鐔津文集 5

English (machine translation) 5

Language: English

5.1

Composed by Śramaṇa Qisong of Dongshan, Tanjin, Tengzhou

Ritual is the beginning of the kingly way; music is the completion of the kingly way. Without ritual, there is no way to put it into action; without music, there is no way to manifest its fruition. Therefore, ritual and music are that upon which the kingly way relies to generate and complete [all things]. Ritual regulates the mean in accord with human feelings; the king governs in accord with ritual; governance demonstrates its efficacy in accord with ritual and music. In human feelings, none does not value life richly, and ritual and music nurture it; in human feelings, none does not grieve at death, and ritual corrects it with mourning; in human feelings, none does not have men and women, and ritual makes appropriate their mating (one text reads 'corrects'); in human feelings, none does not have intimacy and distance, and ritual adapts them with righteousness; in human feelings, none does not exercise joy and anger, and ritual regulates them to what is fitting; in human feelings, none does not harbor desire for goods and profit, and ritual restrains them by moderation. When ritual is instituted, feelings correspond to things; when things attain their principle, kingly governance is practiced; when kingly governance is practiced, its people are joyful and their breath is harmonized. Music is that by which the human mind is engaged and harmonious breath is communicated. Gong, shang, jiao, zhi, and yu: these five are the notes of music. Metal, stone, silk, bamboo, gourd, clay, hide, and wood: these eight are the instruments of music. The notes and the instruments are entirely governed by music; though the notes combine and modulate, if they do not derive from music, they are merely notes. For this reason, the king relies on music to chronicle the success of his governance; the sage relies on music to give form to his abundant virtue. If so, then what era has lacked music? What era has lacked ritual? Yet the more cumbersome ritual becomes, the more governance deteriorates; the more music is performed, the more the times become chaotic. This is because what was instituted was the outward etiquette of ritual, not its substance; what was composed was the mere sound of music, not its root. Now, the root of music lies in human harmony; the substance of ritual lies in things being appropriate. Anciently, the Lord of Youyu cultivated the five rituals; hence his governance alone attained non-action, his kindness permeated animal and plant life, and the nests of doves and magpies could be peered into by bending down. Then the Shao music was performed, and the phoenix arrived. Therefore Confucius said: 'The Shao is completely beautiful, and also completely good.' This meant that Shun cultivated ritual and obtained the substance of ritual; he composed music and obtained the root of music. Shusun Tong instituted rituals, but he merely attended to the etiquette of ritual. Du Kui cultivated music, but he merely promoted the outward adornment of music. Promoting mere adornment, it is natural that his governance was not perfected; attending to mere etiquette, it is natural that his governance was not pure. Now, ritual is that by which the kingly way is invigorated; music is that by which the kingly virtue is perfected. Therefore, if a king wishes to make his Way prevail without carrying ritual to its utmost (some editions read 'ji' [utmost], others read 'ji' [reaching]), or wishes to cause his virtue to flow forth without arriving at music, even though he be a supreme sage, nothing can be done. The sovereign is the source from which ritual and music issue; the common people are those to whom ritual and music are directed. If that from which they issue is not authentic, then those to whom they are directed will adorn themselves with emptiness; if that from which they issue is not practiced in person, then those to whom they are directed will not encourage one another. For this reason, ritual is prized when practiced by superiors; music is prized when emulated by inferiors. The rituals of the ancestral temple are that by which filial piety is taught; the rituals of the court audience are that by which loyalty is taught; the rituals of feasting and banqueting are that by which respect is taught; the rituals of pledging and toasting are that by which deference is taught; the rituals of the local drinking ceremony are that by which hierarchy is taught; the rituals of lecturing and instructing are that by which cultivation is taught; the rituals of the army and campaign are that by which harmony is taught; the rituals of marriage and betrothal are that by which compliance is taught; the rituals of the unhemmed mourning garment and weeping are that by which grief is taught. Instruction is instructed through ritual; ritual converges in governance; governance gives rise to music, music gives rise to notes, and notes give rise to righteousness. Therefore, when the sage's governance is achieved, he composes music; relying on notes, he manifests abundant virtue. Relying on the heavy, deep, broad, and vast quality of the gong note, he demonstrates his sagacity; relying on the stern vigor of the shang note, he demonstrates his decisiveness; relying on the gentle mildness of the jiao note, he demonstrates his benevolence; relying on the swift force of the zhi note, he demonstrates his wisdom; relying on the soft moistness of the yu note, he demonstrates his reverence. The pitch pipes are made correct to demonstrate that yin and yang are harmonious; the eight winds and four seasonal qi are made compliant to demonstrate that the myriad things flourish. Still fearing that people have not seen it, he dances it in mimetic dance, wishing them to see it; fearing that people have not fully understood it, he expresses it in poetry, wishing them to know it. Inspiring and transforming them, the reform of manners and customs lies within this. This is the method by which the ancient kings composed music.

