds the city, flowers and trees were planted there. There is a grove named Mṛgadāva [Deer Park]. The Tathāgata constantly preached the Dharma there. In the tenth year of the Yongping reign period of Emperor Ming of the Later Han, the Buddha Dharma first flowed to this land. Hence it says 'first began'). East of the Congling Mountains and reaching the Moving Sands, the influence gradually spread afar (The highest mountain west of Zhendan [China] is called Congling [the Onion Range]. It is so called because of its onion-green color) and covered the Central Xia. During the Han era, there was only a slight study of the scriptures, while dhyāna and vinaya were not yet harmonized (Rong means 'illuminated'. From the time Zhu Falan and others first brought the Sūtra of Forty-Two Chapters, and An Qing and others arrived carrying scriptures and images, they were still not well-versed in dhyāna and vinaya). Although people shaved their hair, their conduct was still like that of the laity: their robes lacked strips and borders, their food included meat dishes, and their communal feasts, vegetarian banquets, and repentance ceremonies were quite identical to mundane sacrificial rites (The monks had no monastic discipline and were no different from the laity. 'Robes' refers to the kāṣāya, which is translated here as 'decayed color'. There are three types of robes: first, the saṅghāṭī, translated here as 'composite robe', made by cutting and rejoining [pieces], with three long and one short strip; second, the uttarāsaṅga, translated here as 'upper outer robe', the outermost one, with two long and one short strip, which is today's seven-strip robe; third, the antarvāsa, translated here as 'inner overnight robe', meaning close to the body, which is the five-strip robe, also called the work robe. These are the three robes. The Tathāgata ordered all of them to be cut and sewn into strips and borders, modeled on rice paddies, to take the meaning of generating merit and wisdom. Yaozhi means meat. Jun means identical). Zhu Shixing was the first to leave the household (Shixing was a man of Yingchuan. After leaving the household, he took the Great Dharma as his personal responsibility. When lecturing on the Small Prajñāpāramitā in Luoyang, he frequently encountered unintelligible parts. He constantly lamented that this sūtra was the essential core of the Mahāyāna, yet its translated principles were incomplete. He then traveled to Khotan and indeed obtained the Sanskrit text of the Correct Version. He dispatched disciples to send it back to Luoyang. The Hīnayāna adherents of Khotan said to the king: 'The monks from the land of Han wish to use Brahmanical writings to throw the correct scriptures into confusion.' Thereupon it was cast into fire, but it remained undamaged. This is the present Fangguang banruo [Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā]). At the beginning of the Wei, Dharmakāla first transmitted the rules of discipline: the golden tallies and jade regulations of the five categories and seven divisions (This was the Cao Wei. When the Buddha Dharma entered the Han, the monastic discipline began with [Dharma]kāla. The five categories are pārājika, saṅghāvaśeṣa, pāyattika, pratideśanīya, and duṣkṛta. Adding sthūlātyaya, along with bad actions and bad speech, these make the seven divisions). They reined in the transgressions of mouth and body (Sheng means 'to correct'. The faults of the mouth are four: lying, frivolous speech, slanderous speech, and harsh speech. The body has three: killing, stealing, and sexual misconduct. Upholding the vinaya rules can correct these so that there are no faults) and restrained laxity regarding attire and dining. Fierce as the autumn wind, stern as cold frost, orderly were the categorized rules (Lielie means majestic. Qiqi means strict. Zhi-zhi means pristine. This speaks of the severity of the disciplinary rules). Awe-inspiring without displays of force, well-ordered without punishments—the existence of śramaṇas in the Divine Land began with [Dharma]kāla (Although the Han had śramaṇas, the monastic discipline was not yet complete). In the past, at the end of the Han, there was An Shigao, and in Wu, there was Kang Senghui; both were extraordinary men from distant lands (Shigao was the crown prince of the king of the Parthian kingdom. Senghui was the crown prince of the king of Sogdiana. They were what are called 'those beyond the realm who do not conform to worldly conventions'. Zhuangzi says: 'The extraordinary person is extraordinary to men but the equal of Heaven'). Their learning probed the depths of Heaven and humanity; their virtue stirred rapport with ghosts and spirits (When Sun Hao was about to ban excessive sacrifices and wished to destroy [the monasteries], he ordered Zhang Yu to interrogate and challenge [Seng]hui, but he could not defeat him even after a whole day. When Shigao traveled to Gongting, the lake deity manifested, whereupon [Shigao] converted him, causing him to abandon the evil destinies). As for insight that penetrated the subtle operations of destiny, [Kang Seng]hui seemed not to match him (Shigao knew he had karmic debts from past lives and traveled twice to repay them); yet in literary composition and bequeathed writings, [Seng]hui perhaps surpassed him ([Seng]hui had talent and eloquence, and his written words became canonical texts). Prior to this, the teachings of the masters had not yet been made prominent (From the Yongping reign of the Han to the Chiwu reign of the Wu, although there were translations, they were not very refined or widespread), and of the fathomless height of [Seng]hui's walls, none could find the gate (Zigong said: 'The Master's wall is several fathoms high. Few are they who can find the gate'). In the Wei era, there was the Yuezhi man Zhi Qian, who received instruction from Zhi Liang, and [Zhi] Liang had received instruction from Zhi Chen [Lokakṣema]. The common saying went: 'The world's broad learning does not exceed the three Zhis' (Originally an upāsaka of the Yuezhi kingdom, he traveled to Luoyang at the end of the Han. He thoroughly investigated the accomplishments and arts, mastered various secular books, understood the languages of six countries, and explored and studied widely). In appearance, Qian