大宋僧史略 2

English (machine translation) 2

Language: English

2.1

Compiled by Imperial Order by Zanning, Master Tonghui, Buddhist Registrar of the Right Street

24. Establishing Regulations by Monastics and Laymen
25. Offering of Incense and Guiding Chants
26. The Origin of Hymns and Chanting
27. Monastic Discipline in Monasteries
28. Establishing the Rectifier of the Saṃgha (With the Rectifier of Nuns Appended)
29. The Controller of the Saṃgha
30. The Chief Controller of Śramaṇas
31. Registrars of the Left and Right Streets
32. Monastic Directors and Assistant Personnel
33. Head Lecturers on Sūtras and Treatises
34. Imperial Preceptor
35. Miscellaneous Duty Personnel
36. Official Ranks and Stipends of Monastic Directors (With Nuns Appended)
37. Jurisdiction over Monks and Nuns (With Ministry of Rites Certificates Appended)
38. Precedence of Monks and Daoists
39. The Palace Sanctuary (With the Sanctuary for Imperial Birthdays Appended)
40. Relaxation and Enforcement of Monastic Registers

2.3

Establishing Regulations by Monastics and Laymen

2.4

When the Buddha's Dharma is practiced, regulations are laid down according to the times. If an matter accords with the binding rules of the vinaya, it should be judged according to the vinaya. If it can be settled by supplementary rules, one must follow the supplementary rules. Thus, the Buddha rebuked the monks, saying that by cleverly evading his rules they created various offenses; hence he permitted the simultaneous establishment of regional vinaya rules, and after the nirvāṇa, the establishment of teachings for the future, so that whatever is not encompassed by the vinaya codes or recorded in the skandhakas can be resolved by analogy. For this reason, outside of the skandhakas and aggregates, there are separate monastic regulations. Nowadays, when monks live in a monastery or reside in a cloister, they always assemble the community to establish articles, regulating their actions so that they do not incur faults or errors. In the Jin, Dharma Master Dao'an grieved that the monastic precepts were not yet complete and lamented that the proper deportment was largely lacking; therefore he remedied the deficiencies, dammed up the flow, and established three models to institute regulations, inspiring faith for his era: first, offering of incense, determining seating, and ascending the seat to lecture; second, the six periods of worship and repentance; third, rituals such as the poṣadha (uposatha). For those who exceeded these rules, separate prohibitions were established. Dao'an's disciple Fayu was lecturing and converting people in Jingzhou, and at that time a student drank alcohol; Fayu punished him but did not expel him. Dao'an heard of this in Xiangyang, wrapped up a small cane, and sent it to Fayu. Fayu understood his teacher's intent, assembled the community to instruct them, ordered the duty monk to strike him twenty times with the cane, and sealed the cane to send it back. Therefore Xi Zuochi wrote in a letter to Xie An: 'Dao'an is capable of disciplining his assembly, and the above three models are enthusiastically observed throughout the realm.' Furthermore, Zhi Dun established the ceremonial models for gatherings of the monastic assembly; Huiyuan established the regulations for the Dharma society; and down to Vinaya Master Daoxuan, he established the protocol for striking the bell, the rules for dividing the requisites of the five assemblies of disciples, the rules for insignia and vestments, and the rules of veneration. These all appeared successively in accordance with the times and alongside the doctrine. In breaking new ground and opening the wilderness, Dao'an was the initiator of monastic regulations. When Emperor Xuanwu, the Ancestral Exemplar of the Later Wei, ascended the throne, he issued an edict saying: 'Since monastics and laity are distinct, their laws are also different. The Daoist and Buddhist teachings are manifest through mutual clarity, and their prohibitions and encouragements each have their appropriate spheres. For monks who commit murder or offenses above that, they shall be judged according to the secular statutes. All other offenses shall be handed over to the Zhaoxuan Office, to be decided according to the inner vinaya and monastic regulations.' (The Emperor newly compiled these during the Jingming reign period.) At that time, the Wei and Liang were on peaceful terms, and the dignitaries often sent people along with envoys to trade; only Cui Xian (courtesy name Jilun) sent requests for Buddhist scriptures. The founding emperor of the Liang had them copied and sent to the hostel along with banners, flowers, and hymns. Xian once ordered the śramaṇa Mingzang to compose a treatise on Buddhism and signed his own name to it; such was his love for the Buddha's Dharma. Prior to this, monks and nuns had become unruly; Xian memorialized to institute regulations and appointed Śramaṇa Fashang as Zhaoxuan Chief to restrain them. In addition, Prince Wenxuan of the Southern Qi composed a one-fascicle Monastic Regulation. Furthermore, when the founding emperor of the Liang built Guangzhai Temple, he decreed Fayun to be the vihārasvāmin and instituted monastic regulations to serve as a future model. Looking at the Northern Wei and the Southern dynasties, the laity instituted monastic regulations, yet all were gentle and concise, neither excessive nor harmful. Through the loose net of the law, wicked men bore holes and slipped through, yet they did not fall into capital punishment—how could that be permissible? As for one who is a monk, if he does not yet practice, merely being able to avoid the penal statutes makes him an untrammeled gentleman of the highest order.