5.5

Great Governance

5.6

The Great Governance speaks of supreme impartiality. The Way of supreme impartiality resides in Heaven; thus the noble person does not seek improper ability, and the petty person does not engage in improper contention. If one's virtue is abundant enough to be ruler, one acts as ruler; if one's virtue is abundant enough to be minister, one acts as minister—why must one seek improper ability? If they obtain their living, let them live; if they obtain their death, let them die—why must one contend improperly? When the world is free of improper shortcuts, laws have nothing to restrain; when people do not fight and seize, arms have no reason to arise. This is the means by which Yao and Shun governed through yielding and deference. What is supreme impartiality? It is extending utmost sincerity so that one proceeds together in accord with all under Heaven. The sage possesses great sincerity; therefore what he does is supremely impartial. When sincerity resides in the Way, one transmits the Way to all under Heaven. When sincerity resides in correctness, one employs people with correctness. When sincerity is great, it models itself on Heaven and Earth; when sincerity is small, it scrutinizes the subtle and the wondrous. Therefore, he can achieve the Way without treating his position as private; he can achieve good governance without possessing its merit; he can nourish the myriad things without displaying his benevolence; and he can encompass the myriad things without abandoning his wisdom. Thus the sage undertakes great action yet incurs no encumbrance; he undertakes great non-action and his transformation is pure. Sincerity is the Way of Heaven; impartiality is the Way of humanity. The sage cultivates the Way of Heaven in order to correct the Way of humanity. Sincerity cannot be seen; impartiality can be seen. By examining what cannot be seen from what is seen, the Way of the sage becomes clear. Yao appointed the Four Regulators, and the individuals matched their posts; through this, things fulfilled their seasons, and the common people obtained their proper dying and living. Shun appointed the Six Ministers, the Four Mountains, and the Twelve Pastors, and the individuals were appropriate; therefore his governance attained its culmination, and his teachings also became manifest. Yao had a son named Zhu; Shun had a son named Jun. The virtue and way of these two sons were insufficient for the throne, so [the rulers] turned to the worthy men of the realm; hence [Yao] conferred it upon Shun, and [Shun] conferred it upon Yu. Because they treated all under Heaven as public, who among the people and populace of the realm would harbor improper selfishness and contend? When the Di barbarians were not yet transformed, the sage increased his virtue and embraced them. Therefore, virtue is what attains governance; governance is what manifests sincerity; and sincerity is what penetrates Heaven and Earth, human beings and things, ghosts and spirits. For this reason, when the sage makes it sincere, the five materials and the four seasons never fail to accord. The *Yijing* says: 'Inner truth: good fortune even to pigs and fishes.' It also says: 'A calling crane in the shade; its young chimes in. I have a fine goblet; I will share it with you.' Therefore, the governance of Yao and Shun was simple, and their employment of men was fitting. When governance is simple, there are no troublesome laws; when employment is fitting, there are no superfluous offices. Setting forth the five punishments was to contain the people's errors without displaying them; cultivating the five rites was to rectify people's respect without indolence. Because their governance was supremely consummate, they were emperors; because their rule was supremely impartial, they yielded [the throne]. Attributing the title of emperor to the highest antiquity evaluates the way of governing to encourage others; assigning the yielding of the throne to great virtue distinguishes the fitness of the times to instruct others. For later governance that failed to be consummate, can it be called that of an emperor? For rule that was not impartial, can it be called abdication? When the transformation of supreme impartiality was extinguished, people became intensely selfish and improper. The clever used scheming and calculation to deceive; the foolish used physical force to fight. In such times, transforming as an emperor was impossible, and yielding as an emperor was likewise impossible. Therefore it is said: Those who destroyed the Way of the emperors began with the Qin; those who threw into disorder the virtue of yielding began with the Han.

5.7

Consummate Governance

5.8

Consummate governance speaks of consummate righteousness. When all under Heaven are mobilized through righteousness, governance has that by which it extends, perversity has that by which it is suppressed, good has that by which it is encouraged, and evil has that by which it is checked. In matters of liking and disliking, right and wrong—with their myriad facets—there is that by which decisions are made. Authority can uphold righteousness; even if that authority is weighty, it must be exercised. Righteousness can enact authority; even if that righteousness is light, it must be upheld. If authority does not align with righteousness, pushed to extremes it ultimately causes harm. If righteousness is not upheld by authority, when lost it inevitably leads to disorder. Therefore, those of antiquity who held great governance inevitably possessed its authority; those who wielded great power inevitably brought their governance to success. Tang and Wu wielded great authority, which was the means by which they upheld this righteousness. King Zhao of Zhou and King Yan of Xu lost great authority, which was the reason this righteousness went astray. What is righteousness? It is dwelling in the great balance and proceeding together in accord with all under Heaven. When proceeding attains its proper place, all under Heaven say there is the Way. When proceeding is not in its proper place, all under Heaven say there is no Way. The sage establishes that balance in order to correct where all under Heaven proceed. When the times changed and people became intensely selfish and improper, on a large scale they treated their states as private, next they treated their families as private, and on a small scale they treated their own persons as private. Those who accorded with righteousness were few, while those who opposed righteousness were many. Thereupon later sages feared contention and disorder; setting forth punishments was not done for arbitrary cruelty, and setting forth military force was not done for arbitrary killing—they sought to urge people to hasten toward righteousness. If a ruler is unrighteous toward the people, the multitude may remove him; if the multitude is unrighteous, the officials may govern them. For this reason, Yu, Tang, Wen, Wu, and the Duke of Zhou—these five sages—were cautious with great governance; hence they did not arbitrarily usurp great authority. Because they exercised great authority, they did not arbitrarily yield the great position. They campaigned against the Youhu clan, exiled Jie of Xia, executed the ruler of Ge, attacked Zhou, and acted as regent over all under Heaven to execute Guan and Cai. They transmitted the realm within their families, yet the people of the realm followed and submitted to them without resentment. This was because their governance was consummate. Thus a lost ode says: 'The flowers of the cherry tree, how they flutter and turn! Do I not long for you? But your house is far away.' The *Shujing* says: 'Punish so that there will be no more punishments, and the people will accord with the mean—truly your merit is great!' Taking this into account, should not a noble person be cautious about governance and careful with authority? When governance declines, people take advantage of it to build power; when authority declines, people rely on it to make disorder. 'Governance' then means having the name while the substance is lost; 'authority' then means indulging the crooked and forgetting the upright. When King Yi stepped down from his hall to meet the feudal lords, this can be called an insufficiency of governance. When Duke Yin improperly yielded a state of a thousand chariots, this can be called an insufficiency of authority. When Duke Huan of Qi boasted of his hegemony, this can be called the beginning of authority's corruption. When King Gong of Zhou degraded his status as king, this can be called the beginning of governance's decline. Now, the relation of governance to authority is like a measure having its scraper; the relation of authority to governance is like a balance following its weight. When the right person is found, they are made upright; when it is not the right person, they are subverted. Therefore, the Way awaits the right person to flourish—who can say it depends merely on the times?