was tall, thin, dark, and emaciated, with the whites of his eyes clear and his irises yellow. People said: 'Master Zhi, Master Zhi, with yellow in his eyes! Though slender in frame, he is a bag of wisdom.' At the end of the Han, fleeing the troubles, he returned to Wu. Sun Quan appointed him as an Erudite (boshi) and had him assist the Heir Apparent, standing in the same rank as Wei Yao; yet the Records of Wu do not record him, due to the dishonesty of the official historians (The Heir Apparent's Palace refers to the Crown Prince [Sun] He, who was slandered and deposed. Wei Yao, styled Hongsi, was fond of learning and skilled in composition. He was promoted to Central Secretary to the Crown Prince and later rose through promotions to Palace Attendant. Before he could complete the compilation of the History of Wu, he was executed by Sun Hao). In Shu there was the Sūtra of Universal Radiance (Puyap jing), but none know who its translator was (One fascicle; it is included in the canon and is currently in circulation). Now, when supreme teachings emerge in a state of untamed chaos, in a world of anger and desires they inevitably clash like an ill-fitted mortise and tenon (Bing means the handle of a chisel. Chiyu describes an irregular appearance. The Chu ci says: 'Without measuring the mortise to fit the handle, the wood is split'—it is like casting good into evil). Suspicions and slanders entangle in confusion; without worthy men of divine virtue and exalted majesty, there is no way for their sublime accomplishments to cover all beings. That the Records of Shu do not record or provide a biography for this person was because the Liu family was intent on restoring the Han, renewing warfare against the Wei over their ancient heritage; so although the teachings of wandering in the profound were propagated, the merits of the great master were not made manifest, causing later cataloguers to feel deep, lingering regret (Liu Bei, following upon the end of Emperor Xian of the Han, held Shu as one of the three divided realms. To the north he had the enmity of the hegemonic Wei, and to the east he faced the rivalry of Sun's Wu. Storing grain and training soldiers, warfare blocked the days. How could he have leisure to broadly illuminate the teachings of emptiness and quiescence? Moreover, Chen Shou's Records of Shu states that Chancellor Zhuge's fault lay in not appointing official historians; hence there was no written record to be preserved). At the beginning of the Jin, there was Zhu Fahu [Dharmarakṣa], known at the time as the Dunhuang Bodhisattva (The eminent monk Zhu Fahu was a man of Dunhuang. He left the household at the age of eight. Later he traveled to the Western Regions; earnest in purpose and fond of learning, he sought masters across ten thousand li. Sun Chuo compared him to Shan Juyuan [Shan Tao]. He translated sūtras such as the Zheng fahua jing [Saddharmapuṇḍarīka]. He passed away at Mianchi during the reign of Emperor Hui of Jin). Among his disciples were seven authors.

4.2.2

When he first translated the Saddharmapuṇḍarīka-sūtra (Zheng fahua jing), once the glosses and commentary were settled, he instructed Kang Nalu to lecture on it. Those who chanted and recited it unanimously praised its excellence. When it came to the time of Kumārajīva, it was retranslated as the Lotus Sutra (Miaofa lianhua jing), and the translation of Dharmarakṣa gradually paled in its brilliance (Kumārajīva retranslated it during the Hongshi era in the Xiaoyao Garden; it circulated widely in the world, and the Zheng fahua jing gradually fell out of use, though it is still extant in the canon today). This was because those who behold a grand carriage do not value a solid-wheeled cart (The Wenxuan says: "The solid-wheeled cart was the beginning of the grand carriage, yet how could the grand carriage retain the rustic quality of a solid-wheeled cart? Accumulated ice is formed from gathered water, yet gathered water falls far short of the chill of accumulated ice." A solid-wheeled cart is an ancient unembellished wagon; a grand carriage is a jade carriage. This expresses the idea of gaining the flower and forgetting the simple wood). Fancheng of Dharmarakṣa's school (Zhu Fancheng became a śrāmaṇera under Dharmarakṣa; from childhood his spiritual awakening and profound discernment surpassed that of others. Someone fraudulently came to Dharmarakṣa urgently begging for two hundred thousand coins; Dharmarakṣa had not yet answered when Fancheng, aged thirteen and standing by his master's side, immediately said, "The Upādhyāya has already granted it to you." The man was indeed not seeking wealth, but had come to observe Dharmarakṣa's virtue and character) possessed outstanding talent and wisdom. Sun Chuo compared him to Wang Junchong, because both had keen discernment and comprehension at a tender age (Wang Rong, whose courtesy name was Junchong, was a native of Taiyuan and the son of Wang Hun. He was friends with Ruan Ji, though twenty years his junior, and they got along like contemporaries; whenever Ruan came to his house, he would go to Rong's room and say to his father, "Junchong's pure eminence is not matched by his fellow villagers; speaking with you is not as good as speaking with A-Rong"). Zhu Faya (a native of Hejian, who had high aspirations; as a youth he was well-versed in secular learning, and as he grew up he mastered Buddhist scriptures; his talent and thought were outstanding and abundant, admired by the worthy of the time, and he was also skilled at writing) and Kang Falang (a native of Zhongshan, proficient in moral discipline, who returned after traveling west through various kingdoms) compared the categories of meaning in the scriptures to Confucian books to establish examples for generating understanding; they called this "matching meanings" (geyi) to instruct disciples. They once discussed various scriptures with Dao'an and Fa-tai, thoroughly capturing the subtleties of their essentials in every case. Falang's disciple Lingshao would, whenever he entered samādhi, not rise for several days; when Lang died, he carved a wooden statue of him and served it with the rites due to the living. Bo Fazu had an outstanding elegance of spirit. Towards Wang Dao he showed simplicity and unpretentiousness, yet