2.5

Offering of Incense and Guiding Chants

2.6

Incense dispels foulness and spreads fragrance, causing people to delight in smelling it. Tracing its origin, the people of the Zhou valued odors, which coincided invisibly with the Western Regions' veneration of incense. The Buddha appeared during the Ji dynasty [of Zhou], matching this token from afar. In the sūtras, when an elder invited the Buddha, he climbed up a storied pavilion the night before, holding an incense burner in his hands to convey his faithful heart; the next day at mealtime, the Buddha arrived. Thus we know that incense is the envoy of faith. The *Great Sūtra of the Buddha's Testament* says: "When monks wish to eat, they first burn incense and chant praises." Furthermore, in a sūtra, a snake called to a monk, recounted its past karma, asked him to perform repentance on its behalf, and asked him to bring Xian-ti to take its offering of incense. When the teaching of this land was already spreading, the sūtras and vinayas were widely scattered and not yet systematic. Therefore, among Master [Dao]an's three rules, the first was the offering of incense, settling in seats, and ascending to preach. This was the beginning of the offering of incense in China. Under the Later Wei and in the regions south of the Yangtze, the scattering of incense was valued, and there was no alteration [to the practice]. In the reign of Emperor Gaozong of the Tang, Xue Yuanqi and Li Yifu received an imperial decree to offer incense at a vegetarian feast for the Crown Prince; in doing so they paid homage to Tripiṭaka Master [Xuan]zang. Furthermore, when Emperor Zhongzong established an unobstructed feast, he decreed that officials of the fifth rank and above should offer incense; some used burning incense to perfume their hands, while others took incense powder and went about everywhere—this was called "offering incense." Later, Tripiṭaka Master Amoghavajra memorialized that on the memorial anniversaries of the seven sacred emperors from Gaozu to Taizong, vegetarian feasts should be arranged and incense offered. The imperial decree ordered that this be followed. Soon thereafter, owing to many incidents, the feasts were not held and only the offering of incense remained. In the reign of Emperor Wenzong, Cui Chou of the Secretariat submitted a memorial stating: "On national memorial days, feasts are arranged and the hundred officials offer incense, yet this matter has no canonical authority in the classics. I prostrate myself to request that it be abolished." An imperial decree stated: "Regarding what Cui Chou has memorialized, We thereupon ordered an investigation of its origins and details. The ritual texts and codified ordinances have never covered or clarified it. Henceforth, the offering of incense on national memorial days by the two capitals and the prefectures and superior prefectures under heaven at temples and abbeys should all be discontinued." Let us test this with an argument: Cui Chou claimed it lacks canonical authority, but how could the snake's offering of incense lack canonical authority? When Master [Dao]an cited teachings to establish rituals, how could he lack authority? As for the decree stating that "an investigation of its origins and details revealed the ritual texts and codified ordinances have never covered or clarified it"—when did the rituals of the Three Dynasties ever speak of feeding the disciples of the Śākya clan and offering incense? Moreover, codified ordinances are merely the laws that evolved through successive dynasties. Could regulations from after Emperor Daizong's time be recorded in the codified ordinances of the late Sui and early Tang? Furthermore, since [Confucian] ritual emerged from the Ruist school, how could one take Buddhist texts as its authority? Since this affair originated with the Śākya clan, it is inappropriate to rely on Confucian classics as proof. Only when verified according to its own nature can it be called reasonable. If Confucian scholars do not accept this and again cite Confucian texts, how is that different from a litigant in court summoning their own relatives and partisans as witnesses? If they wish to abolish it, are there not other grounds? When a filial child serves their ancestors, they follow only what is good. Sacrificing lives to follow [the deceased] in burial does not benefit living beings, so it should certainly be abandoned. The offering of incense is a dedication to the unseen realm; when one knows this, there is nothing improper in doing it. Emperor Wenzong was neglectful toward his ancestors; it is only fitting that his reign was ephemeral. Someone might ask: "Why must the offering of incense be approved?" I reply: "It is like the Zhou valuing odors—burning firewood, sacrificial fat, and fragrant southernwood; it was said that Heaven relishes their odor. Does Heaven actually consume the vapor of sacrificial fat and fragrant southernwood? Because humans valued their odor, they served Heaven with odors. If so, since Buddhism values incense, how could this be discarded? Moreover, the hundred officials offering incense act on behalf of the sovereign. The hundred officials serving the ancestors are also ministers and sons. If one wishes to abolish this, what will become of loyalty and filial piety?" When Emperor Xuanzong ascended the throne, he revived this path. In the fifth year of Dazhong (851), an imperial decree ordered that in the capital and the external prefectures and superior prefectures, the offering of incense on national memorial days must be pure and clean; one must not bring wine and meat into temples to cook and roast. It was said: "This compromises reverent devotion and greatly violates the way of memorial dedication." From then until Emperor Ai, the offering of incense continued as before. When the Zhu Liang dynasty abolished the Tang, the offerings at the Seven Ancestral Shrines ceased. In the third year of Kaiping (909), on the Daming Festival, the hundred officials entered the temples, offering incense and praying for longevity; later, they again dedicated merits to their ancestors. The offering of incense has continued without interruption to this day. In the fifth year of Tianfu of the [Later] Jin (940), Dou Zhengu memorialized: "On national memorial days, the grand councilors kneel at the censers while the hundred officials sit in ranks. Now We desire that the grand councilors kneel at the censers and the hundred officials stand in formation; after the offering of incense, one hundred monks should be fed, to serve forever as a permanent rule." In the third year of Chunhua of Emperor Taizong of the Song (992), Li Zongne, Vice Director in the Bureau of Forestry and Crafts, memorialized regarding the offering of incense on national memorial days, requesting that those from the grand councilors down, after offering incense, be prohibited from wine and meat to manifest its purity.

