北山錄 5

English (machine translation) 5

Language: English

5.2 — 13 parts

5.1

Explaining the Guest's Inquiries, Chapter 8 (Hypothetically formulating questions and answers between guest and host to resolve doubts and blockages within our school)

The Master Facing the Direct Way came to the Lodge of Stone Forest (The Master Facing the Direct Way is a fictitious persona, like Sir Nowhere or Master Nonexistent). Prostrating himself with knees to the ground, he advanced to the steps (Prostrating himself with knees to the ground denotes paying homage. The *Mu tianzi zhuan* says: "Prostrating himself with knees to the ground, he received it." Guo Pu says: "Like the barbarian people paying homage to the Buddha today"), and addressed the host, saying: "In my life I have met with hundreds of sorrows. Formerly, on other days in different chambers, there were sacrificial beasts and sweet wine, zithers and lutes, poems and documents prepared for banqueting. I was fond of chanting and reciting the traditions of the former kings, yet I was still disgruntled and not happy. Now I have come all this way to your lofty dwelling: pines and cassias are solitary and quiet, the encircling walls are empty and bright, and my mean and stingy mind has been cleared away (Disgruntled means resentful. Having long dwelt in the nets of the vulgar world, one constantly loathes the complications and commotions; once one comes to a quiet temple, secluded and empty, one is joyful and relieved). I would gladly relish the tenets of the Golden Immortal, take pleasure in the texts on unproducedness (Buddhist scriptures praise the principle of non-production), drink of the joy of the Dharma (The *Lotus Sūtra* says: "The joy of the Dharma and the pleasure of dhyāna serve as food; drinking and taking the flavor of the Dharma, one is naturally satisfied"), and bathe in sweet dew. I would brighten my troubled and ordinary state in the autumn radiance, and bring forth blooming glory amid spring nourishment. Though my heart and countenance are earnest, not daring to presume, what should I do? (Having bathed in the profound style, the mind of the Dao flourishes. Though having earnestness in mind and appearance, before daring to inquire, what are one's hopes?)"

The host said: "I have long been disabled by illness. Viewing the fleeting world is like having dizzying nausea, taking no pleasure in my own person (The "Instructions of Yue" says: "If medicine does not cause dizzying nausea, then that illness will not be cured." Now, being sickened, I have long been cast aside by worldly people; viewing the followers of the fleeting world, they are dazed before me and do not look on me with pleasure). I have retired and hidden myself in the mountain forests: my dwelling is made of piled grasses and woven threshes (Grass means weeds; thresh means thatch); my clothes are worn coarse wool and plain silk (Coarse wool is animal hair; plain silk is silk thread. The *Analects* says: "Now plain silk is thrifty"); my food is a single bowl and a solitary platter. The crags and streams are deep and still; I make company with wild ducks and deer. Indeed, what Dao can be contemplated, what matters can be inquired about? Yet the harmony of bells and chiming stones sounds in accordance with their being tapped or struck: their capability to respond—in soft or loud, slow or swift tones—may perhaps correspond to your inquiries (Music has no fixed good sounds, but plays in accordance with tapping and striking; a person has no fixed responses, but replies in accordance with inquiries)."

The guest descended and bowed (in order to thank the host for permitting his questions). The host stepped aside, disclaiming competence (Stepping aside from one's place is modesty; competence means being versed and discerning). Once they had returned to their mats, the guest said: "Before the Han dream was interpreted, and before transliteration and translation were established, was there anyone in this land who previously heard the ultimate teaching? (Before Emperor Ming of Han, were there any in this land who knew of the Buddha in the West, or not?)"

The host said: "How distant it is! How could I know it? (Distant means far away; "How could I know" is modest). But clouds brushing against rocks are born from a mere inch (The *Gongyang zhuan* says: "Clouds arise from brushing against rocks, joining together from a mere inch. Four fingers are called a *fu*; two fingers are called an inch"); water sufficient only to shoot a carp can carry a Yu-huang barge (The Yu-huang was the name of the King of Wu's boat. This means that a small waterhole for shooting carp can bear a great ship). How could one expect it to be otherwise? Anciently, when the Great Sage journeyed to the country of Pocha, that country was in the Southern Sea, not very far from this Xia land (The Southern Sea is no more than ten thousand li from Luoyang). How could the faint wind of his influence fail to reach here? Thus King Mu of Zhou encountered the transformed man from the Western Extremity; the Old Sage spoke of the Ancient August Master (The *Laozi xisheng jing* says: "In Tianzhu there is an Ancient August Master"); and Kong Qiu pointed out that in the West there is a Great Sage (The Master said: "In the West there is a Great Sage, who governs without speaking"). Fotudeng knew that beneath the rocks of Linzi there was an ancient statue and an exposed dew-basin; Gandhaha saw the foundations of an ancient monastery on Mount Panchi. How could there not have been those who saw and heard? (These are all cases of those who saw and heard in advance).

When it came to the beginning of the Yuanshou era of Emperor Wu of the Han (The Yuanshou era of the fifth ruler of the Former Han), he commanded Huo Qubing to campaign northward against the Xiongnu. Crossing Juyan, Huo captured King Xiutu (The pronunciation of *tu* is *chu*) and acquired a golden man, which was taken as a great spirit and arrayed in the Ganquan Palace. Incense and lamps were displayed to pay homage and serve it. In the third year, when Kunming Lake was dug (In the third year of the Yuanshou era of Emperor Wu of Han, he reduced the garrison soldiers of Longxi and Shangjun by half, and banished those who played with the law, having them excavate Kunming Lake. The *Xijing zaji* says: "In the lake they carved stone into fish; when it met with thunder and rain, the fish often roared; above it were several hundred turreted ships, and halberds and spears shone brightly." The *Sanfu gushi* says it was three hundred and twenty *mu* wide. When they first dug it, they obtained black ash, which the Emperor intended to ask Dongfang Shuo about), they obtained black ash and asked Dongfang Shuo about it. Shuo said: 'This is not something your servant can know; Your Majesty may ask the barbarian men of the Dao from the Western Regions.'