5.9

Rewards and Punishments

5.10

When rewards and punishments are impartial, the kingly way flourishes; when rewards and punishments are partial, the kingly way is extinguished. The sage king wishes his Way to prevail, so he regulates impartiality and partiality. Using rewards and punishments to rectify good and evil is impartial; using rewards and punishments to serve one's joy and anger is partial. Impartiality is the means to unite all under Heaven; partiality is the means to divide all under Heaven. When all under Heaven are united, how could the Way not flourish? When all under Heaven are divided, how could the Way not decline? Rewards and punishments are the great mean of all under Heaven, and they ought to be shared with all under Heaven. Kingly governance is the means to rectify good and evil. The good of all under Heaven cannot go unrewarded; the evil of all under Heaven cannot go unpunished. Rewards and punishments hitting the mark are that by which governance is established. Reward is close to grace; punishment is close to awe. Who is there that, being pleased, does not wish to extend their grace, or being angry, does not wish to apply their awe? Therefore it is said: unless one is a person of utmost impartiality and lofty discernment, one cannot be entrusted with the authority over rewards and punishments. The commentary says: 'One may advance toward the Way with them, yet one may not yet weigh circumstances with them'—this indicates the utmost caution. The 'Great Plan' says: 'Without making likes, follow the king's way; without making dislikes, follow the king's path'—this indicates a profound warning. In the decline of the Zhou, it was not that there were no rewards and punishments, but rather that rewards and punishments issued from partiality. Issuing from partiality was the reason disorder was brought upon all under Heaven. When one rewards out of partiality, grace redounds to the partial; when one punishes out of partiality, awe resides in the partial. When awe is used to drive the multitude, the multitude inevitably follows it; when evil is used to win over the multitude, the multitude inevitably imitates it. Common people have no constant heart; they shift according to benefit and harm. Where there is benefit, they improperly attach themselves; where there is harm, they improperly evade it. Those who discriminate between the correct and the false are indeed few! The ancients compared them to oxen and horses, which submit gently only to those who tether them and yield to them; flattering them together with the crowd, nothing can check it. Now, rewards and punishments are the great authority by which former kings practiced the Way. If one wishes the Way to prevail, one must not allow the authority of rewards and punishments to reside in partiality for an instant. If small partiality is applied, it profanes punishments; if great partiality is applied, it profanes the military. When the military is profaned, expeditions and attacks issuing from the feudal lords began from this. When punishments are profaned, governance and orders issuing from the grandees began from this. Therefore, in the *Spring and Autumn Annals*, when feudal lords conducted punitive expeditions on their own authority, the *Spring and Autumn Annals* condemned them; when feudal lords enfeoffed on their own authority, the *Spring and Autumn Annals* condemned them. This was because it did not grant rewards and punishments to the feudal lords. When grandees in the *Spring and Autumn Annals* seized land on their own authority, the *Spring and Autumn Annals* condemned them; when grandees granted land on their own authority, the *Spring and Autumn Annals* condemned them. This was because it did not grant rewards and punishments to the grandees. The *Spring and Autumn Annals* is that which displays the rewards and punishments of the king. The Master said: 'Will it not be the *Spring and Autumn Annals* that causes people to condemn me?' The sage braved condemnation to compose the *Spring and Autumn Annals* in order to instill fear in those who administer rewards and punishments in later generations.