2.7

The decree was sent down to the Censorate to be implemented.

2.8

As for cantillation and chanting of vows, in the beginning, whenever a sthavira in the Western Regions attended an invitation, he pronounced vows of blessing, saying: "May bipeds always be safe, may quadrupeds also be safe, and may all times be auspicious," in order to gladden the hearts of the dānapatis. Śāriputra was endowed with great eloquence; when he once served as sthavira, his chanting of praises was so fine that the laypeople rejoiced greatly. This was the rudimentary beginning of formal announcements. The treatise in the Liang *Gaoseng zhuan* states: "What is valued in cantillation and chanting comprises four qualities: first, voice; second, eloquence; third, talent; and fourth, broad learning. Without voice, one cannot alert the assembly; without eloquence, one cannot suit the occasion; without talent, one's words will have nothing worth selecting; without broad learning, one's speech will have no authority. Such are its general features." According to the *Nanhai jigui neifa zhuan*, kneeling with the right knee touching the ground while burning incense, and praising the Buddha's physical marks, should be performed by the chanting master kneeling with the right knee touching the ground. This may be announced in a straightforward voice or in a melodious voice. Moreover, in the Western Regions, whenever one had an audience with a king, there was always a ritual of praising his virtues. When the Dharma flowed eastward to China, this responsibility became particularly important. When meeting high officials or having an audience with kings, one versed and experienced was required to exchange greetings, express warm sentiments, and praise moral influence; this too is an affair of cantillation and chanting. Prince Jingling of the Qi wrote texts for cantillation, and Sengyou of the Liang composed *Records of the Conditions of the Qi Sovereign's Praises* and various types of vow texts. In the Chen and Sui dynasties, the eminent monk Zhenguan was deeply adept in this art and had a collection of cantillation texts. From the Tang to the present, this method has flourished throughout the ages.