When Zhang Qian returned from Daxia, he knew there was the country of Shendu (The *Hanshu* biography of Zhang Qian gives the sound *du*; that is, it is the same as India). The *Shanhai jing* says: 'The people of Shendu lean close to people and love people.' Guo Pu's commentary says: 'This is the place where the Stūpa of Tianzhu arose.' It is also called Yindu. Yindu is the name of the moon; the moon there has a thousand names, and this is one of them (Just as in this land it is called the toad, the cassia shadow, the icy wheel, or the golden plate, that land took it as the name of the country, fully possessing the meaning of shining down). In the reign of Emperor Ai, Jing Xian went to the Da Yuezhi and received a Buddhist sūtra, which the King of the Yuezhi had his crown prince transmit to him orally. Liu Xiang said: 'I have extensively searched through the various bamboo records, and from time to time I have seen Buddhist sūtras.' And in the Hongjia era (the reign of Emperor Cheng of Han), when he compiled the *Liexian zhuan* (in two fascicles), he said: 'I searched and examined the stored books, and sought far and wide among the Grand Astrologer's writings to create the *Liexian tu*. From the Yellow Emperor down through six generations to the present day, there were more than seven hundred persons who attained the Way of the Immortals. Examining the genuine and the false, I determined one hundred and forty-six persons, seventy-four of whom already appear in the Buddhist sūtras.'

Inferring from this, the Zhou gave way to the Qin, the Qin fell and the Han arose, and reaching the Yongping era it was truly a thousand years. Prior to this, how could it not have been heard? (This answers the question about the Han dream not yet having been interpreted).

The guest said: 'Anciently, when the mango grove was pressed to the earth and the Vulture Peak soared with radiance, the assembly of sages filled the void (Vimalakīrti from his ten-foot-square chamber made the mango grove behold the Buddha; Śākyamuni preached the *Lotus Sūtra* on Vulture Peak, emitting light and shaking the earth), and the bodhimaṇḍa encompassed the dharmadhātu (The *Lotus Sūtra* earlier thrice transformed the lands, encompassing the dharmadhātu). Why was this not recorded in the classics of the Ji house and Confucius? Why did the people of Qin and Luoyang never participate in the assembly? Could it be that the Great Sage was partial? Or that those who transmitted it exaggerated? (Since the Buddha emitted light that encompassed the dharmadhātu, why did none in the capital Luoyang see or hear it? Was it that the Great Sage's teaching was partial, or that those who transmitted it fabricated and exaggerated?)'

The host said: 'Fish submerged do not know the water; people on land do not see their wind. It is not that it can be known and is known; it is that, dwelling in it, one does not know it.'