5.11

Instruction and Transformation

5.12

Rites and righteousness are where instruction resides; habits and customs are what transformation emulates. If it is not where it resides, instruction will not reach its culmination; if it is not what is emulated, transformation will not be correct. For this reason, those skilled in instruction must uphold rites and righteousness; those prudent in transformation must guard against harmful habits and customs. All under Heaven cannot do without instruction; the common people cannot do without transformation. For those who stand above the common people of the realm, can instruction and transformation be neglected? Instruction and transformation are like the wind; the people are like flying dust. When the wind moves high or low, things follow it, floating or sinking. The sage worries that people will drift into evil and not return, and therefore he is cautious regarding instruction and transformation. Instruction arises from government offices and administrative affairs; transformation is accomplished in the customs of the people. Rites and righteousness are demonstrated at court and within the state, and are manifested to all under Heaven. The *Classic of Poetry* says: 'The way of Zhou is like a grindstone, straight as an arrow; walked upon by the noble person, beheld by the petty person.' That which gives birth to it is like the breath and pulse; that which accomplishes it is like the four limbs. There has never been a person who wished to keep their four limbs at ease without regulating their breath and pulse. When that which gives birth is correct, that which is accomplished is upright; when that which is beheld is cultivated, that which is seen is well ordered. For this reason, those in antiquity who held government offices and administrative affairs inevitably first cultivated rites and righteousness to correct themselves, and only then extended them to others. If people did not follow them, they inevitably reflected on whether their own instruction had not yet reached perfection; then they redoubled their cultivation to encourage them. If they still did not follow, these were cases of licentious winds and depraved customs, and only then could laws be applied to punish those who violated rites and transgressed righteousness. The 'Announcement of Tang' says: 'If among the myriad regions there are transgressions, let them fall upon my person alone.' Therefore, when a single transgression was punished, the people understood; when a single command was issued, the people complied. This is what is meant by instruction being cultivated above and the people being transformed below. In later generations, it was not so. Can one neglect what is taught and yet expect proper transformation? To have an unrighteous government and blame people for transgressing righteousness, or to have improper instruction and blame people for violating rites—this too is delusion. Rites are the mean; righteousness is correctness. When those above are not centered and correct, those below will inevitably be deceitful and depraved. The response to instruction and transformation is natural in its momentum, like shadows following forms and echoes following sounds. The proverb says: 'When the form is upright, the shadow is straight; when the sound is harmonious, the echo accords.' When they are not straight and not in accord, should one blame the form and the sound, or blame the shadow and the echo? For this reason, when the noble person enters a state, he observes its customs and tastes, and only then discusses its governance.

