鐔津文集 7

English (machine translation) 7

Language: English

7.1

Composed by the Śramaṇa Qisong of Dongshan, Tanjin, Tengzhou

When the principles of things obtain their proper measure, it is called the 'Central'; when all under Heaven is without deceit, it is called the 'Upright'. Conforming to the Central, all under Heaven has no excess in affairs; walking in the Upright, all under Heaven has no unruly people. The Central and Upright are the root of the Kingly Way and the regulatory guideline of humaneness, righteousness, the Way, and virtue. People throw their human relations into disorder through strength and weakness, love and hate; thus the sage created teachings and guidelines to bring people to the Central and Upright. 'Teaching' means to emulate; 'guiding' means to lead. Showing them humaneness and righteousness is how people are made to emulate them; showing them ritual, music, titles, and vessels is how people are led to strive after them. The Great Plan states: 'Gathering them into an ultimate, returning them to an ultimate'—this is how the gentleman practices his Way on his own. 'The people at that time, theirs is the Sovereign's Ultimate'—this is how the gentleman advances people to hasten toward his Way. The Odes says: 'That gentleman had no standard; he was twofold and threefold in his virtue'—this is why the gentleman detests those who do not follow this path to reach the Way. Therefore, for one who governs people, unless he preserves his sincerity through the Central and Upright, he is not fit to deliberate on humaneness, righteousness, ritual, and law. For one who teaches people, unless he cultivates his sincerity through the Central and Upright, he is likewise not fit to deliberate on humaneness, righteousness, ritual, and law. The sage's law is like the steelyard and the bushel measure: their holding depends on the person. If they are not held by the right person, even though the instruments are central and upright, people are able to practice deceit through them. When the sounds of metal and stone are central and upright, what they sound forth is resonant, and what they answer to is harmonious. When a person's sincerity is central and upright, what he creates reaches the utmost, and what he affects is comprehensive. Therefore, the gentleman of old was prudent in what he maintained and practiced what he had attained. Though poor and humble, dwelling in a desolate lane and a secluded room, he did not waver. Though rich and noble, riding the momentum of exalted heights and occupying the most revered position in all under Heaven, he did not change. And when he moved things: without intimidation, people feared him; without speaking, people trusted him; without toiling his mind or exerting his strength, his transformative teaching was carried out. The ghosts and spirits aided him, and Heaven and Earth blessed him. How could this be? It is because the principles of Heaven and Earth are identical to those of human beings. By what are they identical? By their being Central and Upright.

7.5

Clarifying Allotments

7.6

The myriad things have numbers, and the large and small have their allotments. Through numbers, one knows the reasons for change and transformation; through allotments, one sees the principles of Heaven and Earth. For this reason, the gentleman has no perplexity concerning the Way of Heaven, and has no doubt concerning the Way of Man. When qi condenses, there is life; with life, there is drinking and eating. When qi disperses, there is death; with death, one disintegrates into the soil. This is the allotment of the Way of Man. The boundless vault above consists only of the sun, moon, stars, and constellations, admitting no other things. This is the allotment of the Way of Heaven. Carrying mountains, rousing waters, and supporting the generation of metal, stone, grass, and trees—this is the allotment of the Way of Earth. When a person's number is exhausted, even Heaven and Earth cannot prolong it; when Heaven and Earth undergo changes, even humans cannot interfere with them. These are the fixed allotments of Heaven and Earth. Now, people say: 'One can ascend to heaven, plunge into the sea, make gold by cunning art, inhale clouds and mist, encounter spirits, and not die.' How does this demonstrate knowing the reasons for change and transformation or seeing the principles of Heaven and Earth? Even an ordinary person would declare that it is not so. Yet King Wei of Qi, King Zhao of Yan, the King of Qin, and Emperor Wu of Han rushed toward this in utter confusion, lingering on and forgetting to return, disrupting the system of imperial inspections and corrupting the rituals of sacrifice. Who could say that these four rulers possessed intelligence, sagely wisdom, and insight surpassing that of ordinary people? The Way of Heaven is supremely impartial; the Way of Man is supremely uniform. Uniformity means sharing the same life and death; impartiality means being equally severed from human beings. If Heaven were impartial toward the masses yet favored a single person, who would call it Heaven? If a person shared the same bodily form and birth, yet alone did not die, how could he be called a human being? Therefore, the sages all spoke rarely of the Way of Heaven, because they would not confuse people by means of Heaven; they regularly rectified sacrifices, because they would not profane the way of the spirits by means of humans.

7.7

Examining Circumstances

7.8

If one has a hundred yi of fine gold and engages a thief to guard it, even before the gold is lost, the neighbors will surely be suspicious. If an infant is placed at the edge of an unfathomable abyss, even before the child drowns, the parents will surely be worried. Thus, when the circumstances warrant worry and suspicion, people cannot help but worry and suspect. Authority and power are the sharp instruments of all under Heaven: how could their gravity be merely equal to a hundred yi of gold? Yet they are entrusted to sycophantic, favored, and unworthy men—are sycophants merely equal to thieves? Yet gentlemen of the past did not suspect them. An army of a million troops—the multitude of their lives, how could it be merely equal to the life of a single infant? Yet they are exposed in the wilderness of the Rong and Di barbarians—are the Rong and Di merely equal to an unfathomable abyss? Yet gentlemen of the past did not worry. Thus, when states in ancient times became chaotic and fell to ruin, how was it ever not because of failing to suspect what should be suspected, or failing to worry over what should be worried over? When states in ancient times were able to be preserved, how was it ever not because of suspecting what should be suspected, and worrying over what should be worried over? Someone may ask: 'How should one handle the suspicion?' I reply: 'To handle suspicion, nothing is better than reining in the levers of power and rectifying them.' Someone asks: 'How should one handle the worry?' I reply: 'To handle worry, nothing is better than protecting the people, extending kindness, and displaying trust.' Someone asks: 'Were kindness and trust lacking in the past, such that the Rong and Di were not won over?' I reply: 'The kindness and trust of the past had the name but not the reality. One must obtain a humane person before kindness can be bestowed; one must obtain a righteous person before trust can be practiced. Among those who guarded the borders, who was truly humane? Who was truly righteous?'