5.2.2

is not something that can be seen, but when it appears, one dwells within it without seeing it. Furthermore, the moon-mirror collects water from the moon; without a moon-mirror, would one say there is no moon? (As for the moon-mirror, Wang Chong's *Lunheng* says: it is a water mirror. In the eleventh month, on a renzi day at midnight, the zi hour, one refines stones of the five directions and casts them into dishes and bowls; facing the moon, one obtains water. Gao You says: the yinsui resembles a large clam; polishing it well and facing the moon, water drips down to several dan.) The burning-mirror gleams from the sun; without a burning-mirror, would one say there is no sun? (There is a pearl that reflects the sunlight; holding mugwort under it, one obtains fire; it is called a burning-mirror. There is also casting a mirror with brimstone and other medicines: facing the sun it also produces fire; facing the moon it produces water. The round one is called a burning-mirror, the square one a moon-mirror. The sun and moon are constant, but if the moon-mirror and the like happen to be lacking, water and fire are not obtained. Just so, the Buddha universally manifests, but those without affinities may not see or hear him.) Indeed, this is because spiritual transformations reside in the mind and outwardly respond to things. As for a mind that does not undergo transformation, how could it attain anything? (The three realms are mind-only; the ten thousand dharmas are consciousness-only. When the mind transforms, one sees things; nothing arises in vain.) The *Liji* says: 'When the mind is not present, one looks but does not see, listens but does not hear, and eats without knowing the flavor.' Therefore, we know that in the past, faith was not present there, so it was not fitting for them to hear or see. (In the past, the people of this land did not yet have faith; thus even if they saw radiant gates or earthquakes, they took no notice of them and hence did not record them.) Even if there were those who harbored faith and attained it alone and spoke of it, people would have blamed them for deceit and falsehood. (What the multitude lacks affinities with, they do not see. If a person of affinities happened alone to see and hear it, people would surely blame them for monstrosity and falsehood; how could they believe together?) Moreover, the passage of years is vast, and bamboo slips have been lost. (What is more, the dynasties and years stretched on, and books were lost and discarded; how could everything be known?) Or perhaps the Zhou historians knew it was not an affair of the Central Realm, and therefore did not record it. (All official historians record the affairs of their own states. This was not an affair of the Central Realm; moreover, the gentleman is cautious about what is doubtful, so they did not record it.) Sage Confucius was wary that there were no vessels capable of receiving the Way, and therefore did not speak of it. (Wary means apprehensive. Confucius humbly considered that people were not vessels capable of receiving the Way, and so he did not wish to speak.) How could one say that because it is missing from historical records, it did not exist? Now, breaking the pillars, setting up the poles, the rainbow piercing [the sun], crows flanking [the sun], Heng'e ascending, the evening star appearing, [lightning] encircling the Pole Star, riding the Tail Star— (Anciently, Nüwa contended for the realm with Gonggong; his head struck Mount Buzhou, and the heavenly pillars broke. Moreover, she severed the legs of a turtle to establish the poles. Furthermore, Nüwa was moved by the rainbow light piercing the sun and gave birth to Zhuanxu. In the Spring and Autumn period, there were clouds like red crows flanking the sun and flying for three days. Moreover, Yi sought the medicine of immortality from the Queen Mother of the West; Yi's wife Heng'e stole it and fled into the moon; this comes from the *Yi lüe*. Moreover, lightning encircled the Pole Star and Huangdi was born. Furthermore, Fu Yue died, and his spirit went up to become a star, joining the ranks of the lunar mansions above the Tail mansion; hence it says 'riding the Tail'.) yet heaven and earth are one, and the three luminaries are shared. If those Western Regions did not see and did not record them, would you truly say the words of the Hua are untrue? If their doubts are indeed wrong, why would this doubt be right? If their belief is true, why would this belief be false? However, the Six Canons of Huaxia were simple and focused on essentials; having suffered extinction under the Qin, they are still not fully known. (Ancient books were originally simple and essential; moreover, having suffered the burning of the violent Qin, how could past affairs be fully heard?) For instance, of the two eras of Tang and Yu, only a few chapters remain of the *Shangshu*. (Only five chapters, such as the 'Canon of Yao', remain.) Of the flourishing transformations of the Shang and Zhou, how many poems and eulogies can remain? Even in matters of punishments and virtue, which they valued, there are omissions; how much more so for what lies beyond the realm of appearances—how could that be complete? Therefore, Yao had Yin Shou as his teacher, and Shun served Wu Guang, yet the Duke of Zhou and Confucius also did not record them. Confucius's words on the Way appear in Zhuangzi; (The Five Classics do not mention them; they all come out of *Zhuangzi*.) Laozi's knowledge of ritual is preserved in Dai Sheng. (Dai De, courtesy name Jinjun, transmitted the *Rites*, called the *Greater Dai Rites*; he reached Grand Tutor of Xindu. Dai Sheng, courtesy name Cijun, transmitted the *Rites*, called the *Lesser Dai Rites*; as an Erudite he discoursed at the Shiqu Hall and reached Governor of Jiujiang.) Had these books turned to ashes, how would we know that the two sages fully realized ritual and knew the Way? (If they had been burnt to ashes by the violent Qin, how could these have been fully fathomed?) The guest said: 'When Dharmaratna arrived in the state, someone brought black ash to interrogate him. Dharmaratna said: "It is the remnant ash of the kalpa fire." Did he actually capture the truth of the matter?' (Was it really the ash of the kalpa fire?) The host said: 'The words remain, but the man has passed away; how can we know his mind? (Although these words have been passed down and remain, the person is no longer here; how can we know where his intended meaning and mind lay in his reply?) Zhongni said: "Emotions desire sincerity; disputation desires skill." This was disputation. (This reply was merely Dharmaratna's skillful disputation.) Or perhaps he was steadfast but did not insist on literal truth. (Steadfast means upright. Literal truth means trustworthiness. Although his intent was upright, his words need not be adhered to literally.) When the kalpa fire burns, the great earth is completely consumed. Yet once it has receded, how could there be cinders? (At the time of the kalpa fire, the great earth blazes with flames, burning up to the First Dhyāna; thereafter it recedes; how could there be ashes and cinders? Thus we know the kalpa fire has no ash.) Anciently, Zhuang Zhou considered that with Zhongni's wisdom, unless faced with the most vicious, it would not serve as mockery; therefore, he drew from afar upon the Eastern Mound, lodging words to show his meaning. (Robber Zhi lived on the Eastern Mound.) And Dharmaratna also considered that with the profundity of the Śākya, unless it astounded the ears, it would not effect transformation; therefore, he relied on the kalpa burning to open the way for his teaching. (People consider what surprises their hearing as extraordinary; therefore, wishing to convert them, he also used this expedient to move them.) Indeed, the gentleman uses virtue and righteousness to establish faith. (The gentleman acts righteously and then is trusted; 'when trustworthiness accords with righteousness, words can be repeated'.) Had he merely spoken of ordinary fire, would Dongfang Shuo have yielded to him? (Dongfang Shuo's courtesy name was Manqian. If he had answered by merely saying it was ordinary fire, would Dongfang Shuo have yielded to him?) Therefore, he touched upon the non-existent to guide toward the real; he abandoned the near to adduce the far, (Wishing to transform him, he first expediently pointed to the non-existent to entice him, abandoning the near ordinary fire and adducing the distant kalpa fire.) making people thirst to hear what was new, desiring to entice them toward goodness. Now, when they thirst to hear, it induces doubt; when it induces doubt, they are sure to seek to reach the truth; when the truth is reached, they return without straying far. (Reach means the actual truth.) It is like considering before drawing the crossbow mechanism and inspecting the arrow-notch to ensure it hits the mark. (This is from the 'Taijia'. The mechanism is the crossbow trigger; considering means gauging. Before releasing the arrow, one first gauges whether the trigger is suited to release and sure to hit. If one wishes to open and guide, one must ensure that they surely take refuge.) The guest said: 'The Buddha emerged among the Rong, and his teachings were bestowed upon the Rong people. For Chinese customs to follow the Rong, is that not base?' The host said: 'Do not say that! Do not say that! Where a gentleman dwells, it is never base.'