5.13

Punishments and Laws

5.14

A questioner asked: "In antiquity, laws were lenient, punishments were few, and those among the people who committed transgressions and villainy were very rare. In later ages, laws became meticulous, punishments proliferated, yet those among the people who committed transgressions and villainy became exceedingly numerous. What is the reason for this?"
I replied: "When the ancients employed penal laws, they preserved the root; therefore, those among the people who transgressed were few. When later generations employed penal laws, they preserved the branches; therefore, those among the people who transgressed were many."
The questioner asked: "What do you mean by the root and the branches?"
I replied: "Governance and moral instruction are the root; penal laws are the branches. If one makes light of the root and gives weight to the branches, it is like sprinkling oil to put out a fire: the more intensely one applies it, the more fiercely the blaze burns—how could it ever be extinguished?"
Someone said: "I truly do not understand how governance and moral instruction constitute the root. I hope you will explain it fully, sir."
I said: "Are human goodness and wickedness merely innate nature? They are shaped and altered by external things. Thus, when presented with profit, people rejoice; when thrust into harm, they become enraged. The ancient sages knew it was like this. They instituted the well-field system to secure their means of livelihood and sustenance; they established schools to guide them toward mutual filial piety and fraternal respect; they made bridges and waterways freely passable and instructed them not to contend over profit; they inspected border passes and stabilized market prices, teaching them not to deceive one another; they taxed one-tenth of their produce, teaching them to subordinate private interest to public duty; they instituted ritual to moderate their feelings of sorrow and joy; they created music to correct their remaining unhealthy habits and obsolete customs; they issued decrees to settle their speech; and they used penal laws to prevent their lapses. If, unfortunately, someone violated the law and faced punishment, the sage would still search within himself, saying: 'That the people have come to this must be because my instruction has not reached them and my governance is not perfected.' Thus he acted with leniency rather than relying on punishment. When Yu hunted in the south and reached Cangwu, he observed an execution of a criminal in the marketplace, wept, and descended from his carriage. When he asked his attendants about it, they said: 'That criminal was insubordinate and brought this upon himself; why does the lord grieve for him?' Yu said: 'The people in the times of Yao and Shun took the minds of Yao and Shun as their own minds. Now I am the ruler, yet the people act on their own private minds; that is why I mourn.' In the time of King Wen, the two states of Yu and Rui contended over their borders and brought their suit to King Wen. King Wen addressed them with words and released them. Afterward he said: 'It was my governance not being enlightened that caused them to be so.' He devoted himself diligently to governance, and the states of Yu and Rui thereupon ceased their litigation. Indeed, among human emotions, who does not love the pleasant and hate the foul, cling to life and fear injury? If everyone can equally secure comfort and joy in their livelihood, live in harmony with their kin, fulfill their human nature, and attain a good name, how could anyone be indifferent and refuse to follow along? Even barbarian peoples would surely not remain unchanged like this. This is why the ancient sages strove so forcefully for moral transformation. Therefore, the reason why people in antiquity rarely transgressed and had wholesome customs was entirely due to the perfection of governance and instruction. Because governance and instruction were perfected, there was no place to use penal laws. The gentleman uses them only when there is no other choice; he does not rely on them exclusively. Confucius said: 'Guide them by virtue, regulate them by ritual, and they will have a sense of shame and moreover become upright. Guide them by governance, regulate them by punishment, and the people will avoid the punishments, but have no sense of shame.' Therefore it is said: 'Punishment means completion.' In high antiquity, it was applied only as a final completion. Penalties were not promulgated in advance, so the people knew nothing of laws; and since the people knew nothing of laws, no disputes arose. The Lord of Youyu (Shun) knew that later ages would become increasingly superficial and feared that minor officials would deceitfully set forth arbitrary laws. He therefore established the five punishments in his documents, saying: 'Pardon the five punishments through exile; make the whip the punishment for officials, the rod the punishment for instruction, and metal (fines) the punishment for redemption. Misfortunes and disasters are to be freely pardoned, while repeat and unrepentant offenders are to be punished with death.' In later ages, virtue declined further, and the names of crimes and penalties recorded in books became countless. The more numerous punishments became, the more wicked the people became, precisely because the root and branches had been inverted. Down to the likes of Han Fei, Shen Buhai, and Shang Yang, cruel and merciless punishments were carelessly instituted. The people of Qin employed them; before one generation had ended, their state was destroyed without delay. Still, punishments such as those of the Marquis of Fu or the laws of the Marquis of Zan, if upheld with utmost fairness, could yet remedy the defects of a single era. How much worse it is that mediocre officials of later times rely on opportunism: the penal texts are interpreted deeply or shallowly according to their private caprice, and penalties are made light or heavy according to their personal feelings! The law was originally that by which the former kings sought to suppress villainy; yet when it degenerated, it became villainy. Punishments were originally that by which the former kings sought to curb violence; yet when they degenerated, they became violence. Not only did they become violence, they also induced people to generate violence; not only did they become villainy, they also induced people to generate villainy. For this reason, when the gentleman discusses penal law, he values the root and does not value the branches.
Someone said: 'Your words may well be called impractical; they do not adapt to the changes of the times. Such arguments as yours are suitable for antiquity, but not suitable for today. Today's people are increasingly wicked; without penal law, they cannot be governed. Ancient people were still simple and honest; they could be encouraged through moral instruction. If one were to rely solely on moral instruction in today's world, prisons would become even more crowded and murderers would carry on without pause.'
I said: 'You may truly understand the times, but you are blocked concerning the Way. As for the times, antiquity is just like today; as for the Way, goodness is just like wickedness. The people of antiquity were simple because they attained the Way; the people of today are false because they lost the Way. I worry that virtue is not cultivated; I do not worry that the people are not quickly transformed. I worry that governance and moral instruction do not attain their zenith; I do not worry that the people are not simple and honest. The Book of Odes says: "In hewing an axe-handle, in hewing an axe-handle, the pattern is not far off. Grasp the axe to hew an axe-handle, and looking askance at it, one still thinks it far off." This means that the Way is not far off; it can be cultivated and reached. Confucius said: "The flow of virtue is swifter than the transmission of orders by post-horses." This speaks of the rapidity with which governance and instruction transform the people. Emperor Wen of the Han dynasty practiced hidden and quiet governance, striving for leniency and generosity, and felt ashamed to speak of others' faults. As his transformation took effect, the custom of bringing accusations ceased in his era. He appointed Zhang Shizhi as the Minister of Justice, intending that he administer the laws with great leniency. Thereupon, punishments were greatly reduced, so that in a whole year only four hundred criminal cases were decided, and the realm showed the spirit of setting aside punishments. Emperor Taizong of the Tang dynasty pacified the chaotic world and sought to rule the empire through civil culture. He engaged Fang Xuanling, Du Ruhui, and other Confucians to assist him in strenuously reviving the kingly way, whereupon the empire was greatly ordered. In the thirtieth year of Zhenguan, the outer gates of households were not barred, and travelers across the southern passes did not pack provisions. In an entire year, those condemned to death did not exceed thirty people; released to go home, they all returned precisely at the appointed time. At that time, the realm also came close to the spirit of setting aside punishments. Yet both the Han and Tang eras directly succeeded the former customs of the Qin and Sui. Were their people alone inherently elegant and good? That their moral transformation and governance reached such a state—was this not due to the Way rather than the times? An old saying states: "Governing the empire depends solely on how vigorously one puts it into practice." The other person fell silent, bowed twice, and withdrew.