looked up to from below, he possessed a solemn dignity, displaying the noble demeanor of princes and dukes; Bian Ling [Hu] said this was because of his adherence to rules and standards in sizing up things (Bo Yuan, whose courtesy name was Fazu, had the original surname of Wan and was a native of Henei; his talent and intellect were sharp, penetrating, perceptive, and peerless, and he could recite ten thousand words a day; during the turmoil of the Jin dynasty he intended to flee west of Long, but Zhang Fu, Regional Inspector of Qinzhou, held him in high esteem and wanted him to return to lay life; when he refused, Fu killed him; both foreigners and Han mourned him; Sun Chuo's Daoxian lun compared him to Ji Kang). Fazu's younger brother Fazuo possessed modest and genuine virtue, truly matching his elder brother (Fazuo also enjoyed an early reputation and was summoned to be an Erudite, but did not accept; at age twenty-five he left home, thoroughly illuminating Buddhist principles; Zhang Guang, Regional Inspector of Liangzhou, killed him because, when his elder brother refused to revert to lay life and was killed by Zhang Fu, Guang also coerced Fazuo, who remained steadfast in his will and would not comply, so he too was harmed by Guang). Bo the High Seat was a preeminent figure of remarkable brilliance (Bo Śrīmitra, who was of Jiaozhi; his countrymen at the time called him "the High Seat" because he was skilled at preaching the Dharma; he was originally the prince of his country, who relinquished the throne to leave the household, and translated scriptures such as the Bhaiṣajyaguru-sūtra during the Eastern Jin). Wang Dao said to him, "In foreign lands, there is only you as a remarkable gentleman." Śrīmitra smiled and said, "If this poor monk were merely like you, the patron, today, how could I have traveled here?" (He died during the Xiankang era of the Jin at the age of over eighty, and was buried at Shizigang; the mound was in Wu, where a temple was later built). Zhi Dun often sent someone to Zhu Qian to purchase the small ridge of Wozhou beside Mount Shan (Zhi Dun, whose courtesy name was Daolin and whose surname was Guan, was a native of Chenliu; in his youth he possessed extraordinary brilliance and penetrating intelligence; Wang Meng valued him greatly; later he established a monastery at the small ridge of Wozhou, and in his later years went to Shanyin to lecture on the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa, with Xu Xun serving as lead respondent). Qian said, "If you wish to come, I will simply give it to you; when has one ever heard of Chao [Fu] or Xu [You] buying a mountain to become recluses?" (Zhu Qian, whose courtesy name was Fashen and whose surname was Wang, was the younger brother of Dun, General-in-Chief of the Jin; he served Liu Yuanzhen of Zhongzhou as his master; Yuanzhen possessed talent and reputation; Qian later retired to Mount Shan, where contemporaries followed in his footsteps to inquire about the Way). Dun later wrote in a letter to a Korean monk: "The Senior Monk Zhu Fashen, disciple of Master Liu of Zhongzhou, is upright and towering in nature, weaving together the sacred and secular realms. Formerly in the capital, he maintained the net of the Dharma, and was revered by both those within and without [the fold], a master who propagated the Way. Recently, considering that his cultivation of the Way was tranquil and accomplished, and unable to endure worldly dust, he built a dwelling among mountains and marshes to cultivate virtue and retire to leisure. Now at Mount Shan in this county, he gathers companions to roam together, discussing the Way and discoursing on its meanings, perching loftily in vast detachment, celebrated far and wide." Sun Chuo compared Qian to Liu Bolun [Liu Ling], considering their grand and spacious nature to be identical. At that time, Zhu Fayou of Mount Shan received the Abhidharma (in one hundred fascicles) from him; after only one night he could recite it. Shen said, "Reciting something after once laying eyes on it was praised in men of old. If the Capable Benevolent One (Śākyamuni) were to arise again in the Great Jin, he would surely take you as one of the Five Hundred!" (Fayou, at the age of twenty-four, was already capable of lecturing; he later established the Nantai Temple south of the city of Shan County). During the reign of Emperor Cheng of the Jin, Kang Sengyuan, Kang Fachang, and Zhi Mindu all crossed the Yangtze River (Sengyuan was originally from the Western Regions and was born in Chang'an, where he became a monk; he always sustained himself by begging for food, and his virtue exceeded that of Chang and Du; he held debates with Yin Hao on the inner and outer scriptures, and Hao was at a loss for words, unable to reply). Chang always carried a chowry while traveling; whenever he met famous guests, they would engage in pure talk for the entire day. Yu Yuangui [Yu Liang] asked, "Why is this chowry always in your possession?" Chang said, "The upright do not seek it, and the greedy are not given it; hence it is always in my possession." He wrote the Treatise on the Original Meaning of Figures and Things (Zhi Mindu composed the Catalog of Translated Scriptures, which currently circulates in the world). When Zhi Dun first arrived in the capital, Wang Meng held him in great esteem and said to others, "His subtle and profound achievement is no less than that of Fu Si (Wang Bi)." When Yin Rong associated with Wei Jie, he considered that Jie's spirit and intelligence were so extraordinarily sharp that none among the younger generation could succeed him; but upon seeing Dun, he sighed and considered that he had seen such a person once again (such a person refers to someone of this caliber, meaning Wei Jie). In his lectures, Dun was always good at presenting the overarching principles, while occasionally leaving out phrases and clauses; at the time, those who adhered strictly to literal phrasing looked down on him. Xie An heard of this and said, "This is Jiufang Gao appraising horses—overlooking the black and yellow, and seizing upon the swift and free" (Zhuangzi says Jiufang Yin was a master appraiser; the Huainanzi says Duke Mu of Qin summoned Bo Le to seek a horse; after three months he returned and said:).