5.2.3

why speak only of sages? (In the Analects: The Master wished to dwell among the Nine Yi tribes. Someone said, "They are crude, how can you do so?" Confucius said, "If a gentleman dwells among them, what crudeness could there be?" If a gentleman is like this, then if a sage dwells there, transformation naturally does not consider them crude.) Heaven has no favorites; it aids only virtue. Learning has no fixed teacher; one takes the good as master. (To take as master means to attach oneself to; wherever there is good, one follows one's inclination to adhere to it.) The good under heaven is one: how could it be constrained by boundary lines? (If one's mind is set only on benefiting and delivering, how could one be bounded by territorial borders?) Therefore the Great Yu and Ji Wen were sage kings, (The Great Yu came from the Western Qiang and was born in Shiniu, in modern-day Maozhou circuit. King Wen of Zhou was born in Bin; both were Rong and Qiang.) while Youyu and Jin Midi were worthy ministers, (Youyu was an envoy from the Rong who went to Qin. Qin built palace halls, and Youyu criticized them, saying, "If these were not the work of ghosts, then they must have burdened the people." Jin Midi was an alien in the time of Emperor Wu of the Han, who was exceedingly worthy in the Han palace.) yet their births were not in the Central Xia. Taikang and King You of Zhou were dissolute lords, (Taikang was a king of Xia who was fond of hunting. His five younger brothers made songs to remonstrate with him, as he did not return for a hundred days. King You of Zhou doted on Baosi and brought about his own destruction.) and Han Zhuo and the Marquis of Shen were rebellious ministers, (Han Zhuo was a slanderous scion of the Boming clan who destroyed Yi and took his place. The Marquis of Shen destroyed King You of Zhou.) yet their births were not among the Four Barbarians. How could one judge worthiness or baseness by territorial realms? And Huangdi ascended Mount Kunlun, while the Lao Sage journeyed to the shifting sands, (Huangdi ascended Mount Kunlun to inquire into the Dao from Guangchengzi. Laozi journeyed to the shifting sands to seek Śākyamuni.) both esteeming what they heard and yearning for what resonated with them before they set out. (Corresponding voices answer each other; those sharing the same Dao seek each other out.) Now, barbarian horses are tamed in the stables, (Grooms tending horses are menial offices.) barbarian music is played in the court, (Such as the pipa and Qiang flute.) and barbarian cong-jades fill the treasury—(Cong and bi jades come from foreign lands.) were these ever called crude? Therefore, to aspire to the path of leaving the world, one must adopt the decorum of turning one's back on the world. (The shaven head and square robes.) To occupy its decorum yet not wish to exert oneself in its path is precisely what brings shame upon those of middling talent and above. (Occupying a place free of worldly dust and assuming the demeanor of renouncing the world, yet unable to advance in virtue and cultivate one's work, but instead restlessly busying oneself in the realm of wealth and profit—superior gentlemen look upon this with shame.) And when the sage Confucius spoke of "not daring to damage or injure," it was a warning against incurring harm through faults. (A fault is an error. Harm is calamity. The Classic of Filial Piety: "Body, hair, and skin must not be damaged or injured." This is a warning against faults and calamities.) As for Taibo taking the cutting of his hair as utmost virtue, and Yu Rang taking the lacquering of his body as upholding loyalty—(Wu Taibo was the eldest son of King Tai of Zhou. Because his youngest brother Jili was worthy, and moreover had fathered the sage son King Wen, [Taibo] knew that [Wen] would surely possess the realm, so he retreated to Wu, cut his hair, and tattooed his body; Confucius regarded this as utmost virtue. The Shiji: Zhao Xiangzi killed Zhi Bo. Yu Rang thought of avenging Zhi Bo. Xiangzi found out and ordered his countrymen to pursue him. Yu Rang then lacquered his body to alter his appearance and swallowed charcoal to alter his voice, entering his state. The Shiji regarded this as loyalty; hence cutting hair and changing appearance are not thereby disloyal or unfilial.) if they were able to establish virtue and make their names renowned, how could [filial piety] ever consist merely in preserving hair and skin intact? Thus, ancient and modern Huaxia, knowing their profound benefits, modeled themselves after them; not by altering appearances are the brilliant and worthy cast aside, nor does the state flourish merely by preserving caps and robes. Therefore Jiyou and Qu Yuan did not rely on hairpins and ribbons, (Ji You and Weiqu Yuan were both worthy; how could the worthiness of these two men have been brought about by hairpins and ribbons?) nor did Huan Tui and Shaozheng Mao become wicked through shaven heads and convict garments—(Huan Tui and Shaozheng Mao were both unbenevolent; how could it be because of shaven heads and convict garments?) why honor the one and disdain the other? In the past, King Wuling of Zhao first adopted barbarian clothing. (King Wuling of Zhao said to Lou Huan, "I wish to adopt barbarian clothing." Lou said, "Excellent." The ministers were unwilling. Feiyi attended the king, who also addressed him, saying, "I wish to adopt barbarian clothing, but I fear that later generations will criticize me; what should I do?" Yi said, "I have heard that undertaking doubtful matters yields no merit, and doubtful actions bring no fame. Since Your Majesty has determined to cast aside the burden of worldly customs, rule without looking back at the world's criticism! The foolish are blind to accomplished deeds; the wise perceive before things sprout. Why then should Your Majesty doubt?" Thereupon he adopted barbarian clothing.) After the Sui and Tang, caps and gowns were gradually reformed; what is esteemed is order, which is established as the royal standard. In recorded events and recorded speeches, none has been seen to ridicule this. (In governance, what is esteemed is ordering the people and establishing the royal standard; one has not seen ridicule directed at barbarian clothing.) Now Zhongni was not a minister of Yu or Xia, yet he revered the rites and music of the Three Dynasties; (Yu, Xia, and Shang.) Wu and Yue were not vassal states of Lu and Wei, yet they practiced the teachings of Ji Wen, the Duke of Zhou, and the Confucius clan. Even down to the official ranks, penal administration, and statutes instituted by Zheng of Qin and the Xin Court, later emperors and kings mostly adhered to current administration and continued them without discontinuance. (Although Qin Shi Huang and Wang Mang of the Xin were both devoid of the Way, the ranks and measures they instituted were often adopted without change.) If it were because the Second Emperor and Wang Mang lived together in the Central Xia that they were handed down and adopted in succession, whereas those from beyond the borders were not, then one would fail to understand the intent of employing Heaven's mandate to shepherd the people. (Heaven gave birth to the teeming masses and set up shepherds over them. It is also said: "To employ the Way of Heaven, why limit it to barbarian or Xia?") Now, all that is illuminated by the one sun and moon is our realm under heaven; if we practice the good of all under heaven, what then does not belong to our realm under heaven? In the past, when the King of Chu lost his bow and was content that someone of Chu would find it, Zhongni said, "A pity that his mind was not grander! Why not say a person will find it?" (The King of Chu lost his bow and said, "It will not go beyond someone of Chu finding it." When Zhongni heard this, he said, "A pity! Why did he not say: 'A person lost a bow, a person found it'?") However, those who speak today all indiscriminately refer to the Western Regions as "Hu," yet in truth the Hu comprise over thirty states beneath the Congling Mountains, whereas to the west of the mountains lies the state of Shendu, which is called the land of the Brahmans. Nevertheless, among them there are not lacking mixed groups with sunken eyes and chiselled eyebrows—just as in the Yi and Luo regions of this realm, where the Rong and Di press close against the royal domain; hence Shendu utterly disdains the name of "Hu." (Between the Yi and Luo rivers in present-day Henan, Rong people also reside.) Yet Wang Fu's Scripture of Converting the Barbarians says that because the Hu people were fierce and savage, he converted them by becoming the Buddha to make them shave their heads, wear convict garments, and sever their lineages—how deluded this is! In the Spring and Autumn period, the Red Di and White Di were deadly enemies of the feudal states, the Xianyun were fiercely rampant, and the Man and Yi threw Xia into disorder. (Kong means extremely. Hua means to disorder. In the Spring and Autumn period, the Di invaded Jin, Lu, and others.) Why did they not submit those who were near, but instead went far beyond the shifting sands to the edge of the great wilderness?