7.9

Punishment and Coercive Power

7.10

When coercive power is expanded through punishments, ruin comes swiftly; when punishments are carried out relying on coercive power, excess becomes severe. It was not that Yao and Shun did not employ punishments under Heaven, yet all under Heaven held no resentment; this was because they applied their punishments through virtue and not through coercive power. It was not that Jie and Zhou had no coercive power under Heaven, yet they suddenly perished; this was because they expanded their power through punishment and not through virtue. Nothing lacks power, but the power of the state and the imperial court is the greatest of powers; no age lacks punishments, but the punishments of Yao and Shun were the most upright of punishments. If one mounts great coercive power to punish the people, even if the people submit temporarily, they will not do so from the heart. The Qin clan terrified all under Heaven through punishments, so that on the roads no one dared to converse in pairs; yet in the time of the Second Emperor, Qin perished. King Wu roused his majesty to execute Zhou, and possessed all under Heaven for no less than thirty generations. Yet their use of punishments was identical, while the duration of their spans was unequal; this was because the means by which they used them were different. Therefore, the gentleman of old, when above others, exalted virtue and did not exalt coercive power; when below others, he did not strive after coercive power, but strove after virtue. This was how punishments were made upright and governance was accomplished. Later generations have reversed this: those who are above people use punishments to incite coercive power, while those who are below people seize upon coercive power to flout punishments. Hoping that people will be without resentment—how could that be possible?

7.11

The Gentleman

7.12

A guest asked: 'Does the learning of the gentleman involve desire?' I said: 'It does.' The guest laughed and said: 'Does a gentleman also have desires?' I said: 'Yes. In the gentleman's learning, he desires to attain the utmost; in his Way, he desires to be upright. When upright, he makes no errors in affairs; when he attains the utmost, he has no doubts in his mind. For this reason, the gentleman is tranquil and content to the end of his days without contention. The petty person is not like this. In the petty person's learning, he desires profit; in his Way, he desires sale. When seeking sale, he cannot be without error in affairs; when seeking profit, he cannot be without doubt in his mind. For this reason, the petty person is frantic and agitated to the end of his days, enslaving himself. This is where Yao and Shun were identical to other men, and where sages and worthies differed from other men.' The guest bowed and departed.

7.13

Knowing People

7.14

To know a person but be unable to nurture him is not wisdom. To care for a person but be unable to instruct him is not righteousness. To recognize someone's worth but be unable to put him to the test is not trustworthiness. To entrust someone with office but be unable to protect him to fruition is not benevolence. Nurturing the worthy is the reality of wisdom. Instructing the worthy is the rectitude of care. Employing the worthy is the efficacy of recognizing worth. Protecting the worthy to fruition is the merit of entrusting them. If one entrusts without merit, where is benevolence? If one recognizes worth without efficacy, where is trustworthiness? If one cares without rectitude, where is righteousness? If one nurtures without substance, where is wisdom? When the noble person interacts with people, he does not fall short in wisdom, does not diminish righteousness, does not transgress trustworthiness, and does not lack benevolence. Therefore, his Way is cultivated, virtue is perfected in his person, his name is honored, and the realm praises him. Thus it is said: Knowing the worthy is not as good as nourishing the worthy; nourishing the worthy is not as good as instructing the worthy; instructing the worthy is not as good as employing the worthy; employing the worthy is not as good as bringing the worthy to fulfillment. Bringing them to fulfillment is the end; knowing the worthy is the beginning. Beginning and end remain present without aberration, just like heaven, earth, and the four seasons. Should a person not be prudent? Rather than losing the beginning, it is better to attain the end; yet even that is not as good as having both beginning and end be auspicious. Duke Huan of Qi at first looked upon Guan Zhong as a mortal enemy, yet when he took him as prime minister, together they achieved hegemony over the realm. Duke Huan is what may be called one who was incapable at the beginning but capable at the end. Emperor Wen of Han was delighted to obtain Master Jia, lamenting only that he had found him so late. But when, due to the slanderous malice of Jiang and Guan, he sent him away and distanced him, in the end employing him to no great purpose, can Emperor Wen be called one who was capable at the beginning but incapable at the end? Gaozong of the Yin raised Fu Yue from among convict laborers and relied on him to govern the realm; to this day, the realm examines him as a sage minister. Gaozong may be called one who was capable at both beginning and end.