2.9

The Origins of Chanting Praises

2.10

Regarding the origins of chanting praises: according to the *Daśādhyāya-vinaya*, Koṭikarṇa (that is, Yier) produced sounds in three cadences to praise the Buddha; he was skilled in chanting and easy to understand. In the *Āgamas*, Sanhavarṇa was skilled in melodious recitation, causing the elephants and horses of King Bimbisāra to stop walking. In this land, Kang Senghui transmitted the praises and chants for the Parinirvāṇa, and Zhi Qian composed Sanskrit chants in linked verses. Furthermore, the bodhisattva Dharmaśrī was skilled in the *Abhidharmahṛdaya*; he composed an additional 205 verses as essential explanations, entitling it the *Hṛdaya* ["Heart"]. The sound of his chanting was modeled on heavenly music; as if a marvelous pipe sounded on its own, it set the model for all things, finding an expression in whatever it touched. Each hum and chant depicted the walking of birds and beasts; each melody and trill resembled the emotions of creatures. When feelings shift with their categories, sounds follow the nine transformations to become song; when breath harmonizes with proportions, the five notes accord with the pitch-pipes and rise together. When applied to metal and stone instruments, the hundred beasts dance; when played on wind and strings, humans and spirits are moved alike. This is the ultimate convergence of the marvel of sounds. Cao Zhi of the Wei once roamed Fish Mountain and was moved by the sounds; he transposed their bends and turns to match the melodies of the monks' chanting. Xiao Ziliang, Prince of Jingling under the Southern Qi, examined the nuances of verses and cadences in the sūtras, tuning the musical airs to exhaust their subtlety, and wrote one fascicle of *Verses for Chanting Sanskrit Chants*. In addition, Bai Faqiao was exceptionally skilled in Sanskrit chants. Such persons in the *Gaoseng zhuan* are quite numerous and are not fully recorded here. During the Jianping era of Shi Le of the Later Zhao (330–332), a spirit descended to the hall of Anyi and recited sūtra melodies, which ceased only after seven days; monks transcribed them to make Sanskrit chants. Someone might ask: "What is the benefit of the sound of Sanskrit chants?" I reply: "First, it is the Dharma-joy of the Buddha's path. Although these melodies and rhythms are sorrowful, they are not distressing; though joyful, they are not licentious. Because they hit the golden mean, they serve as Dharma-joy. Second, all the gods, ghosts, and spirits are delighted upon hearing them. Third, it is the constant practice of all Buddhas; throughout the lands of the ten directions, who does not take joy in this?"

2.11

Monastic Directors and Disciplinary Control

2.12

Now, the word *si* [monastery] means to inherit (*si*); those who manage affairs succeed one another within it. Since the name of a government office is used, it must not undermine the work of Buddhist affairs. Therefore, as a son succeeds his father, and a disciple surpasses his teacher, this succession and following in footsteps must be pursued diligently to achieve success. According to the Western Regions, the monastic administrators are collectively called *karmadāna*, translated as "affairs manager" (*zhishi*) or "gladdener of the assembly" (*yuedzhong*), meaning that they manage affairs and gladden the assembly. Investigating the Buddha's lifetime: Kāśyapa led the assembly at Vulture Peak, Śāriputra oversaw affairs at the Bamboo Grove, and when Dabba Mallaputta was barely sixteen years old, he had already attained arhatship. Later, contemplating that the body is not durable, he requested to serve as monastic administrator; his fingers emitted light at night to distribute bedding to the monks. Therefore, the Buddha praised him, saying: "Among my disciples who manage lodging assignments and assign invitations to meals for the Saṃgha, Dabba Mallaputta is foremost." When they gathered to attend an invitation, [the monks asked] who should receive the first fruits, water, food, and so forth; the Buddha said: "He who has the highest monastic seniority shall do so"; this person is called the sthavira. When Buddhism gradually spread eastward, during the Han and Wei periods, it was as if a net lacked its main cord, or a boat had not dropped its stone anchor. By the time of the Yao Qin, those who had left home amounted to half the households. When Kumārajīva entered the Pass, three thousand arrived with tied provisions and wrapped feet. The Qin ruler decreed that Master Daoqi be selected as Rectifier of the Saṃgha, Huiyuan as Gladdener of the Assembly, and Faqin and Huibin to take charge as Monastic Registrars, granting them carriages and clerical staff. The Rectifier of the Saṃgha ranked equal to a Palace Attendant, while the others were graded accordingly. The establishment of monastic officials in this land began with Daoqi under the Qin.