5.2.4

Did [Laozi] only then vent his bravery? (Laozi was born in the Central Realm during the reign of King Ding. Since he was hard-pressed by the Rong and Di, why did he not subdue them, yet claimed to go to Tianzhu to subdue those barbarians?) Furthermore, since antiquity, sage-kings have always cherished those from afar. Why would he secretly scheme to wipe out descendants and falsely formulate precepts against human relations? (When distant peoples do not submit, one cultivates civil virtue to attract them. It is also said: “Virtue alone moves Heaven; there is no distance it does not reach.” And: “Without negligence, without idling, the four barbarians come to acknowledge kingship.” Why would he resort to severing their lineages and falsely creating rules and precepts?) Looking into it carefully, the great cruelties of the Sanmiao and Shang Yang's extreme laws were no worse than this. (In the time of Shun, the state of the Sanmiao lay with Lake Dongting on its left and Lake Pengli on its right, outside the wild frontiers; several thousand kings were punished for not following the kingly way. In the time of Duke Xiao of Qin, the favored minister Jing Jian recommended Shang Yang of Wey, who aided Qin through harsh severity. Later, Duke Xiao passed away and King Hui was enthroned; he sent emissaries to arrest him. Lord Shang fled to the pass and wished to lodge at an inn. The innkeeper, not knowing it was Lord Shang, said: “According to Lord Shang's laws, lodging someone without identification warrants prosecution.” Lord Shang sighed: “Alas, has the harm of lawmaking reached such an extreme as this!” Thereupon he was attacked, torn apart by chariots, and killed. Now, the sons of Śākya are not followers of the Sanmiao, and the Old Sage is not of Shang Yang's ilk; why would it come to this?) Yet the Old Sage said that he is ‘always good at saving beings’—could that truly be so? (If it were so, then his words contradict his actions.) The Guest asked: “Disobeying his father's command and bringing sorrow to his mother; despising fear and seeking peril—can this be called filial piety? (Crown Prince Siddhārtha wished to leave home, but his royal father did not permit it and sent palace maidens to entertain him; the prince slipped away at midnight and leaped over the city wall, which was disobeying his father's command. Causing his maternal aunt to weep bitterly with a broken heart was bringing sorrow to his mother. Occupying the position of heir apparent yet dwelling alone in mountain valleys was despising fear. Being amid the snowy peaks was seeking peril. Can such conduct be called filial piety?) Being the master of King Bimbisāra, yet when he dwelt among the Kapilavastu clan, Ajātaśatru committed patricide, and Virūḍhaka attacked and slaughtered them; since he failed to save them, can this be called benevolence? (King Bimbisāra—that is, Bimbisāra—dwelt in Rājagṛha and was the father of King Ajātaśatru. King Ajātaśatru imprisoned him until he starved to death, and the Buddha could not save him. Moreover, King Virūḍhaka, the son of Prasenajit born to Lady Mallikā, was thus a maternal nephew of the Śākyas. Prompted by a maidservant's words, he raised troops and slaughtered the entire Śākya clan. The Buddha knew their past karma confronted them, and he could save neither.) Devadatta was his kinsman; (Devadatta was the son of King Droṇodana, a cousin of the Buddha.) Sunakkhatta was of his closest blood. Yet in life they suffered demotion and disgrace, and in death they fell into torment and misery—can this be called righteousness? (Devadatta and Sunakkhatta both sank into hell.) Sitting insolently upon a jeweled couch and receiving the obeisance of his lord and father; his words deeply lacking modesty, his countenance haughty and arrogant—can this be called ritual propriety? Before the bow hung at the door had even reached ten days, his empress mother met the end of her years: no calamity or misfortune could be greater than this—can this be called blessing? (When a prince is born, a mulberry bow and mugwort arrows are hung at the door. Formerly, when the Buddha was a prince, only seven days after his birth, Māyā passed away.) If it is like this, where lies its benefit, that one should wish the Central Realm to practice it?” The Host replied: “In discourses of love and hate, how can praise and blame be fixed? In antiquity, there were those who blamed the Three Sovereigns and reviled the Five Thearchs; there were those who praised the man south of the Han River and belittled Zhongni; (Zhuangzi tells of the old man south of the Han River who carried a pitcher into a well to draw water for his garden; Zigong taught him to make a well sweep, but the old man south of the Han River strongly belittled Zhongni's artifice and deceit.) there were those who favored the fisherman and reproached the Minister of the Three Clans; (Qu Yuan, the Grandee of the Three Clans, suffered slander from Jin Shang; King Huai suspected him, and he was exiled to Changsha. Walking alone along the riverbank, he met a fisherman who questioned him, wherefore he said: ‘The whole world is drunk, I alone am sober; the whole world is muddy, I alone am clean.’ The fisherman tried to urge him otherwise, to no avail, and he drowned himself and died.) there were those who intensified the condemnation of Qin laws while praising the Xin dynasty. (Qin Shihuang and Wang Mang had cruel laws. In later times, Yang Xiong wrote ‘An Eulogy on the Xin Dynasty’, severely criticizing Qin Shihuang while praising Wang Mang.) Examining their inclinations and aversions, they are but breaking walls and boring through fences—the petty exploits of sparrows and rats! (Some take up the dregs of the ancients and add further perforations to stir up right and wrong, like Wang Chong, Liu Zhiji, and their ilk, who only engage in criticism.) The Book of Rites says: ‘The highest filial piety is to venerate one’s parents; next is not to disgrace them; next is to be able to nourish them.’ (Venerating parents means causing their ancestors to be revered; not disgracing them means cultivating oneself and upholding proper conduct.) As for transforming the family into a realm, the world calls this the ‘great transformation’; when one acts as a sage to all under Heaven, who could call it small? Therefore, although he departed nearby from parental love and trod far into mountain forests, he made the people of the world know that his father was the father of a Great Sage, and know that his mother was the mother of a Great Sage. Having known them, they revered them; having revered them, they set them at ease. The filial son's righteousness can truly be called inexhaustible! (Inexhaustible means never lacking. This is indeed the way to venerate one's parents. The Book of Songs says: ‘A filial son is inexhaustible; forever shall he be bestowed with his kind.’) If even this is considered unfilial, then who could ever practice filial piety? Zengzi said: ‘Nourishing is possible, but respect is difficult; (Even dogs and horses are capable of being nourished; without respect, what is there to distinguish them?) respect is possible, but giving peace of mind is difficult; giving peace of mind is possible, but carrying it through to the end is difficult. When parents have passed away, to be cautious in one's conduct so as not to leave an evil name upon one's parents can be called being able to carry it through to the end.’ (Beginning under the blowing wind and ending at the Crane Grove, all his good was praised, and no evil could be slandered; this is truly called the completion of filial piety.) Did the Great Sage not possess this in full measure? When a sage acts, he does not contravene [the Dao]; the two luminaries' dusk and dawn do not contravene the four seasons; flourishing and withering can only be contravened through temporary manifestations. If a transformation persists for too long, it offends against the nature of things, and anomalies and deceptions arise. (Even a sage cannot contravene past karma.) As for being imprisoned and starving to death, or having one's bones buried and flesh cut by blades, these are recompenses for causes in past lives. (Because Bimbisāra had no son, a divination said: ‘An immortal in the mountains shall become your son.’ Thereupon he killed him to make him take rebirth quickly; before he was born, he further transformed into a white hare and was killed again; therefore, he was now imprisoned by King Ajātaśatru and died. The Śākyas also suffered because they had formerly killed a great makara fish.) When retributions answer prior conditions, it is not that a sage cannot cause them to be temporarily contravened; it is simply not in accordance with the principle of karma for them to be permanently remitted. (The scripture says: ‘Even after a hundred kalpas, the karma one has made does not perish; when conditions meet, the karmic fruit is still reaped by oneself.’) Lord Millet was good at sowing because he followed the seasons of Heaven.