7.15

Appraisal and Critique

7.16

The Tang histories compare Fang [Xuanling] and Du [Ruhui] to Xiao [He] and Cao [Shen]. Yet Fang and Du had refinement and elegance in abundance, while Xiao and Cao lacked the caliber of royal advisors. In terms of virtue, Fang and Du reached its pinnacle. Viewing Fang, he was half talent; looking at Du, he was pure Dao. The noble person says: Du was even worthier. Did Yao Chong and Song Jing not fall short of Bing [Ji] and Wei [Xiang]? Yao and Song's Dao did not surpass their talent, whereas Wei detested warfare and Bing understood how to be a prime minister. The Duke of Yan's literary works surpassed Shixing's, yet his public justice did not equal Generalissimo Huo Guang, who was not like Duke Liang of Di in remaining completely without selfish partiality to the very end. As for Yuan An's generosity and magnanimity, Minister Lou approached it; yet in their rectitude and benevolence, they applied them differently. Comparing Fang Guan and Yan Zhenqing to Li Gu and Chen Fan, although their times were different, their adherence to loyalty and maintenance of rectitude were identical. King Fenyang restrained military force and esteemed trustworthiness—he was a person of benevolence. Grand Commandant Duan took mutual regard of loyalty and courage—he was a person of righteousness. The Duke of Jin never boasted from beginning to end—he was a person of benevolence. Xunzi's words approach disputation; they are completely good, yet not completely beautiful. When it came to human nature being evil and to abdication, his words went too far. Yangzi's words were capable discourse; he claimed to have probed principle to the utmost and fully realized his nature, yet when he encountered chaos and threw himself from the pavilion, his handling of death differed indeed from Zilu and Zengzi! Although the Grand Historian's words were broad, his Dao had its home; the Ban clan had not yet reached this. Truly does the world say that Gu was not as good a fine historian as Qian. Grand Tutor Jia stood up for the royal system and rectified the Han laws—how fine! Truly, none could surpass him. As for the methods of the 'three signs and five baits,' Ban Gu criticized them as lacking thoroughness, and they were indeed crude. Dong [Zhongshu] of Jiaoxi's policy responses—how fine, obtaining rectitude and according with the Supreme Polarity! That he is called an advisor to kings is no exaggeration. In the words of the Fanlu, there is what may be accepted and what may be cast aside. Xiangru's writings were ornate, but sparse in principle and redundant in diction; they were the writings of a mere man of letters. Wang Chong's words established eccentricity. Huan Kuan's words inclined toward the public interest. The writings of Han [Yu] of the Ministry of Personnel were the champions among writings; yet why did he write 'Tracing the Origin of Ghosts' and 'Reading Mozi'? The writings of Liu Zihou were heroic among writings; if one strips away their redundancies, they reach the highest peak; his 'Poems of the Upright Tally' are especially consummate. Li Xizhi's writings were balanced and examined; his discourse on 'Returning to Mandate' must have its doubtful points. Chen Zi'ang's writings were not as good as Li Hua's; Hua's writings were not as good as Liang Su's; from Su's writings, the noble person may find something to draw upon. Li Yuanbin's writings were the writings of a mere man of letters. Huangfu Shi's writings stood between literature and rhetoric. As persons, Guo Tai and Huang Xian were worthy men; slow in speech and prompt in action, were they not of Yanzi's company? As a person, Xu Zhi was a wise man; he understood the shifts of the times and was prudent in activity and stillness. Yuan Fenggao's withdrawal from the world never forgot filial piety and never harmed harmony; he was a scholar of the Golden Mean. The appraisal says: Citing their vessels is the means to examine the craftsmanship or clumsiness of their molds; distinguishing people is the means to reveal whether their Dao is consummate or not. However, skilled molds provide what the world uses; consummate Dao rectifies what the world takes as its teacher. When that which is taken as teacher is attained, the undertakings of the sages and worthies flourish, and heterodox doctrines cease. Therefore, the noble person distinguishes them, differentiates them, affirms them, and negates them, hoping that this may provide some aid. How could it be in vain? The Record says: 'Discernment of literary patterns is meticulous and sharp, sufficient to make distinctions.' Mencius said: 'The heart of right and wrong is the beginning of wisdom.' This also refers to distinguishing the Dao.

7.17

Dispelling Ridicule

7.18

Though people may be alike, if they head together toward disorder, one may reject them; not to reject them impairs toleration. Though Dao may differ, if they head together toward order, one may associate with them; not to associate with them impairs flexibility. When the noble person acts in accordance with righteousness, nothing is impaired. Recently, my master Hao fundamentally applied his utmost mind to the realm, rectifying passions and nature; he extended utmost benevolence to the realm, preserving nature and life. His contribution to good order was indeed of the highest degree! Yet worldly Confucians seize upon his peripheral aspects and stubbornly reject him—is this not harmful? Can they be called noble persons? Zhongni said: 'My Dao is bound together by a single thread.' These are subtle words of the sage. I have once probed them to the utmost. Where can I find a scholar of the Golden Mean to converse with?

7.19

Customs

7.20

The people of Qin employed the methods of aggressive advancement, and in their customs everyone wished to enrich themselves, to the point where a daughter-in-law would not lend a dustpan and broom to her mother-in-law, reviling and finding fault. The people of Han used the salt and iron monopolies to replace agriculture, and their customs chased after profit, to the point where the people and the clerks of the profitable markets bargained over every penny. Benevolence and righteousness were suppressed, while goods and profits flourished; the customs of ritual deference, integrity, and honor were lost. Hence, Qin's customs grew daily more disordered, and Han's customs grew daily more corrupt. Were not the foundation and momentum of Qin and Han great and solid? Yet in the end they perished in disorder, which was brought about precisely by harming their mores and ruining their customs. Customs are the skin and pores; the state is the human body. Once the skin and pores are worn out, can the body fail to perish? For this reason, the former kings did not promote things not according with the law, being prudent regarding habits and customs. The Odes says: 'Do not seek grand ease, attending dutifully to your post; love pleasure without dissipation, and the good gentleman will be vigilant and watchful.' This means that one's actions must be guided by ritual and righteousness to rectify customs. Today, people of vulgar customs casually imitate the achievements of self-advancement, squeezing the people for profit, causing the neighborhoods to uniformly emulate them and vie with one another over profit—does this not harm mores? Does this not ruin customs? How could the noble person not worry?