4.2.3

'I have found it! It is at Shaqiu.' The Duke said, 'What kind of horse is it?' He replied, 'A yellow stallion.' But when it arrived, it was a black mare. The Duke said in anger, 'The one you sought could not even tell its coat color or whether it is male or female!' Bole sighed and said, 'Has he reached such heights as this? What he observes is the innate natural mechanism. He grasps the essence and forgets the coarse; he dwells on the internal and forgets the external. He sees what he needs to see, and forgets what he need not see.' When the horse arrived, it truly was a horse peerless under heaven.) Later [Zhidun] left Wozhou, and in Shanyin lectured on the Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa-sūtra, with Xu Xun serving as the discussion leader. When Dun clarified a doctrine, the assembly thought Xun would have no objection to raise; when Xun posed an objection, they likewise thought Dun would be unable to resolve it. (The Shishuo says: 'Xu Xun, styled Xuandu, was fond of wandering among mountains and rivers, easily traversing heights to live as a recluse in the dark caves of Yongxing. He regularly received gifts from the feudal lords of the four directions. Shanyin county was in Yuezhou; the orchid pavilion and winding stream of General of the Right Wang [Xizhi] are located here, and the small city of Goujian, King of Yue, still remains.') Emperor Ai summoned him to the capital. Wang Meng had prepared several hundred arguments beforehand, thinking that Dun would be unable to counter them. Dun said slowly, 'It has been many years since I parted from you; your words have not made the slightest progress.' Xi Chao asked Xie An, 'How does Master Lin's conversation compare to that of the Palace Attendant Ji [Kang]?' (Xi Chao was styled Jiabin. As General Huan Wen's Record-Keeper, he was short in stature, but resourceful and eloquent. Ji Kang was Palace Attendant.) An said, 'Ji could only barely manage [to keep up with him] with great effort.' He further asked, 'How does he compare to Yin Hao?' He replied, 'In continuous debate, I fear Yin would restrain Zhi [Dun], but [Zhi] would transcend him and soar straight upward; Yin would feel humiliated.' Later, Chao wrote in a letter to his relatives and friends: 'Master Lin's spiritual insight penetrates the profound, transcending all with unique awakening. In continuing and illuminating the Great Dharma so that the true principle would not be severed for hundreds of years, he is simply the one and only person.' When Dun was young, he held that eggs had no life. When his teacher debated with him, the teacher could not prevail over him. After the teacher died, his form manifested, throwing an egg onto the ground; the shell broke and a chick walked out. Dun was thereby moved to adopt a vegetarian diet. (Dun debated with his master that since an egg-born creature was not yet complete, killing it was without sin. Because of his sharp eloquence, his master could not prevail over him, so after death he manifested his form and cast down an egg to awaken him.) The Rites states: 'The ruler of a state does not surround the marshes in spring; a grand master does not capture a herd all at once; a shi does not take fawns or eggs.' If Dun did not know at first, once he knew, he did not transgress humaneness. Why wait for a master's admonition? (Presumably, the master saw that he had not yet awakened previously.) Someone gave him a horse, which he raised, saying, 'I love its spirited swiftness, so I keep it for a time, that is all.' Someone offered him cranes as a gift, and he released them, saying, 'You are creatures that soar into the heavens; how could you serve as toys for ears and eyes?' Previously, he had managed [his retreat at] Wushan in Yuyao; when a famous festival arrived, he returned alone to the wu. Someone asked his intention, and he said, 'In the past, Xie An frequently came to visit me, always staying for ten days. Now, wherever my feelings are touched and I raise my eyes, there is nothing that does not stir memories.' Sun Chuo compared him to Xiang Ziqi (Xiang Xiu was styled Ziqi) because of their elegant appreciation of Zhuangzi and Laozi and their shared inclinations. Yu Falan (a man of Gaoyang; when young he had extraordinary conduct) lived as a recluse among crags and ravines. At that time, snow and ice were severe, and a tiger entered his chamber. Lan's countenance showed no distress. Later he traveled to the East of the River, intending to go to the Western Regions; reaching Jiaozhou, he passed away at Xianglin. Dun wrote an encomium for him: 'Master Yu transcended the world, synthesizing the profound purport; joyfully withdrawing to mountains and marshes, he clearly tamed the fierce tiger.' Sun Chuo compared him to Ruan Sizong, both being of noble character and standing apart from the crowd. Among Lan's disciples were Yu Fakai and Yu Daosui; Kai's disciple was Yu Fawei. Across three generations, they bore great renown. Kai often debated the doctrine that form itself is empty with Zhidun; they were truly worthy adversaries like dragon and tiger! (He Mo of Lujian explained Kai's objections, while Xi Chao of Gaoping expounded Lin's explanations; both were transmitted widely.) Sun Chuo wrote an encomium for Wei, saying: 'The Changes speaks of a

4.2.4

‘This man has perused roughly all books, both inner and outer. He has also thoroughly mastered the calculations of yin and yang. With the subtle purports of the Buddhist scriptures he moves with consummate skill; in weighing, examining, and calculating, no one can stand shoulder to shoulder with him. I only regret that you, sir, cannot meet him on the same day.’ Huiyuan was initially a Ruist. When he had passed his capping age, he met Dao'an at Mount Taihang and Mount Heng. Delighted, he said, ‘This is truly my master!’ He always wished to take comprehensive charge of the guiding principles [of the Dharma], making the Great Dharma his own responsibility. Continuing through the night into the day, a poor traveler with many wants, Tanyi constantly provided him with the expenses for lamps and candles. Dao'an heard of this and said, ‘That man of the Dao truly knows men!’ On another day Dao'an sighed, saying, ‘If the Dao is to flow through the Eastern Land, will it not rest with Yuan?’ Later, when Yuan's abundant virtue had become renowned and his glorious reputation was widely heard, all the foreign lands said that Han had a Mahāyāna man of the Dao; whenever facing east toward Mount Lu, they would bow their heads, burn incense, and show respect with distant sincerity. When Kumārajīva entered the Pass, Yuan sent a letter to establish friendly relations. In the closing section of his reply, Kumārajīva wrote: ‘The scripture says that in the final age there will be a Dharma-protecting bodhisattva in the east. Exert yourself, benevolent one, and properly propagate this affair!’ When Yin Zhongkan was going to Jingzhou, he came to the mountain; sitting with Yuan overlooking the North Torrent, he discussed the *Book of Changes* as the shadows shifted, untiring. When Lu Xun first occupied Jiangzhou, because his father Ga had been a fellow student with Yuan, Yuan cordially rekindled the old friendship. Someone admonished him, saying, ‘Xun is a bandit of the state; if you are close with him, will you not incur suspicion?’ Yuan said, ‘In our Buddha-Dharma, the mind has no grasping or rejecting; how could this not be observed by the discerning?’ When Emperor Wu of Song launched an expedition against Xun, his attendants said, ‘Master Yuan has always maintained close ties with Xun.’ Liu Yu said, ‘Master Yuan is a man beyond the mundane realm, whose mind has no “this” or “that.”’ He then sent a letter bestowing money and rice. When Yuan lectured on the *Sangfu ji*, Zong Bing and Lei Cizong both held texts (Zong Bing and Lei Cizong). Later, Lei composed a subcommentary and titled its opening under the name of the Lei clan. Zong Bing mocked him, saying, ‘Formerly I was together with you, sir, and we received these purports face-to-face from Master Shi. Now are you directly titling the head of the roll under the name of the Lei clan?’ Huichi was eight spans tall; he always wore slippers and a patched robe reaching only halfway down his calves. When he was about to enter Shu, his elder brother stopped him, saying, ‘In human life, people love coming together; how can you alone delight in parting?’ Chi said, ‘If my feelings were attached to loving assembly, I should not have left the household in the first place. Now, having severed desires to seek the Dao, I take the Western Land as my goal.’ His fellow student Huiyong built a separate cell on the ridge of Xilin, wishing to practice dhyāna, and immediately went to live there. A tiger always stayed in the room; when guests arrived, he would make it leave. One day he met He Wuji at Tiger Brook: Yuan was followed by more than a hundred disciples, solemn and disciplined, while Yong alone, in a patched robe and straw sandals, carrying his pewter staff and holding his bowl, drifted along under the pines. At the time, people considered his free and detached manner to surpass that of Yuan. Among those of virtuous conduct in his circle were Daozu, Sengqian, and Daoliu, who were richly endowed with talent and intellect. Yuan would often say to Daozu and the others, ‘If those of easy understanding were all like you people, then I would no longer worry about the younger generation!’ (Confucius said, ‘Hearing what is right and being unable to move toward it—that is my worry.’) Later, when Qian and Liu died young, Yuan said, ‘These men were brilliant in talent and meaning, and their lucid awakening grew daily. That they have departed forever—what sorrow!’ There was a certain Huiyao who, distressed that there was no water clock in the mountains, placed a twelve-petaled lotus on the water, determining the twelve double-hours by the turning of the waves, so that the sun's shadow never erred (he also once made a wooden parrot and made it fly several hundred paces. There was a Mountain Man Zhang who, during the Guangzheng era, erected an armillary tower before the hall of the Ruler of Shu; filling it with mercury, he had wooden figures hold tablets for the twelve double-hours, turning with the mercury to report the time facing the hall, without a moment's error. Mountain Man Zhang was named Sixun, originally from Suizhou; later he entered the capital and was attached to the Astrological Bureau). There was a certain monk named Che who was skilled in literary compositions. He once went south of the mountain, climbed a pine tree, and gave a long whistle (south of Mount Lu). Thereupon a gentle breeze gathered from afar, and numerous birds sang sorrowfully; it had a transcendent and exquisite atmosphere. He withdrew and inquired of Yuan, saying, ‘The Vinaya prohibits wind and string music, singing and dancing; may one make a single chant or whistle?’ Yuan said, ‘In terms of scattering the mind, they are all contrary to the Dharma.’ Hearing this, Che answered respectfully and stopped. His paternal aunt Daoyi appears in the *Biographies of Eminent Nuns* (*Biographies of Nuns*, in four fascicles). Commentators consider the school of Fotudeng to be camphor trees, catalpas, and rotas (namely Master Dao'an); the school of Dao'an to be the jade cong and discs of Mount Kunlun and Lantian (cong and discs of fine jade come from Mount Kunlun and Lantian; Master Yuan is such); the school of Kumārajīva to be sacrificial jade vessels, the houlian, fu, and gui (Daosheng, Sengzhao, and the others; the hou of the Yin, the lian of the Xia, and the fu and gui of the Zhou); the school of Huiyuan to be rhinoceros horns and elephant tusks, hide and leather (Daozu and the others; tusks of elephants and hide of rhinoceroses); the school of Huiguang to be the plumage of peacocks and kingfishers (Guang was surnamed Yang, from Dingzhou. He left the household under Master Buddhabhadra. Outstanding, radiant, and keenly perceptive, whatever scriptures he studied he immediately explained to others. His master ordained even more eminent and gifted disciples; worldly people called him the “Holy Śrāmaṇera.” He especially applied himself to the Vinaya section, composing many subcommentaries and annotations on scriptures. His disciples were like a forest; nine entered his inner chamber, with Daohui at their head, and the Ruist scholar Feng Gun); and the school of Xuanzang to be aloeswood, sandalwood, epidendrums, and thoroughworts (Kuiji, courtesy name Hongdao, composed one hundred subcommentaries). As we move further from the sages, virtue and the Way decline, while arts and practices become refined (in the Jin and Song dynasties, many cultivated dhyāna-contemplation, and those who attained the Way were numerous; from the Sui and Tang downward, scholars of doctrinal understanding were many, and artistic understanding was refined, but those who attained the Way were few). Is this not like fish when the spring dries up, having lost the great rivers and lakes, being rich only in moistening foam? (Chasing sounds and teachings to rely on wandering, following intellectual comprehension to become degenerate). Between the men of Song and the men of Wei, of the southern and northern capitals (the Liu-Song made their capital south of the Yangzi; the Yuan-Wei made their capital in Luoyang), the Song style favored ornamentation, while the Wei style remained pure. When pure, few fail to base themselves on the Way; when ornamental, many disport themselves in the arts (eminent monks of the Jin and Song illuminated their age with artistic understanding and broadly expounded the Dharma teachings, hence they are called ornamental; eminent monks of the Yuan-Wei, by virtue of dhyāna-contemplation and operational conduct, based themselves on the Way, hence they are called pure; it lies in the person, not anywhere else). How do we know this? In the north, branches and leaves grew out of virtuous instruction; in the south, branches and leaves grew out of rhetoric and external actions. Anciently, when a member of the Zang clan served as steward to the Qidiao clan, by the frequency or rarity of consulting the great tortoises of Cai, people knew the superiority or inferiority of the Zang clan (the Zang clan were grandees of Lu; Qidiao Kai was a worthy of Lu; ‘steward’ means the household steward. The Zang clan stored for generations the tortoises of Great Cai: Wenzhong was worthy, divining once every three years; Wuzhong divined once every two years; from then downward, they divined once a year. ‘Rare’ means few; ‘frequent’ means many).