5.2.5

Bian Que was a skilled physician, but he depended on fate. To go against time and destiny was not within his power. Therefore, only when the form is removed is the shadow extinguished; only when karma is eliminated is the retribution dispelled. If one could extinguish the shadow while keeping the form, or dismiss the retribution while retaining the karma, then sorcery and illusions would prevail (unless purified through repentance so that karma is eradicated, it would amount to the deceptive, monstrously illusory claims of shamans). In the past, when horse grain was eaten, Maudgalyāyana requested the Earth's essence (the brāhmaṇa Agnidatta invited the Buddha for ninety days and offered only horse grain; in the beginning of the kalpa there was the Earth's essence sunken beneath the earth, and Maudgalyāyana wished to exercise supernatural powers to retrieve it, but the Tathāgata would not permit any of it, wishing to set an example for future generations). When Kapilavastu was besieged, Maudgalyāyana requested to turn it into an iron city (when the Śākyas were besieged by King Virūḍhaka, Maudgalyāyana wished to manifest an iron city to protect them, but the Tathāgata would not listen, for karma cannot be escaped). The Great Sage denied both on account of karmic retribution. Hence, to fail to do what can be done is unbenevolent; but if something cannot be done and one does not do it, how could that be called unbenevolent? As for acting: if one accords with principle, even if it brings harm, it is called righteousness; if one loses principle, even if survival is preserved, it cannot be called righteousness. Danzhu and Shangjun were slighted by Yao and Shun (because they were incompetent, they were treated with slight and not permitted to succeed to the throne). Guan and Cai were wiped out by Zhou Dan (the two uncles Guan and Cai spread slanderous rumors defaming the Duke of Zhou; the Duke of Zhou did not spare them on account of kinship, but thereupon executed Uncle Guan and banished Uncle Cai). Duke Zhuang of Zheng overcame Duan (Gongshu Duan was the maternal younger brother of Duke Zhuang of Zheng; because he rebelled, Duke Zhuang overcame him at Yan). Shi Que slaughtered Shi Hou (Shi Que was the father of Shi Hou; Hou assisted Prince Zhouyu in assassinating Duke Huan of Wey to set Zhouyu up, and when Hou asked Que how to secure the lord's rule, Que sent them to Chen where he had them killed). These show that kin was endured, and the preservation of the ancestral line was made primary. They enforced punishments to show future generations, causing those who were unfilial and unbrotherly to fear and reform. In the case of Devadatta and Sunakṣatra, had [the Buddha] used vast partiality to pardon their transgressions, it would have encouraged all under Heaven to commit treason. Therefore, he called him a consumer of spit to humiliate him (after Devadatta learned supernatural powers, he transformed into a small child sitting on King Ajātaśatru's knee; when the king spat, Devadatta caught it and ate it, so the Buddha humiliated him with the moniker 'consumer of spit'). He made plain severe suffering to warn him (when the Buddha was walking at night, Sunakṣatra wished to rest because it was late, and falsely assumed the guise of a Bakula demon to frighten the Buddha, whereupon he sank into hell). This caused those of common disposition to have a sense of shame and correct themselves (ge means 'to correct'; although it seemed humiliating to his own kin, the principle was to return them to correctness; those of the same clan share a common disposition), so that none would strive for good fortune by seeking exemption (not seeking exemption through opportunistic avenues). From this, the sage's punishments begin from near and extend to far; he does not draw kin close while keeping distant people at bay. How could one fathom the significance of his expedient means? As for great ritual, it shares the same rhythm as Heaven and Earth; the Dao and its virtue share the same dignity as Heaven and Earth; and the sage shares the same substance as the Dao and its virtue. When rulers and fathers follow ritual, they respect Heaven and Earth; respecting Heaven and Earth, they hold dear the Dao and its virtue; holding dear the Dao and its virtue, they revere the sage; revering the sage, they accord with the rhythm of Heaven and Earth and broaden the custom of the Dao and its virtue. It is not that our Great Sage coerces superiors to seek veneration for himself; rather, rulers and fathers naturally venerate themselves by way of the Dao and its virtue. Once ritual and law are displayed, people emulate them. Therefore, when bodily appearances differ from the secular, those who do not differ pay ritual homage, which accords with the Dao and its virtue. If bodily appearances do not differ from the secular and one makes those who differ pay ritual homage, then that goes against the Dao and its virtue. Although those who differ are not necessarily wiser than those who do not, and those who do not differ are not necessarily foolish compared to those who do, yet wooden and earthen figurines are reverenced when adorned as representations (earthen and wooden figurines refer to carved and molded statues); how could sons of peasants and merchants not be reverenced when displaying [monastic] vestments and appearance? (All who go forth from the four castes are equally of the Śākya clan; they are not disrespected because of humble caste). To reverence the unworthy is still better than not reverencing at all (to reverence even the ordinary is still superior to disrespect). Sparing the sheep preserves an understanding of ritual (in the standard ritual of Lu, a sheep had to be slaughtered at the ancestral temple to announce the new moon; after Duke Wen this ritual announcement was abandoned, yet the sacrifice of the sheep was retained; in the time of Duke Ai, Zigong was in charge of the granary and the ritual announcement at the temple, and since the ruler did not observe the new moon, he also wished to abolish the sacrificial sheep; the Master said, 'You love the sheep, but I love the ritual'; although the ruler did not observe the new moon, seeing the sheep still allowed one to know the ritual, whereas if the sheep were also eliminated, no record of the ritual would remain; reverencing is just like this here). Buying the bones of a thoroughbred attracts the worthy (in ancient times, King Zhao of Yan wished to attract worthy men; Guo Wei said, 'Let your majesty build a golden terrace and honor me, and worthy men from all four directions will arrive. Seeing that your majesty employs even an unworthy person like me, how much more so the worthy! In the past, someone seeking a divine steed could not find one, but someone brought the head of a dead horse, and the king rewarded him with a thousand pieces of gold. Those who heard of this all came, and within a month he obtained three divine steeds. Please honor me.' Afterward, several men including Yue Yi indeed arrived). This is indeed the great way of human relations. Therefore, whether rulers and fathers reverence or do not reverence depends on themselves; whether śramaṇas accept or do not accept homage depends on others. It is not that the Great Sage insists on suppressing rulers and fathers to force their respect, nor that śramaṇas necessarily desire to sit and receive bows and salutations. The Ritual says: 'When a son is newly capped, his mother bows' (the 'Meaning of Capping' in the Book of Rites says: once capped, he is given a courtesy name, which is the way of adulthood; when he presents himself to his mother, the mother bows to him; when he presents himself to his brothers, the brothers bow to him; completing adulthood, all the rituals are fulfilled), and 'A person in armor does not bow.' Neither loses respect for rulers and kin. How much more so when Ruism has those who would not be subjects to the Son of Heaven nor serve the feudal lords (such as Chao Fu, Xu You, and the Four Whiteheads). As for Māyā, she borrowed a lifespan awaiting the birth of the Buddha; once the Sage was born, she returned her form to Heaven (the Avataṃsaka Sūtra says: all Buddhas of the past and future have Māyā as their mother; after giving birth to the Buddha, she returned to Heaven). Mother and son enjoyed abundance—how is this not a blessing? In antiquity, when Xia Qi was born, his mother turned into stone (the Annals of Emperors and Kings says: Gun married a daughter of the Ye clan named Xiu Ji, who walked in the mountains, saw a shooting star, and was moved by it; she swallowed an adlay seed, and for three years did not give birth; later her back split open to give birth to Yu. Today, in Mount Wen in Shu, Guangye County has a place named Shixi, which is where Yu's mother turned to stone. Also, when Yu wished to open up Mount Huan'er, he said to the daughter of Tushan, 'Bring me food when you hear the sound of the bell and drum.' Yu jumped on a rock and struck the drum; when the woman went to bring food, she saw Yu transforming into an animal, and fled to the foot of Mount Song where she turned into a stone woman. She was pregnant with Qi, and Yu said, 'My son is inside the stone...').