7.21

Benevolence and Filial Piety

7.22

If father and son do not relate according to the Dao, even birds and beasts can show affection; how then would the noble person be distinguished? For this reason, when the sage loves his son with righteousness, it is called benevolence; when he serves his father with ritual, it is called filial piety. Shun's conduct as a son and King Wen's conduct as a father may be called benevolence and filial piety. The realm ought to take them as models.

7.23

Inquiring into the Classics

7.24

Someone asked: 'The histories state that the Changes and the Spring and Autumn Annals pertain to the Way of Heaven. If so, are the Spring and Autumn Annals and the Changes far more consummate than the Odes, Documents, and Ritual Classics? I wish to honor and focus exclusively on them; what do you say to this?' I said: 'How could that be so? All Five Classics are consummate. Why should it be restricted to the Changes and Spring and Autumn Annals? The governance of the Five Classics is like the Five Elements forming yin and yang. If even one is lost, the Dao of Qian and Kun is thrown into error. If you now honor these two classics and discard the Odes, Documents, and Ritual, would not the Dao of governance be deficient? Ritual is the embodiment of the Supreme Polarity; the Odes are the efficacy of moral transformation; the Documents are the preservation of undertakings; the Changes are the culmination of Heaven and humanity; the Spring and Autumn Annals are the balance beam of rewards and punishments. Therefore, one who speaks well of the Spring and Autumn Annals must take root in rewards and punishments; one who speaks well of the Changes must take basis in Heaven and humanity; one who speaks well of the Documents must examine undertakings; one who speaks well of the Odes must trace them to moral transformation; one who speaks well of Ritual must take the Supreme Polarity as ancestor. If one knows the Supreme Polarity, one can establish the institutions of emperors and kings with him; if one knows moral transformation, one can speak with him of transforming mores and altering customs; if one knows undertakings, one can discuss with him what sages and worthies did; if one knows Heaven and humanity, one can encompass with him the beginning and end of the ten thousand things; if one knows rewards and punishments, one can distinguish with him the causes of good and evil. For this reason, if the noble person abandons Ritual, he becomes biased; if he abandons the Odes, he becomes licentious; if he abandons the Documents, he becomes reckless; if he abandons the Changes, he becomes confused; if he abandons the Spring and Autumn Annals, he falls into disorder. Such is the relation of these five to the noble person. Can the Odes, Documents, and Ritual be omitted? Mencius spoke of why the Spring and Autumn Annals was composed, perceiving the expedient power of its composition. Wenzhongzi spoke of why the Spring and Autumn Annals arose, perceiving the mind behind its composition. Fan Ning compromised and synthesized according to the sage, observing the principles of the Spring and Autumn Annals. Wenzhongzi saw what was preserved in the Changes, and therefore revitalized it. Yang Ziyun saw what was established in the Changes, and therefore expanded upon it. Wang Fusi spoke of Heaven without drifting into spiritual beings, and spoke of humanity while insisting on rectitude in affairs; did he not see the mind of the one who composed the Changes? Zixia prefaced the poem 'Guanju', understanding that the governance of the Odes lies in moral instruction. Mencius's discourse on the Odes perceived the purpose for which the Odes were created. Mao Chang's discourse on the Odes represents the depth of the Odes; Zheng Xuan's discourse on the Odes represents the shallowness of the Odes. In explaining the Odes, it is better to follow Duke Mao for brevity and simplicity. When the 'Treatise on the Five Elements' was composed, the Dao of the Documents began to fall into disorder. When the meaning of the Supreme Polarity was practiced, the Dao of the Documents was about to be rectified. Kong Anguo merely provided semantic glosses; regarding the undertakings of the sages and worthies, he revealed nothing. Master Dai, concerning Ritual, did not grasp its reality. Master Zheng's interpretation of Ritual was not as good as Zi Taishu's understanding of Ritual.' The questioner bowed twice and said: 'It is as though you have removed my blindness.' He withdrew in delight.

7.25

Inquiring into Friendship

7.26

A guest asked: “I wish to be selective in making friends, but I fear being too aloof; I wish to make friends broadly, but I fear being indiscriminate. The *Zhongyong* says: ‘For all under Heaven, in states and families, there are nine standard rules, and the association of friends is one among them.’ The *Book of Odes* says: ‘Look at those birds! Even they seek companions with their cries; how much more so should human beings seek friends!’ That being so, if I wished to have no associations, could that be possible? Yet, intending to make friends, I hesitate between the two choices and cannot decide. Would you, Sir, make a determination for me: how should I manage this?”

I said: “When drawing near to people on the basis of the Way, the exemplary person is selective in making friends; when drawing near to the Way on the basis of people, the exemplary person makes friends broadly. To make friends broadly through the Way broadens one's Way; to be selective in making friends through people examines their Way. The commentary says: ‘Love all broadly and hold close the benevolent’—this speaks of making friends broadly and extending one's Way. The ‘Appended Remarks’ says: ‘Make secure one's associations, and only then seek [assistance]’—this speaks of scrutinizing the Way and then entering into friendship. One must have the Way, and only then make friends broadly; if the Way is not abundant in oneself and yet one makes friends broadly, one's associations will surely be chaotic. Therefore, the exemplary person does not engage in chaotic associations. One must rectify the Way and only then be selective in making friends; if the Way does not rectify oneself and yet one is selective in making friends, one's associations will surely be in vain. The exemplary person does not engage in associations in vain.