4.2.5

[how can one] know their superiority or inferiority, their strength or weakness?) Now why do [people] alone not rely upon their likeness? (Note: "Xi" means "why." The Zang clan knew superiority and inferiority from the omens of the Cai tortoise; why not know their teacher's instruction by their simplicity or brilliance?) The masters of literary compositions—Qu [Yuan], Song [Yu], Yang [Xiong], and [Sima Xiang]ma—successively took one another as their ancestral models, yet strayed into confusion (Note: Qu Ping, Song Yu, Yang Ziyun, and [Sima] Changqing were all scholars who followed ancestral models in writing compositions); though wishing to whip [their horses] fast, it was difficult to match their pace. Therefore, virtue, conduct, words, and deeds differ across ancient and modern ages; they are indeed uneven (Note: "uneven appearance") and have gradually declined (Note: "appearance of gradual succession"). Now, carving an extraordinary unworked gem into a fine vessel is the skill of a good artisan; constructing resilient timber into a great hall is the strength of a wise builder; transmitting a specialized lineage to perfect virtue is the instruction of a benevolent teacher. Hence, birds may select their trees, fish may select their springs, ministers may select their lords, and disciples may select their teachers. Now, one who cannot be a minister yet seeks to be able to be a lord, who cannot be a son yet seeks to be able to be a father, or who cannot be a disciple yet seeks to be able to be a teacher—this is difficult indeed! (Note: It is fine to gauge oneself and evaluate affairs.) Thus, conducting oneself lies in applying reciprocity to oneself. Yet father and son are a natural kinship; there are those who do not resemble each other (Note: The way of father and son is innate nature; like Yu and Gun, they did not resemble each other); ruler and minister are the constitution of the state, hence there are those who resemble and those who do not (Note: Shun's Eight Prudent Ones and Eight Harmonious Ones were resembling; the Four Calamities were non-resembling); teacher and pupil are an association based on principle—how could there be any who do not resemble each other? For instance, Shun fathered Jun, and King Wen fathered King Wu: father and son resembling or not resembling (Note: Shun was a great sage, yet he fathered Shangjun who was unworthy; this was father and son not resembling. King Wen was a sage, and he fathered King Wu who was also a sage; this was father and son resembling). Tingjian was a minister to Yu [Shun], Feilian was a minister to Zhou, Huandou was a minister to Yao, and Longfeng was a minister to Jie: ruler and minister resembling or not resembling (Note: Tingjian was Gaoyao; he resembled Yu Shun. Feilian resembled Zhou. Huandou and Yao, and Longfeng and Jie, were cases of ruler and minister not resembling). In the school of Zhongni [Confucius], Yan [Hui] and Min [Ziqian] esteemed benevolence and righteousness; at the gate of Guigu, Su [Qin] and Zhang [Yi] esteemed cunning and deception; they fully resembled [their masters]! (Note: Su Qin and Zhang Yi both studied under Guiguzi, learning the arts of the vertical and horizontal alliances and opening and closing.) Hence, in the school of Zhongni, even a three-foot-tall boy would be ashamed to speak of hegemony. In the past, Master Shi's [Dao'an's] practice of the Way prevailed to the right of the pass (Guanxi); Lushan's transformation covered the left of the river (Jiangzuo). Fatai was upright and straightforward in the Jin dynasty (Note: Fatai traveled together with Dao'an. Dao'an went to Xiangyang; Fatai went to Jingzhou, where Huan Wen welcomed him. He was eight feet tall, with an impressive bearing. He debated with Dharma Master Daoheng and defeated him. He revitalized Waguan Monastery; Wang Xun and Xie An frequently paid him homage); Daosheng was resolute in the Song years (Note: Refers to his definitive assertion during the Song dynasty that all sentient beings can attain Buddhahood). How they resembled [their predecessors]! Looking throughout the past, who could ever reach great renown without proceeding from the chamber of morality and virtue? (Note: Yang Xiong said: "A teacher is a person's model and pattern. Without modeling and patterning, one cannot be a teacher.") The *Book of Rites* says: "A good singer makes others continue his song; a good teacher makes others continue his aspiration." Therefore, one who cannot succeed the sages of the Śākya clan, but can succeed the noble men of the Śākya clan—how could this not be due to the way of the teacher? Now, from [Fotudeng]cheng to [Dao]an, from [Dao]an to [Hui]yuan, from [Hui]yuan to Tanshun, and from [Tan]shun to Senghui, there were five generations in all; their worth was valued above emperors and kings, their influence moved the four quarters, and their deeds are recorded in the historical annals (Note: The *Book of Documents* says: "The four quarters are moved by your wind; this is solely your excellence"). In some cases, they established virtue (Note: Refers to practitioners of dhyāna contemplation); in some cases, they established merit (Note: Translating and propagating); in some cases, they established words (Note: Lecturing and writing)—they were men of the world! [Kang] Senghui and Zhi Dun were men of the world, but after the single Hui and the single Dun, scarcely anything was heard. Yet among those whose lineages lasted for successive generations, some were like green emerging from blue, or ice coming from water; they were merely the worthies of a single region, and did not become worthies of the entire world. Therefore, one who is a disciple worries that his teacher will not equal Dao'an or Huiyuan; one who is a teacher also worries that his disciples will not reach the level of Dao'an or Huiyuan. Now, when the bells and drums are struck in the palace, their sound is heard outside; when the celestial bodies hang in the heavens, their light flows down below; when the zither and lute are played, it is hard to conceal them from those who understand the tone; when ice and snow carry the carriage, can the remaining tracks be hidden? (Note: The above are metaphors for good deeds hidden