5.2.6

[when Qi was born,] she tore [her body] open as she returned, and Qi's mother transformed into stone); and when Yi Yin was born, his mother became a hollow mulberry tree (Yi Yin was minister to Tang; when he was born, his mother transformed into a hollow mulberry tree). Could this be considered inauspicious? Thus the two teachings [of Confucianism and Daoism] deliberate solely on this present life, whereas the Buddhist teaching comprehensively reveals other lives. In the case of those two mothers who turned into a mulberry tree and a stone, where did their conscious spirits go? The Holy Mother looks down on the sun and moon and pities the human world below; in truth, happiness and good fortune shall accompany them!" The guest said: "Cruel Wei executed households for their inner convictions, and dim-witted Zhou showed no kindness to the dark-clad companions (Emperor Taiwu of the Wei, Tuoba Tao, abolished the Dharma in the fifth year of Taiyan [439]; whoever harboured a śramaṇa was put to death. Emperor Wu of the Zhou, Yuwen Yong, abolished the Buddhist teaching in the second year of Jiande [573]; 'dark' refers to the monks, who were subjected to [suppression]). They caused the entire realm to cry out in anguish and the royal beneficence to be exhausted. At first, they seemed to triumph, but in the end swift disasters struck them (when the two monarchs first abolished the Dharma, it seemed to accord with their aims, but soon they both died of foul diseases). Why did they ever come to this?" The host said: "When noxious vapors steam forth, the five moral duties fall to ruin; when treachery and evil arise, the myriad spirits are enraged (once the Five Phases are disrupted, the hundred spirits grow angry). Therefore, what Heaven assists is obedience; what man assists is trustworthiness. Devoid of trustworthiness and devoid of obedience, Heaven and humanity unite to execute them. How could they not perish? (The *Book of Documents* says: 'Calamities sent by Heaven may still be avoided; calamities brought on oneself cannot be escaped.') At first, Taizu and Taizong of the Wei (Taizu was Tuoba Gui; Taizong was Tuoba Si, styled Emperor Ming, the eldest son of Taizu, Emperor Wu) were devoted to the teachings of causes and conditions. The śramaṇa Faguo was pure and meticulous in his precepts and conduct, and widely expounded the Dharma texts. Taizu decreed that he be appointed Director of Monks. Taizong revered him even more, offering him the titles of Supporter of the State, Viscount of Yicheng, Marquis of Zhongxin, and Duke of Ancheng, all of which he declined. When the emperor visited his residence, the carriage could not enter because the gate was too narrow, so he decreed that it be widened. Faguo died at eighty. The emperor attended his funeral in person and posthumously conferred upon him the title of General of Old Age and Longevity (all marking the emperor's favour). When Duke Ling of Zhao, Shizu, ascended the throne (Emperor Taiwu), he initially followed these practices as well. He frequently summoned eminent śramaṇas of high virtue to converse with them. On the eighth day of the fourth month, statues were paraded through the broad avenues; the emperor went to the tower gate, leaned over the railing, scattered flowers, and bowed his head to pay homage. However, having ascended the pinnacle of power at the age of eight, he consulted Situ Cui Hao on matters of state governance. Hao spoke endlessly of Zhuangzi and Laozi, and deeply subverted the Buddhist school. The emperor had long placed deep trust in seeking magicians and masters of arts; when he obtained the Celestial Master Kou Qianzhi, he decreed that Daoist altars be established in all prefectures and garrisons. It happened that Gai Wu rebelled at Xingcheng, throwing Guanzhong into turmoil. In the fifth year of Taiyan, a *yimao* year [439], the emperor campaigned west against Chang'an (the Northern Wei had its capital at Pingcheng at the time). At that time, there were śramaṇas who planted barley in the monastery where the imperial grooms grazed horses. The emperor entered the monastery to inspect the horses, and his attendants took the opportunity to peer inside: the rooms contained private property, bows and arrows, and tens of thousands of items deposited and hidden by local governors and wealthy magnates. At that time, the emperor was twenty-four years of age; in the full vigor of his years, he was deficient in philosophical learning. Seeing that these matters matched Cui Hao's words, he thereupon issued a decree to burn and destroy scriptures and images, preserving only four monasteries under the Terrace, as in Chang'an. In the fifth year of Taiping Zhenjun [444], he issued another decree: 'From princes and dukes down to the commoners, anyone who privately shelters a śramaṇa must deliver him by the fifteenth day of the second month of this year; if the deadline passes and they are not surrendered, the śramaṇa shall be put to death, and the harbourer's entire household executed.' At that time, Prince Zonggong [Tuoba Huang], supervising state affairs as crown