Guo Tai was a worthy of antiquity. He associated with butchers, wine-sellers, farmers, and hired laborers, yet Tai was never weary of their company: this was possessing the Way and extending his Way. Bo Yi was also a worthy of antiquity. When dwelling among villagers, he felt as if, wearing court robes and cap, he were sitting in mud and charcoal; he looked aloofly into the distance and would not contact them: this was having no one with whom to test the Way, and so he simply deepened his own Way.

The guest asked: ‘As for people in the world who associate according to expediency, is it of only one kind? How can one rectify this and seek the proper way of friendship?’

I said: ‘Indeed, the way of friendship has been disordered for a long time. I have often pondered it without leisure to discriminate it; thanks to you now, I shall exhaustively explain it. In ancient and modern times, there are those who associate out of power; there are those who associate out of profit; there are those who associate out of temperament; and there are those who associate out of reputation. If one associates out of reputation, there is no sincerity; if one associates out of temperament, one may share in wickedness; if one associates out of profit, once profit disperses, the bond is severed; if one associates out of power, once power departs, the bond dissolves. In the era of the Warring States, princes, dukes, generals, and chancellors sought friendships with commoners, galloping in chariots and horses, rushing to gatekeepers and butcher shops without a moment to spare. Commoners cultivated superiors to such an extent that in the morning they mingled with peddlers, and by evening they attained the pinnacle of wealth and honor, clasping gold, wearing jade, their renown shaking rival states. Yet in the end, they could not escape the destruction of their families and the ruin of their states, while those they befriended turned back to become mortal enemies. This is the harm of associating through reputation, profit, temperament, and power without examining the true way of friendship. Later generations still esteem this, so that people in local neighborhoods meet over wine in ordinary times and passionately vow to share life and death; yet one morning, when profit disperses and power departs, the old rifts of defiance and enmity arise from what was once the fondness of friends. Zhang Er and Chen Yu, Xiao Yu and Zhu Bo—these are the proofs of it. For this reason, the exemplary person is cautious regarding such associations.

Mencius said: ‘To befriend someone is to befriend their virtue.’ The friendship of the exemplary person joins together through righteousness and rectifies one another through virtue; therefore, the friendship of the exemplary person grows ever better over time, whereas the friendship of the petty person grows ever more deceitful over time. The exemplary person would rather speak of the ways of the marketplace than speak of the friendships of petty persons.’ The guest departed with joy.”

7.27

The Way of the Teacher

7.28

The exemplary person does not teach others unless one is truly a teacher, nor does one take others as teachers unless they are truly teachers. Therefore, the exemplary person's teaching is revered and their Way is upright. A teacher is a marker of the Way; a marker indicates direction. If the marker is not upright, it causes people to lose their direction; if the teacher is not upright, it causes people to lose their aspiration. Yao took Jun Chou as his teacher; Shun took Wucheng Zhao as his teacher; Yu took Xiwang Guo as his teacher; Tang took Chengzibo as his teacher; King Wen took Shizisi as his teacher; King Wu took Guo Shu as his teacher. Confucius took his seventy-two disciples as teachers; Zixia took the feudal lords as teachers; Zisi took Meng Ke as his teacher; Mencius and Xun Qing both took their disciples as teachers. Yao, Shun, Yu, Tang, Wen, and Wu were skilled at taking others as teachers, and subsequent emperors and kings examined their example. Confucius, Zixia, Zisi, and the various masters were skilled at teaching others, and subsequent people who walked the path of sages and worthies examined their example. Teaching is the root of all under Heaven; the Way is the master of teaching; the teacher is the starting point of the Way. Rectifying this starting point is that by which the Way is realized; rectifying this master is that by which teaching is realized; rectifying this root is that by which all under Heaven is governed. Therefore, the exemplary persons of antiquity did not improperly exalt themselves to teach others, nor did they carelessly follow others to take them as teachers. Was this not their concern for all under Heaven? In the present age, teaching under Heaven has not reached perfection; is this not the fault of those who carelessly act as teachers to others? Is it not also the fault of those who do not choose carefully when taking others as teachers?

7.29

Way and Virtue

7.30

Among what is honored, nothing is more honored than the Way; among what is beautiful, nothing is more beautiful than virtue. Where the Way and virtue reside, though one be an ordinary man, one is not impoverished; where the Way and virtue do not reside, though one rule as king over all under Heaven, one does not succeed. Bo Yi and Shu Qi were starving men of the past, yet today when people are compared to them, they are pleased; Jie, Zhou, You, and Li were rulers of people in the past, yet today when people are compared to them, they are enraged. For this reason, the great person worries that the Way and virtue may not fill their own person, but does not worry that power and position do not belong to them.

7.31

Cultivating the Mind

7.32

A guest, seeing me in the crags and valleys tranquil with nothing to pursue, asked: “Sir, why must you remain so silent and inactive?”

I replied: “I do nothing; I simply cultivate my mind.”

He asked: “Why cultivate the mind?”

I said: “I cultivate the mind in order to preserve Principle in its entirety.”

He asked: “Why preserve Principle in its entirety?”

I said: “I preserve Principle in its entirety in order to rectify the human way. The mind is indeed Principle itself. When stirred by external things, it becomes disordered; if not cultivated, Principle is submerged and one is enslaved by things. When things overcome Principle, humanity is in peril! Principle is supreme; the mind is supreme; qi is secondary. Qi mounts the mind, and the mind mounts qi; therefore, when the mind moves, qi follows along with it. In our day, those who are licentious and violent lose Principle and are lost in confusion without returning: this is the error of not cultivating the mind.”