5.15

Public and Private

5.16

The public way guides the multitude; the private way directs oneself. The public and the private have different origins but converge on a common destination. That common destination is righteousness. If the public is not regulated by righteousness, there is no way to unite the empire; if the private is not situated in righteousness, there is no way to preserve one's own person. Righteousness is the marketplace between the two ways, the pivot by which the public and private open and close. For this reason, when the gentleman speaks of the public, he is devoted solely to the public way; when he speaks of the private, he preserves the private way intact. He does not betray the public to benefit the private, nor does he imitate the private to disrupt the public. Therefore, when he leads others, others follow; when he guards himself, he attains his own integrity. The Book of Odes says: 'How could I not yearn to return? But the king's business allows no leisure, and my heart is sorrowful.' This speaks of having attained the public way. 'The king's business allows no leisure, and we cannot plant our millet and sorghum.' This speaks of having lost the private way. 'That gentleman does not eat the bread of idleness.' This speaks of not using the private to usurp the public. 'May it rain upon our public fields, and then reach our private fields.' This speaks of not using the public to forget the private. When the Zhou dynasty declined, the private way grew dominant. The feudal lords launched military campaigns on their own authority, and the grandees usurped political power. Ritual, music, and sacrificial rites were inverted and disorderly; for more than two hundred years, great chaos raged among barbarian and Chinese alike without being curbed. The Spring and Autumn Annals was composed, and it rectified this through the public way. Down to the Qin dynasty, when the laws of Lord Shang were vigorously applied, the public way became dominant again. The empire was exhausted by its taxes, and the common people perished under its punishments; before Qin could pass to another generation, it soon collapsed. Thus, the public way need not be forcefully dominant, nor need the private way be weak; they must simply be correct. Under the royal regulations, the tax was one-tenth; under the well-field system, eight families farmed nine hundred mou. Fish-traps and weirs were not prohibited, border inspections collected no tolls, and penalties did not extend to wives and children. One treated one's own elders as elders and extended this to the elders of others; one treated one's own young as young and extended this to the young of others. This is the balance between public and private. As for the public and the private: on a large scale, the state and the imperial court are called the public, while the registered households of commoners are called the private; on a small scale, the multitude is called the public, while one's individual person is called the private. If it accords with righteousness, even what is small can be honored; if it does not accord with righteousness, even what is large can be despised. Emperor Wen of the Han abandoned the construction of the Dew Terrace on account of a thousand pieces of gold; this may be called showing compassion for the private. Yet in shielding a single court jester he obstructed the law; this may be called impeding the public. When Emperor Taizong of the Tang was discussing the crown prince and playfully threw his strength into it, saying: 'Bow to him, for he is your uncle and yours'; this may be called obscuring the public to flaunt the private. Lin Xiangru's refusal to dispute with Lian Po may be called honoring the public and subordinating the private. Guan Yiwu's having three family estates and a cup-stand may be called honoring the private and subordinating the public. Uncle Fan may be called one who was public-spirited at first; Xun Xi may be called one who was public-spirited to the end. Wang Mang may be called one who extinguished both the public and the private. Chao Cuo's requesting the reduction of fiefs may be called seeking expedient public interest. The Marquis of Pingjin's display of frugality may be called seeking expedient private interest. Huo Guang's failing to punish the treasonous because of his own treasure may be called not being purely public-spirited. Gongyi Xiu's removing the mallow and burning his loom may be called being purely public-spirited. Zengzi's returning to Wucheng once the invaders had departed may be called not acting opportunistically with the public. Zilu's tying his cap strings as he died may be called not acting opportunistically with the private. Yan Zhenqing's going to his death because of his nemesis may be called not using the private but compromising the public. The Four Elders of the Eastern Xia may be called those who bent the private for the sake of the public. Qianlou and Yan Junping may be called those who were content in their privacy. Lu Lian and Duan Ganmu may be called those who did not alter their private integrity for the sake of the public. Alas! Public or private, large or small, in their relation to affairs, are they not clearly manifest? How could one blind oneself and deceive one's inner heart?

5.17

On Trustworthiness

5.18

In the human way, trustworthiness is the beginning. If a person lacks trustworthiness, even if there is a way, how could it be taught? When the way extends trustworthiness, it is practiced; when trustworthiness guides the way, it reaches fulfillment. The gentleman attends to the way, and therefore is scrupulous about trustworthiness. A ruler's trustworthiness resides in government; a father's trustworthiness resides in affection; a teacher or friend's trustworthiness resides in law and model. If government is confused, the people have nothing to trust. If parents deceive, their children have nothing to trust. If law and standards fail, scholars and officials have nothing to trust. Therefore, those skilled in governing make commands and ordinances upright, so that their people dare not disobey. Those skilled in parental affection make love and kindness upright, so that their children dare not doubt. Those skilled in law and standards make learning and conduct upright, so that their disciples dare not be disrespectful. The gentleman possesses upright trustworthiness; the petty man possesses improper trustworthiness. Because the gentleman has upright trustworthiness, he acts long without violating his way. Because the petty man has improper trustworthiness, he associates long and inevitably loses what is right. The petty man does not believe in the Mandate of Heaven; the gentleman does not trust unrighteousness. Because he does not believe in the Mandate of Heaven, the petty man seeks blindly and errs greatly; because he does not trust unrighteousness, the gentleman has no delusions and remains naturally self-possessed. If so, to rectify the trust of the petty man, nothing surpasses setting forth the way of the gentleman; to uphold the trust of the gentleman, nothing surpasses avoiding the faults of the petty man. How extreme is the untrustworthiness of later ages! Yet it is not that the people lack trustworthiness; rather, it is that what they are asked to trust is unworthy of trust. What marks a thoroughfare is the post marker; what marks the people is instruction and ordinance. If post markers are misleading, those on thoroughfares lose their way north and south; if instructions and ordinances fail, the people deceive superiors and inferiors. Tang and Wu gave instructions, and the world received them; they took oaths, and the world followed them—this was because what they displayed was upright. Men of later ages issue commands yet are confused themselves; they act and deceive themselves; they speak of the way and contradict themselves. If this is how it is, they show untrustworthiness to their people, to their children, and to their disciples; is it not fitting that there should be no trust? Fearing that the world would lose sincerity, Yao and Shun were scrupulous about trustworthiness; fearing that the world would lose trustworthiness, Tang and Wu used proclamations and oaths; fearing that the world would lose proclamations and oaths, the Spring and Autumn period was scrupulous about covenants; fearing that the world would lose covenants, the feudal lords exchanged hostage sons. Yet the more scrupulous the covenants, the more frequent the betrayals; the weightier the hostages, the more severe the chaos. Thus it is said: the feudal lords had improper trust, which is not true trust; the Three Kings extended trustworthiness and summoned trust; the Five Thearchs embraced trustworthiness and attained great trust. Because of great trust, without commands the people transformed of themselves; because of extended trust, when there were commands the people followed of themselves; because of no trust, even with commands the people were disrespectful. Where there were no commands, transformation was sincere; where there were commands, instruction was upright; where commands were ignored, government was in chaos. When King Wu marched on Zhou, eight hundred feudal lords assembled at the Ford of Meng without prior agreement; King Wu was trusted throughout the world for his great righteousness, and the world could not bear not to follow him. Emperor Taizong of Tang released condemned criminals on a promise, and when the appointed time arrived, they all came; Taizong was trusted throughout the world for his great justice, and the world dared not disobey. To trust what is untrustworthy is an ill omen; to distrust what is trustworthy is unwisdom. To trust the trustworthy is to trust sincerity; to trust the untrustworthy is to trust flattery. Trusting flattery endangers; trusting sincerity secures. The trustworthiness of the gentleman is that upon which safety and danger depend; can one not be prudent? The gentleman trusts another's words and does not pry into their hidden motives; the petty man pries into hidden motives and does not trust another's words.