within, whose luster manifests outside, inevitably leaving traces.) Like those virtuous deeds held within one's person, their speech and silence were trusted by the era (Note: Having stored virtue within, even without speaking people naturally place trust, like peaches and plums that naturally form a path below them). Though high cliffs have already turned into valleys and the pines and cypresses have rotted away, their illustrious splendor cannot be obscured; how melodiously it fills the ears! (Note: "Melodiously" refers to fine reputation.) In the years of Cao and Ma (Note: The Wei and Jin dynasties), scriptures and treatises were at their inception, and their origins and currents were mingled and turbid (Note: When the teachings first arrived, like turbid water mingling and flowing, they were not yet widespread). Those who proclaimed them merely embraced the general meaning and savored the mysterious import; as for analyzing technical terms and characteristics, they had nothing to rely upon (Note: "Wang" means none; "you" means place/basis. The doctrinal texts had many omissions). Was this not because the propagation of the voice of teaching was not yet complete? When Master [Dao]an first saw the translations of the various minor treatises, he danced and chanted in celebration, thinking he was fortunate to have seen the complete Tripiṭaka, yet unaware that it was merely field ditches compared to the vast ocean (Note: Field ditches and canals are metaphors for what was seen; the vast ocean is a metaphor for what had not yet been seen). Although persons of superior capacity may utilize subtle words to awaken to the import, those of middling capacity in truth did not gain much. When Buddhavarman of the Northern Liang translated the *Abhidharma-vibhāṣā* (Note: Translated here as Juekai [Armor of Awakening]. A Westerner. Commissioned by Mengxun's son Maochu to translate it in Guzang, in one hundred fascicles), scholars drew from its waves, which were as boundless as if without shores. Buddhayasas of the Later Qin was skilled in the *Mahāvibhāṣā*; at that time he was called the "Red Beard" (Note: Translated here as Jueming [Clarity of Awakening]. A native of Jibin, of the Brahmin caste. At age thirteen he followed his teacher and daily recited thirty thousand words, memorizing millions of words of Mahāyāna and Hīnayāna scriptures. His disposition was austere and aloof, so he was not well received by the assembly of monks. Kumārajīva treated him with great esteem in Kashgar. From Kucha he went to Chang'an, translating the *Daśabhūmika-sūtra*, *Mahāvibhāṣā*, etc. Yao Shuang doubted his memorization and had him recite a Qiang register of medicinal prescriptions consisting of about fifty thousand words; after two days of recitation, when tested against the text, not a single word was mistaken). Vimalākṣa was skilled in the *Daśabhāṇavāra-vinaya*; at that time he was called the "Blue-Eyed" (Note: Translated here as Wugouyan [Stainless Eye]. A native of Jibin, who maintained strict discipline in the Vinaya Piṭaka. He met Kumārajīva, who honored him as his teacher).

4.2.6

translated the Daśabhāṇavāra-vinaya into sixty fascicles, and passed away at Shijian Temple in Shouchun, known at the time as the 'Blue-Eyed Vinaya Master'.) Under the Wei dynasty, Tanshi's feet were white, and he was called at that time the 'White-Footed Araṇya' (Tanshi's feet did not touch the ground when walking. 'Araṇya' means a monk, in the sense of being free from dispute and quiescent). When [Puṇya]yaśas was in Kashgar, he was Kumārajīva's teacher. Later, coming to Guzang, he heard that Kumārajīva's precepts had been compromised by the Qin [court], and said, 'Kumārajīva is like fine silk floss—how could he be cast into a thorn thicket?' (Yao Xing once said to Kumārajīva, 'The Master's brilliant insight surpasses all; none in the realm equals you. Once your life comes to an end, how can we let the lineage of the Dharma lack successors?' He then forced him to accept ten courtesans. From that time on, Kumārajīva did not reside in the monastic quarters but lived separately in official residences. Whenever he lectured, he always began with the parable: 'It is like a lotus growing out of foul mud: only pluck the lotus; do not take the foul mud.') Kumārajīva addressed the Qin ruler: 'If one wishes to propagate the unsurpassable Dharma teachings, the phrasing, meaning, and principles should be made fully thorough and comprehensive. Although I can recite its words, I have not mastered its inner principles. Only [Puṇya]yaśas thoroughly comprehends the scriptures and teachings. He is now in Guzang; I pray you summon him by imperial decree. Let every single word be deliberated thrice before putting brush to paper, so that the subtle words do not fall into obscurity and may win trust for a thousand years.' Yao Xing then invited [Puṇya]yaśas. [Puṇya]yaśas smiled and said, 'Now that the luminous decree has descended, I ought to travel swiftly; but the dānapati treats men of talent so generously that, should I find myself in a situation like Kumārajīva's, I would not dare obey.' Xing admired his cautious discernment and issued another reassuring edict, whereupon he came. Alas! When Jin killed Dou Du, Confucius would not cross the Yellow River (Confucius was travelling from Wei to Jin and reached the River; upon hearing that Zhao Jianzi had killed Dou Mingdu and Shunhua, he stood overlooking the River and sighed, 'How magnificent are the waters! How vast! That I, Qiu, do not cross this river is surely my fate!' Zigong asked the reason. Dou Du and Shunhua were worthy grandees of Jin and Zhao whom Jianzi had relied upon before attaining his ambition. Now that Jianzi had killed them, Confucius said that if one rips open the womb or burns the forest, the qilin will not appear; if one overturns the nest and breaks the eggs, the phoenix will not soar; and so on. Thereupon he turned his carriage around and did not cross). When Qin ensnared Kumārajīva, [Puṇya]yaśas declined to enter the state. Was it not that harming one worthy prevents many worthies from arriving ('ji' means to arrive), and trifling with one virtue causes all virtues to depart? At the beginning of the Hongshi era, when