He said: “The mind I understand, but as for Principle, it seems I have not yet attained it. Are the words of Zisi the same as your words?”

I said: “They are the same.”

He asked: “Are the words of Laozi the same as your words?”

I said: “They are generally the same, but in fathoming the divine and exhausting transformation, they differ.”

He asked: “If you differ from these two masters, what is your verification?”

I said: “I rectify it through the teachings of my teacher, the ancient sages.”

He said: “If so, may I have the good fortune of hearing your rectification?”

I said: “This cannot easily be spoken of. That which I rectify penetrates the transformations of life and death and transcends the causes of Heaven and Earth. If I were to proclaim it, the worldly would surely find it utterly bizarre and slander it together. If you truly wish to seek it, you should explore the esoteric writings I have composed.”

The guest bowed and departed.

7.33

Miscellaneous Writings (Six Pieces)

7.34

Record of Returning to Antiquity

7.35

Lord Zhang Biaomin came as an official to Qiantang. Before he had resided there long, he brought out the writings of Ouyang Yongshu, Cai Junmo, and Yin Shilu to show them to my students and me, saying: “Nowadays, scholars from the four quarters enter the capital with ancient-style prose. Those who stand out with distinctive excellence, competing to match these three gentlemen, are beyond count. Viewing their prose, the words of benevolence and righteousness shine brightly.”

I stepped forward and together with Biaomin congratulated him, saying: “Since our dynasty began employing literature, when has there ever been a flourishing like today’s? This is the virtue of our sage monarch and the good fortune of all under Heaven.”

Withdrawing, I then reflected on it: the origin of the composition of ancient-style prose was that by which benevolence and righteousness were expressed and government and education were distinguished. The benevolence and righteousness of Yao, Shun, Wen, and Wu reached the highest degree, and their government and education were upright. Confucius vigorously promoted and raised them up through his literature, and subsequent generations obtained their standards. Thus, those who served as rulers and ministers maintained ritual propriety, and those who governed states were free of chaos. Just when the Way of Zhou declined, the feudal lords were overbearing and violent, deceiving one another, and superiors and inferiors lost Principle; Confucius held no office at the time and was unable to carry out affairs, so he used literature to dispense praise and blame and to rectify rewards and punishments. Consequently, even though there were treacherous ministers and patricidal sons in later generations, they were terrified and did not dare act rashly. When it came to the Warring States period, the doctrines of the Vertical and Horizontal alliances threw all under Heaven into turmoil; only Meng Ke and Xun Kuang maintained benevolence and righteousness and distinguished government and education through literature. Although at that time it did not flourish greatly, scholars looked up to them and knew which direction to take. When the Han arose, Jia Yi, Dong Zhongshu, Sima Qian, Yang Xiong, and their peers took the lead with their literature, and people throughout the realm responded in harmony; thus, the virtue of the Han became great and its lineage endured for long. In the Sui period, Wang Tong also continued the work of Confucius through his literature; when the Tang arose, Taizong recruited his disciples, brought them forward, and tested them, and so the Tang governed all under Heaven in great peace. Then Han Yu and Liu Zongyuan again broadened it through their literature, and so the Way of the sages was increasingly revered.

Now, as various scholars compete vigorously with their literature, the flourishing virtue and vast undertakings of our Song ancestors are further magnified, the Son of Heaven’s benevolence and righteousness become even more manifest, and the court’s government and education are ever more clearly distinguished. Furthermore, when ministers, officials, and grandees look inward at this literature, they know how to cultivate benevolence and righteousness, how to serve the sovereign, and how to rectify government and education to oversee the common people and the myriad states; when the common people look outward at this literature, they know how to cherish benevolence and righteousness, how to cleave to the state, and how to listen to teachings and orders, not daring to disobey. When the four barbarian tribes of the yi and the eight tribes of the man look at this literature, they place faith in the virtuous undertakings of our ancestors, knowing they can be great and enduring; it makes them look upon us in awe, saying: ‘The Song has many exemplary persons who use their literature to practice the ancient Way; the ritual and music of the Central Plains will be greatly cultivated and restored, and we cannot fail to submit.’ The *Book of Changes* says: ‘Through civilization one rectifies human culture.’ It also says: ‘Contemplate human culture to transform and complete all under Heaven.’ As for those Rong and Di who rebel against imperial commands and act wickedly at our borders, the court should presently dispatch expeditions to chastise their refusal to pay court. Yet the flourishing of literature is magnificent like this! This also shows that ending disorder does not rely exclusively on military might, but on brightening civil virtue to win people over. When an exemplary person observes this, he says it transforms and completes all under Heaven, and its moral virtue should rightly be compared with that of Yao, Shun, Wen, and Wu! How could even the flourishing splendor of the Han and Tang dynasties be sufficient to compare with the long endurance of our altars of soil and grain and the endless succession of our imperial mandate?

7.36

Discourse on Literature

7.37

When Zhang Biaomin first arrived from the capital, he said that scholars in the capital held the prose of Ouyang Yongshu in high esteem, and that everyone admiringly imitated it. The guests seated about listened with delight. Among the guests was a student who blurted out: “When literature flourishes, all under Heaven is governed!”