5.19

Explaining Fate

5.20

All things reside in fate. If one does not know fate, affairs lose their proper place. Therefore, man values exhausting principle to establish his destiny. Fate is the intersection of Heaven and humanity. Thus it is said: there is the Mandate of Heaven, and there is the fate of man. The Mandate of Heaven is what Heaven concentrates; the fate of man is what humanity confers. Heaven is the beginning of the Three Ultimates; the sages venerated its beginning, and thus collectively called it the Mandate of Heaven. The Mandate of Heaven is supreme; the fate of man is determined. As for its supremacy, through both the unseen and the manifest, it has its efficacy; as for its certainty, through both nobility and baseness, it has its fixed measure. Because nobility and baseness have their fixed measure, one must not seek perversely from Heaven; seeking perversely from Heaven abandons the human way. Because the unseen and manifest have their efficacy, one must not rely improperly on man; relying improperly on man defies the Way of Heaven. For this reason, when the ancients took action, they dared not deceive the Mandate of Heaven; when they maintained their charge, they dared not overstep the fate of man. What is meant by the Way of Heaven? The Way of Heaven accords with natural compliance. What is meant by the human way? The human way cultivates instruction. Therefore, when the ancients' virtue conformed to the Way of Heaven, the Mandate of Heaven belonged to them; when their virtue attained the human way, the fate of man was settled by them. In the Chunqiu, 'spring' is placed first and 'king' second: this is the sage revealing the king's veneration of the Mandate of Heaven; and 'rectification' is placed next to 'king': this is the sage making clear that King Wen modeled himself on Heaven and conformed to the Way of Heaven. Thus, one who obtains the Mandate of Heaven is said to hold legitimate succession; one who abandons the human way is said to bring disorder to the social bonds. It was asked: 'Could you explain legitimate succession in detail, master?' I replied: 'Anciently, the people were hemmed in by the floodwaters and the world suffered. Yu, through toil and hardship, rescued the world from drowning; his merit and virtue conformed to Heaven, and the Mandate of Heaven devolved upon him; hence this is called legitimate succession. At the end of the Xia, the people could not endure its cruelty and the world suffered; Tang, through supreme benevolence, had the Mandate of Heaven devolve upon him; hence this is called the human succession. At the end of the Yin, just as at the end of the Xia, King Wen embraced the people with supreme virtue; thus the Mandate of Heaven was about to turn to him, and King Wu received it; hence this is called the heavenly succession. Under the Qin and the Sui, the people suffered from exhaustion; the Han and the Tang initially arose through leniency and benevolence. When the false turmoil of the Five Dynasties occurred, our Song pacified it with divine martial power; hence the Mandate of Heaven devolved upon them all.' It was asked: 'The affairs of Heaven are unseen, and cannot be reached by hearing or seeing; when you speak of the Mandate of Heaven, how is it made clear?' I replied: 'The hearts of the people turn to its virtue, and the Five Phases and the Seven Regulators accord with their seasons—this is how Shun, Yu, Tang, and Wu enjoyed rule over the world. The Great Declaration says: "Heaven sees as my people see; Heaven hears as my people hear." This is how the Mandate of Heaven is made clear. Differing from this, later ages looked to divination diagrams, portents, and auspicious omens, claiming they had obtained its mandate; or they used the overcoming cycle of the Five Phases, claiming they had obtained its virtue. The overcoming of the five is near to sorcery; portents and omens are near to wizardry. At the end of the Wei, the northern and southern regimes chaotically assumed imperial titles, mutually claiming that they had obtained the Mandate of Heaven, and assaulted one another with arms, slaughtering the people within the four seas like discarded mustard greens. Now, the Mandate of Heaven follows the hearts of the people to give them peace. Was this the hearts of the people turning to their virtue? Did the Five Phases and Seven Regulators accord with their seasons? Though they claimed to uphold the Mandate of Heaven, in reality they usurped the Mandate of Heaven. Later ages were unbenevolent and cast aside virtue, which was brought about by those who initiated these anomalies; and being condemned for their crimes, they could not escape punishment. The Mandate of Heaven is the great mandate; the fate of man, endowed by Heaven to form physical shape, is also a great mandate. When these great mandates intersect, it is essential that they meet through upright qi; if their meeting does not attain uprightness, though a person is formed, he will not be a good person; though a form is formed, it will not be a noble form. Therefore Heaven constantly rides upon uprightness to bestow mandates on man, and man constantly maintains uprightness to ride upon Heaven. For example, unless a ruler obtains loyalty, he cannot extend his mandate to his subordinates; unless a minister has his proper office, he cannot receive a mandate from his superior. A father mandating his son must await filial piety; a son upholding his father's command must be reverent. Such is the way of Heaven and man. What the ancients called legitimate succession means penetrating the entire world through a single rectitude; if succession is not upright, how can the world be united? Those of later times fall far short of the ancients in many respects; how could the arrival of Heaven's Mandate ever be anything other than upright?'