Kumārajīva translated the Three Treatises (the Madhyamakaśāstra, the Śataśāstra, and the Dvādaśamukhaśāstra), those who valued the Gate of Emptiness converged like spokes at a hub. Later, when he translated the Tattvasiddhi-śāstra, those skilled in the characteristics of dharmas gathered like clouds. At the time, it was considered that nothing surpassed this treatise in exhaustively illuminating technical categories. Kumārajīva first directed Sengrui to lecture upon and propagate it, saying to him, 'In this disputed treatise, there are seven places refuting the Abhidharma school, but their phrasing is somewhat veiled. If you can understand them without asking, you may be called a brilliant talent.' Sengrui disclosed the hidden and subtle points, indeed without consulting Kumārajīva. Kumārajīva sighed, 'In translating and transmitting the scriptures and treatises, to have met you leaves me with no regrets!' (Sengrui was a man of Changle in Wei Commandery. He took Master Sengxian as his teacher. Modest and inwardly keen, he assisted Kumārajīva in translating scriptures, observed monastic comportment well, and broadly propagated the Dharma of the scriptures. He constantly dedicated this merit with the aspiration to be born in Sukhāvatī, never sitting with his back to the west. Facing death, he bathed, burned incense, joined his palms facing west, and solemnly passed away). Some say that among Kumārajīva's disciples, the 'Four Sages'—[Dao]sheng, [Seng]zhao, [Dao]rong, and [Seng]rui—were the foremost; and in scrutinizing difficult points, [Hui]guan and [Seng]zhao were first. Others speak of the 'Ten Philosophers', adding Daoheng and Daobiao (Daosheng, Sengzhao, Daorong, Sengrui, Tanying, Huiyan, and Huiguan; in the original biographies, two names are missing. As for 'Dao Ping', there was Dao Ping of the Southern Qi, but he was not under Kumārajīva's gate. There was also Sengche, who was very brilliant; perhaps it is a scribal error). Even ranking below the eight, Daoheng and Daobiao still possessed the talent to assist and illuminate (Daoheng was a man of Jingzhao who left home at the age of nine. The hermit Zhang Zhong praised him: 'This young boy has an extraordinary countenance; in the secular realm, he would have the merit to aid the government, and in the religious realm, he has the virtue to shine forth.' He served his stepmother with great filial piety, was broadly versed in the scriptures, and assisted Kumārajīva in translating scriptures. Daobiao likewise had refined talent and capacity; both rendered assistant service); they were qualified to serve as ministers to a king. Yao Xing, intent on their statecraft, attempted to force the two worthies into ministerial positions with gold-and-purple seals and court rank. Although pressured by hegemonic might, in the end they would not become his ministers. Thus we know that worthies and men of insight each have their own inclinations and gains: those pursuing carriages and honor look upon sleeping on coarse mats and feeding on acorns as the way of beasts (comparing them to birds and beasts with whom one cannot flock together); while those who relish the Void and Profound look upon embroidered robes and fattened meat as fetters and stocks (like sacrificial victims entering the ancestral temple). Yi Yin and Lü Wang sought to become ministers to men (Yi Yin was minister to Tang; Lü Wang was Jiang Taigong, minister to King Wu); Bian Sui and Wu Guang both declined rulership (they were offered the throne by Yao through abdication but did not accept it). Do their likes and dislikes not directly contradict each other, and do their views of glory and decline not differ? Men like Daoheng and Daobiao could still look upon their bodily forms as temporary inns—how then would they care for titles and honors? For this reason, meeting with auspicious fortunes and severing love for lord and kin, sailing the Five Lakes was not difficult for them (Fan Li parted from King Goujian of Yue and rowed a small boat across the Five Lakes; the king cast gold images to summon him back, but he never returned); treading the great ocean was not too distant (Lu Lian said that he would rather drown in the great ocean than serve an unprincipled lord). What could that petty Qin offer to draw them? Even if in the times of Tang and Yu they were matched with the Yuankai (the Eight Yuan and Eight Kai were worthy ministers of Yao; to be matched means to equal in age and status), or at the beginning of the Yin and Zhou dynasties they kept pace with Yi Yin, they would still fear falling short—how much more so in this era, how could ranks and emoluments be considered weighty? (This era refers to the usurping Qin dynasty). In the past, Zhi Dun and Huiyuan, who achieved renown, were frequently burdened by such pressures (being coerced by kings and ministers); yet they shook them off like light dust and snapped them asunder like rotten cords (rotten cords mean decaying ropes), not finding them difficult. Therefore, Chao Fu and Xu You could have served an August Sovereign, but no imperial power could summon them forth; Boyi and Shuqi could have served an Emperor, but no kingly power could summon them forth; the Four Whiteheads could have served a King, but no hegemonic power could summon them forth (one who tranquillizes the people following the model is called an August Sovereign, referring to the sovereigns of Yan and Hao; one whose virtue resembles Heaven and Earth is called an Emperor, referring to Yao and Shun; one toward whom benevolence and righteousness gravitate is called a King, referring to Xia, Yin, and Zhou; Qin and Han are called Hegemons). Residing outside the mundane world, how can it not be difficult to be raised up by that within the mundane world? Emperor Wen of Song once expounded on Master Daosheng's doctrine of sudden enlightenment, and the assembly of monks raised objections. The Emperor tapped the table with his sambar-tail fly-whisk and said, 'If only the deceased could be revived, how could he be subdued by you gentlemen?' (Zhu Daosheng was a man of Julu, precociously intelligent from youth, discerning and wise as a spirit.

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北山錄 — Classical Chinese