Qianzi said to the guest: “The prose of Master Ouyang is merely verbal literature. The good order of all under Heaven lies in the flourishing of human culture. Human culture relies on verbal literature to be expounded, while verbal literature depends on human culture as its root. Benevolence, righteousness, ritual propriety, wisdom, and trustworthiness are human culture; chapters, sentences, and words are verbal literature. When literary composition attains its root, what emerges from it is naturally upright—just as Mencius said: ‘Drawing upon it from left and right, one meets with its source.’ Master Ouyang’s writing generally rests on the foundation of benevolence, trustworthiness, ritual propriety, and righteousness. You gentlemen should emulate Yongshu’s foundation; that would be proper! Why trouble yourselves merely to copy the forms and stylistic postures of rhetorical phrasing?

Toward the end of the Zhou dynasty, during the Warring States period and the time of the Qin of Ying, who was not skilled in literature? Yet the Way of the sages was abandoned, and their human culture was not worth beholding. It was simply that their literature had no mature foundation—it was as bad as that! Confucius held no office and his Way was not put into practice; distressed by this, having no choice, he merely used the literature of the Six Classics and the *Spring and Autumn Annals* to record it and leave it to later generations. Therefore he said: ‘I wished to record it in empty words, but that is not as deeply incisive and brightly clear as seeing it in actual deeds.’ How could a sage specifically devote himself to empty literature? When the literary words of sovereign and minister, father and son, teacher and disciple, and friend and friend are rooted in benevolence, righteousness, ritual propriety, and trustworthiness, harmony fills the realm, and that all under Heaven should not be well-governed has never yet occurred. The *Book of Changes* says: ‘Contemplate human culture, and all under Heaven will be transformed and completed.’ How could this not be so?”

When the seated guests heard my discourse, they were all astonished and could not debate it.

7.38

Discussion on Drought: A Response

7.39

During a year of drought, an interlocutor came to visit me and said: 'This year it has not rained from the fifth month into the end of the seventh month. Throughout the borderlands of Wu, red earth stretches for a thousand li, and the crops are withered. The farmers are anxious and helpless. The prices of all grains have surged, doubling their cost. Starved corpses gaze upon one another along the roads. The administrators pray to the mountains and rivers, rushing to this urgency as if rescuing people from flood or fire, yet the rain never arrives. The common people cannot avoid being in utter panic. May I ask you, sir, what should be done about this?' At that time I replied: 'This is something for the officials to plan; it is not the business of a rustic person like me. But if you insist, I shall privately share my thoughts with you. I have heard from my elders that a time of barrenness and drought is called a year of misfortune. For those who care for the state and worry for the people, nothing is better than opening the granaries to relieve their hunger, and thereafter teaching them to cherish wells and springs and to carefully maintain the dykes and embankments. They should order officials to inspect the waterways with them, leading the people to unite their efforts in damming the rivers and streams to pour them into ponds and reservoirs to provide ample irrigation. They should inspect the markets to stabilize prices. Those who take advantage of the times to pursue illicit gain and cheat the poor and weak should be punished according to the law. They should encourage those with surplus to lend to those in need, and agree with those in need to repay it in fruitful years. They should not levy heavy taxes at the border barriers, so as to allow merchant travelers to pass freely. Petty peddlers and traders among the common people should be accommodated. They should examine judicial cases to clear up injustices suffered by the people. These too are among the ways to relieve drought.' The questioner asked again: 'Is it appropriate to pray to the spirits of the mountains and rivers?' I said: 'This is indeed found in the rites. However, making appeals to the spirits of the mountains and rivers during calamities of flood, drought, pestilence, and epidemic is merely upholding an ancient custom to accord with the hearts of the people. When wind and rain arrive in due season and floods and droughts do not cause harm, it does not originate from the mountains and rivers.' The questioner said with dismay: 'I am an uncultivated person, and do not understand the source of drought and flood. Would you please explain it to me once more?' I said: 'The culmination of yang is called drought. The "Verifications of Misfortune" in the Great Plan states: "Presumption brings constant sunshine." It also states: "The king inspects the year, the ministers and nobles the months, and the officers the days. When the year, months, days, and seasons do not alter, all grains are brought to maturity, the wise and illustrious are employed, the people are distinguished, and families are peaceful and secure. When the days, months, year, and seasons alter, the grains fail to mature, the foolish and benighted are employed rather than the wise and illustrious, the people are degraded, and families are disturbed." Commentators say: What is meant by "presumption"? It is error and discrepancy. That is to say, when government is in error and the people lack instruction, and when the people lack instruction, violent punishments are unleashed. When violent punishments are unleashed, penalties are not fitting. When penalties are not fitting, the people resent it; and through the resonance brought about by the unleashing of violence, drought follows accordingly. Now, why is it that when the year, months, days, and seasons do not alter, all grains mature, the wise and illustrious are employed, the people are distinguished, and families are peaceful and secure? Because the king follows the kingly way and does not demote or promote ministers, nobles, or officers arbitrarily based on his joy or anger, while the ministers, nobles, and officers maintain their offices without presumption or recklessness to usurp the royal power. In this way, state affairs are well-ordered. When state affairs are well-ordered, the qi is harmonious. Because the qi is harmonious, the grains mature and the way of governing is made clear. The talented and good attain their aims to practice their way; thus there is benevolence and righteousness above and no resentment or lamentation below, and so the state is at peace. Now, why is it that when the days, months, year, and seasons alter, all grains fail to mature, the foolish and benighted are employed rather than the wise and illustrious, the people are degraded, and families are disturbed? Because the ruler usurps the ministers' duties and the ministers usurp the ruler's governance. In this way, state affairs are neglected. When state affairs are neglected, people are not in harmony. Because people are not in harmony, the grains fail to mature and the way of governing is obscured. The way of the talented and good is not made manifest; thus there is no benevolence or righteousness above, and the common people mutually harbor resentment below, so the state is not at peace. Today, the Son of Heaven is sagely and luminous, and men of outstanding talent are in office. As for punishments, governance, ritual, and music, how could one hear of any error or discrepancy? However, the Song possesses the realm under heaven, and the crowing of roosters and barking of dogs resonate throughout the four seas; it is vastly broad and distant. In remote regions and distant customs, how could government instruction reach everywhere completely, and how could punishments be entirely free of error? If only punishments, governance, ritual, and music are rectified, wind and rain will arrive in due season, and floods and droughts will have no cause to arise. What use is prayer?' The questioner approved of this, bowed twice, and departed.