2.13

Establishment of the Rectifier of the Saṃgha

2.14

When the monastic bureau was first established, it was called the "Assembly of Purity." The official posts established by the Qi ultimately followed the Buddha's teaching. What does "Rectifier of the Saṃgha" mean? "Rectifier" (*zheng*) means government (*zheng*). Rectifying oneself and rectifying others, one is able to implement governance and decrees—hence the name. For when monks are without law, it is like horses without bridles or oxen without nose-ropes; gradually tainted by worldly customs, they will deviate from refined standards. Therefore, those of virtue and prestige are appointed to control them with the Dharma and bring them back to rectitude; hence they are called "Rectifier of the Saṃgha." This began under the illegitimate Qin with the monk Daoqi (also written Daoqi). When the Eastern Jin moved its capital, this office was unheard of. In the Song dynasty, the office of Controller of Śramaṇas was established, and the nun Baoxian was appointed Rectifier of the Saṃgha; both Emperor Wen and Emperor Xiaowu revered her. Next came those titled "Dharma Master" (*fazhu*). For instance, Shi Daoyou was a disciple of Master [Dao]sheng. Emperor Wen asked Huiguan: "Who has mastered the doctrine of sudden enlightenment?" He replied: "Daoyou." The emperor then summoned him to court. When Emperor Xiaowu ascended the throne, he decreed that Daoyou reside at Xin'an Temple as the Guardian Dharma Master of the Temple. He also decreed that Fayuan be the Dharma Master of Xiangong Temple. Examining their identical titles across different temples, one suspects this was not a post of overall rectification and control. Furthermore, during the Shengming era (477–479), Fachi was appointed Rectifier of the Saṃgha; during the Daming era (457–464), Daowen was appointed Rectifier of the Saṃgha of the Capital. In the Yongming era (483–493), it was decreed that Xuanchang of Changgan Temple along with Faxian serve as Leaders of the Saṃgha (*sengzhu*), dividing responsibility between the south and north banks [of the Yangtze]. Chang was later ordered to go to the Three Wu regions to discipline the two assemblies [of monks and nuns]. At the end of the Qi, Fayue served as Leader of the Saṃgha, residing at Zhengjue Temple. When the founder of the Liang took refuge in Buddhism and penetrated its profound pivot, he carefully selected virtuous men to fill the post of monastic head: Fachao served as Rectifier of the Saṃgha of the Capital; in the sixth year of Putong (525), a decree appointed Fayun as Grand Rectifier of the Saṃgha, with a full complement of clerical staff. Huiling also filled this post (differing only by the word "Grand"). Those called "Leaders of the Saṃgha" were also monastic officials, but were titles for minor rectifiers and minor controllers in outlying areas. For example, Jñānagupta, translated here as Zhide ("Aspiration to Virtue"), was a native of Northern India; when Yuwen Jian, Prince of Qiao under the Northern Zhou, governed Shu, he invited Jñānagupta to accompany him, where he served as Leader of the Saṃgha of Yizhou and resided at Longyuan Temple. In the Southern Dynasties, Huiji, surnamed Ou and a native of Qiantang, received the precepts from Tripiṭaka Master Guṇa[bhadra] at Caizhou. Later, his teaching spread through the Yue region, and he was soon decreed Leader of the Saṃgha, taking charge of ten cities. This was the beginning of Leaders of the Saṃgha in the Eastern Land (the Eastern Land refers to the area between Wu and Kuaiji). Observing the successive dynasties, it was mostly feudal princes who established Rectifiers of the Saṃgha. Although Liang was a great empire, it also used this title, merely prefixing the word "Grand" to distinguish it. Today, one official is appointed for every prefecture throughout the empire, choosing those with virtuous conduct and ability to fill it; otherwise, the post remains vacant.