prince, presented a remonstrance stating that the execution of śramaṇas was excessively cruel, and that the statues and paintings were not at fault: 'It would now be appropriate merely to disband their way and close the gates of the monasteries; if the world ceases to worship and maintain them, the works of clay, wood, cinnabar, and verdigris will naturally fall into ruin.' His memorial was not adopted. That year, Crown Prince Huang's master, the śramaṇa Xuangao, was slandered by Hao and executed (as was the crown prince). In the third month, the spring of the seventh year [446], he decreed that the Buddha's Dharma be entirely purged, and that all śramaṇas, young and old alike, be buried alive. Although Zonggong's advice was not heeded, he delayed the proclamation of the imperial decree, enabling those far and near to make secret provisions to hide and flee. Hao died within eleven years. When Emperor Wu was critically ill, he was assassinated by the eunuch Zong Ai (the Northern Wei initially had its capital at Pingcheng with the surname Tuoba. Only when Emperor Xiaowen moved the capital to Luoyang did they change their surname to the Yuan clan. The Western Wei relied on Yuwen Tai and had its capital at Chang'an. The Eastern Wei dismantled the palaces of Luoyang and made Ye its capital). Previously, when Cui and Kou both accompanied the imperial retinue, Kou remonstrated with him, but Cui would not listen. Kou said: 'You will cut short your own years and bring ruin to your household!' (in the end, just before his execution, he was made to have urine poured into his mouth). Emperor Gaozu of the Zhou [Emperor Wu] believed that the śramaṇas matched a prophecy concerning blackness. Formerly, when Taizu Heitai [Yuwen Tai] held the Wei emperor hostage and fled west, all clothing and banners were made black. Later, the śramaṇas all wore yellow robes, which the common people particularly disliked. Yet the people of Zhou thought that 'none is blacker than a crow,' leading to the execution of those surnamed Wu; and 'none is blacker than a bean,' leading to the execution of those surnamed Dou. There was Wei Yuansong, who returned to lay attire (a man of Xinfan county in Shu, who cast off his robes and presented a memorial demanding a purge), and the yellow-capped Daoist Zhang Bin, who joined together to plow the fields (pairing up to plow so as to eradicate the teaching of the Buddhist religion; the *Spring and Autumn Annals* mentions 'two fives paired together' in the State of Jin). The emperor received the registers and tallies in person. In the spring, the third month of the fourth year of Tianhe, a *yichou* year [469], he convened a grand assembly of eminent figures of the three teachings, along with more than two thousand civil and military officials, to jointly debate their rise and decline, but no conclusion could be reached. In the summer, the fourth month, he ordered the Director of Retainers Zhen Luan to examine and compare them in detail. In the fifth year [470], Luan submitted the *Treatise Laughing at the Dao* (preserved in the Canon). Because it exposed the gross distortions and ugliness of the Daoist teachings, the emperor had it burned. Dao'an presented the *Treatise on the Two Teachings*, and the emperor's plan was temporarily shelved. By the summer, the fifth month of the third year of Jiande [574], relying on the two teachings' mutual vilification, his plan was enacted once more. The followers of Śākya and Li [Laozi] were both discarded like straw dogs (straw dogs are dogs made of grass; the *Dao De Jing* of Laozi says that all things are treated as straw dogs). The burying of images and slaughter of people was unspeakable. In the spring of the sixth year [577], the Zhou army conquered the Qi, and the emperor considered this to be the blessing of having abolished the teachings (on the nineteenth day of the first month of the sixth year of Jiande, they conquered the Northern Qi, obtaining the imperial transmission jade seal crafted under the Qin. It measured four inches square, bearing the inscription: 'Having received the Mandate from Heaven, may he have longevity and everlasting prosperity.' They acquired fifty-five prefectures, one hundred and sixty-one commanderies, three hundred and eighty-five counties, 3,002,528 households, and 30,002,886 individuals. In the second month, the army returned). In the seventh year [578], the reign era was changed to Xuanzheng. That year, before the autumn sacrifice could take place, the emperor collapsed at Yunyang (the *chang* is the autumn sacrifice. In the sixth month the emperor collapsed. Crown Prince Yun ascended the throne as Emperor Xuan, changing the reign era to Xuanzheng, and subsequently changed it to Dacheng and Daxiang. Dissolute in wine and women, he levied a tax of one coin on each merchant entering the market. Soon after, he enthroned his crown prince as emperor and styled himself Heavenly Origin Emperor). When greedy men value profit, how could they care for their sovereign or parents?

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北山錄 — Classical Chinese