5.21

Inquiries on the August Ones

5.22

Someone asked: 'Nowadays, people speak of the August Ones (huang) but do not set forth their way. True scholars doubt it and cannot debate it. Moreover, the hundred schools proliferate, and the gentleman considers them untrustworthy. Did such a way truly exist, or was there really none? Your learning is consummate and does not stray from the sages; you can surely resolve this and make it clear to me.' I replied: 'Why do you say this? Could the Way of the August Ones not exist? It is simply not seen, that is all. The Way of the August Ones is simple, great, and non-active; it cannot be captured in words. Remote and silent, it unites in substance with the Primal Ultimate. The "primal" is the chief of the four virtues, the root of the five beginnings. To embody it and preserve it is how the sage transforms; to extend it and put it into practice is how the sage teaches. "Teaching" refers to the Five Thearchs; "transforming" refers to the Three August Ones. If one skillfully traces teaching and transforming, the way of the August Ones and Thearchs is bright and clear. An ancient saying states: "One whose virtue accords with the primal is an August One; one whose virtue accords with Heaven is a Thearch; one who accords with benevolence and righteousness is a King." Who can say that the August Ones lacked the truth of the way?' He said: 'If it is so, why did Confucius not extend and broaden it, and why in transmitting ancestral tradition did he honor only Yao, Shun, Wen, and Wu?' I replied: 'Whatever the sages do must be suitable to their time. If it is not suitable, even Yao and Shun could not act in vain. Thus it is said: Confucius was the sage of timeliness; this means he acted when the time called for action. Anciently, Confucius lived in the declining age of Zhou; inferring that times in later ages would inevitably become thinner and more deceitful, he did not proclaim the transformation of the simple and great way. For this reason, he extended down to rites, music, punishments, and administration, so as to accord with the timeliness of later ages as the appropriate means of governance. Yet for the grand establishment of rites and music, none surpassed Yao and Shun; for the complete provision of punishments and administration, none surpassed Wen and Wu. This is why Confucius praised and honored Yao, Shun, Wen, and Wu. Therefore, the sage preserved the Way of the August Ones without promoting it, while he promoted the Way of the Kings without yielding. The Book of Changes says: "When Baoxi passed away, Shennong arose; Yao and Shun simply let their robes hang down and the world was well governed." This is the sage revealing the Way of the August Ones and preserving it. The Record of Rites says: "When the Great Way prevailed, and in the flourishing eras of the Three Dynasties, I, Qiu, did not witness it, yet I have my aspirations set upon it." This is the sage lamenting that he could not practice the Way of the August Ones. Suppose someone with abundant provisions hurries on a journey, yet does not examine where he is going and rushes onward, merely squabbling over taking steps along the road—even a fool would laugh at his ignorance of the way. How is this different from the debates among scholars today? Laozi and Zhuangzi also discussed the Way of the August Ones considerably, but scholars often regarded their texts as mixed up with the sages' writings and despised them; this too is inexact. Speaking of the Way of the August Ones in terms of the Changes, King Wen and the Duke of Zhou were its earlier exemplars; how could Laozi and Zhuangzi have originated it?' He said: 'Master Kong said: "The books of Fuxi, Shennong, and the Yellow Emperor are called the Three Graves, speaking of the Great Way; the books of Shaohao, Zhuanxu, Gaoxin, Tang, and Yu are called the Five Canons, speaking of the Constant Way." Now that you discuss the August Ones and Thearchs, how do you see their so-called Great Way and Constant Way?' I replied: 'Master Kong designated them by tracing their teachings and transformations; I speak of them by getting to the root of the truth of their way. Teaching and transformation are traces; the way is the fundamental substance. If one examines the traces, it is fitting that there be the great and the constant; if one reaches the root, the August One and the Thearch are fittingly one. Master Kong may be said to have seen their outer limits; how could he suffice to know the depth of the way?' The questioner was enlightened and arose.

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鐔津文集 — Classical Chinese