7.40

Discourse on Bo Yi and Liuxia Hui

7.41

Mencius said: 'Bo Yi was narrow-minded, and Liuxia Hui was lacking in respect. Narrow-mindedness and lack of respect are things a noble person does not follow.' He also said: 'Bo Yi was the pure one among the sages; Liuxia Hui was the harmonious one among the sages.' He also said: 'Sages are the teachers of a hundred generations; Bo Yi and Liuxia Hui were such men. Therefore, when people hear the style of Bo Yi, corrupt men become incorruptible, and weak-willed men gain resolve. When they hear the style of Liuxia Hui, base men become generous, and fickle men become solid.' At first saying that 'a noble person does not follow them' was Mencius's word of rejection. Next, saying that they were 'pure' and 'harmonious' were his words of praise. Further next, saying that they were 'the teachers of a hundred generations' were his words of admiration. Having both rejected them and praised and admired them in text, scholars have been much perplexed, and some have considered his words inconsistent. I do not think so, but hold that Mencius's explanation has a profound purpose! A noble person interacts with others solely according to what is righteous. Therefore, his departure and taking of office have no stubborn fixation or necessity. If a person was evil at first, but one day turns around completely to seek me through the Way, the noble person must receive him; having received him, if he finds him sincere, he joins him. If a person was not evil at first, but one day turns around completely to follow me without the Way, the noble person must correct him; having corrected him, if nothing can be done, he leaves him. When the noble person joins him, it is not careless compliance; it is because righteousness allows compliance. When the noble person leaves him, it is not careless departure; it is because righteousness allows departure. Therefore, the noble person's leaving and taking of office are never careless; they depend entirely on righteousness. As for Bo Yi, he was ashamed to stand in the court of an evil person and ashamed to speak with an evil person. Extending his heart of hating evil, he thought that standing with a villager whose cap and gown were not straight was so disgraceful that he would walk away in disgust as if about to be defiled. Considering the feudal lords impure, even when they offered refined words and invitations, he would not accept them; because he considered them ultimately impure, he ended up never joining them. As for Liuxia Hui, he thought: 'You are you, and I am I; even if you bare your chest and uncover your limbs beside me, how could you defile me?' He merely governed himself and paid no heed to governing others, mixing indiscriminately and dwelling with them carelessly, and indeed ended up never leaving them. Liuxia Hui lived with uncultivated people and could not rectify them; unable to rectify them and yet unable to leave them, this was treating others with contempt. Bo Yi was sought out by people with refined words and utmost sincerity, but was unwilling to consider their sincerity; unable to sympathize with their sincerity and yet unable to join them, this was abandoning others. Abandoning others is not helping others to do good. Treating others with contempt is having no propriety toward others. If one has no propriety toward others, how can that be considered respect? If one does not help others to do good, how can that be considered broad tolerance? Examining them by the Way of the noble person, were not the leaving and taking of office of these two men unrighteous and inappropriate? Mencius said: 'A noble person does not follow them.' If it were Bo Yi, his eyes would not look at an evil sight, his ears would not listen to an evil sound, and he could not bear to dwell where perverse governance extended. Keeping his person pure and uncorrupted, he went through order and chaos without changing; who could uphold this if not one who attained the purity of a sage? As for Liuxia Hui, when he advanced he did not conceal his worth and always acted according to his way; when dismissed he harbored no resentment, and in poverty and distress he felt no grief; who could endure this if not one who attained the harmony of a sage? Mencius lived during the Warring States period, an age devoid of the Way, when treacherous ministers and rebellious sons glared fiercely and acted willfully, and the corrupt, weak, base, and fickle struggled for power and pursued profit, disregarding integrity and righteousness even unto death. Mencius felt ashamed that the Way of Yao and Shun was not practiced, and thought of using the style of purity, incorruptibility, generosity, and harmony to reform and stimulate his era; hence he necessarily venerated Bo Yi and Liuxia Hui as the teachers of a hundred generations. When he first said they were 'narrow-minded and lacking in respect', he was distinguishing that they did not act toward others based on righteousness. Wishing to make people cautious about departing and taking office, he uttered words of rejection. When he said they were 'pure and harmonious', he was making clear that each possessed one virtue of a sage; wishing people to recognize and respect these men, he uttered words of praise. When he said they were 'the teachers of a hundred generations', he wished to warn the world; wishing people to hear their style and be transformed of themselves, he uttered words of admiration. Bo Yi and Liuxia Hui were men who stood independently on their own responsibilities; they did not concern themselves with teaching others, so what they did paid no regard to the world's right and wrong. Mencius was one who practiced the Way; his duty was to teach others, so he pointed out what they did, accepting what was right and correcting what was wrong. Therefore, the deeds of Yi and Hui, with both their merits and shortcomings, are preserved together in his book.

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鐔津文集 — Classical Chinese