2.15

Appended: Nun Rectifiers

2.16

The institutional systems established in the Northern dynasties mostly subordinated [nuns] to monks. In the southern lands, a new regulation separately implemented [the office of] Rectifier of Nuns. In the second year of the Taishi reign of the Song (466 CE), the nun Baoxian was decreed to be Rectifier of Bhikṣuṇīs, and Fajing was also made Metropolitan Karmadāna for Nuns. This was the gradual beginning of filling vacancies [with such offices]. During the Liang, Chen, Sui, and Tang, one rarely hears of such matters. In the regional hegemonic states, one occasionally hears of the titles Controller of Nuns and Rectifier of Nuns.

2.17

Controller of the Saṃgha

2.18

When emperors hold sway over the realm, they must transform what people see and hear, either altering rites and music or changing official bureaux—interchangeably making the Master of Writing (nashiyan) the Chief of the Department of State Affairs (shangshu), or replacing the Commander-in-Chief (sima) with the Grand Commandant (taidui). What constancy is there? Taking this as the beginning: under the Qin system in Guanzhong, they established the Rectifier of the Saṃgha as the head of the lineage. When the Wei honoured the northern lands, they changed it to Controller of the Saṃgha to lead the black-robed assemblies. Although issuing a new title, it carried forward the former duties. In the Huangshi era of the Later Wei (396–398 CE), the śramaṇa Faguo of Zhao Commandery was pure and consummate in his precept practices, expounding and disseminating the canonical scriptures. Emperor Taizu summoned him to be Controller of Śramaṇas; his words were mostly agreeable and fitting, and the offerings bestowed on him were exceedingly generous. Emperor Taizong revered and trusted him even more than before. In the Yongxing era (409–413 CE), he was successively conferred the titles of General Assisting the State, Master of Yicheng, Marquis of Zhongxin, and further Duke of Ancheng, all of which he firmly declined. The conferring of secular official titles upon monks was first heard of here. When the emperor visited his residence, he disliked that the gate was too narrow to accommodate his imperial carriage, so he had it widened. He died at over eighty years of age. The emperor attended his mourning thrice and posthumously conferred on him the title of General of Venerable Longevity and Duke Huling of Zhao Commandery. (Today, conferring the title of General of Venerable Longevity all derives from the edicts of that time. Thus we know that the earlier 'Assisting the State' must have been a generalship, while 'Huling' was a two-character posthumous name.) Earlier, Faguo had first left home at the age of fourteen and had a son named Meng; an imperial edict ordered Meng to inherit the ranks bestowed on Faguo. The office of Controller of Śramaṇas began with Faguo. There was also the Kaśmīran śramaṇa Shixian, originally of royal lineage, who travelled east to the Liang lands and then came to the capital. Encountering the suppression of the Buddha's Dharma, he temporarily made a pretence of medical arts while maintaining the Way without alteration. On the day of its revival, he immediately became a śramaṇa again; along with five companions, the Wei emperor personally shaved their hair. An edict appointed Shixian as Controller of the Saṃgha. The office of Controller of the Saṃgha [under that name] began with Shixian. When the Sui revived the Buddhist Way, reforming the customs of the Zhou, they summoned the monk Sengmeng to reside at Daxingshan Temple as Grand Controller of the Sui State. Meng's secular surname was Duan, and he was a native of Jingyang; he lectured on the Prajñā, the Daśabhūmika, and so forth. (The Sui used the word 'Grand' to signify distinctiveness.) There was also the one called the Holy Śrāmaṇera, who originally held the office of State Chief of the Saṃgha in Luoyang (the 'Chief' was the Chief of Śramaṇas). Later summoned to Ye, having achieved merit in bringing peace and order, he was promoted to State Controller (Controller of the Saṃgha for the entire state). The Song followed the Tang system, abolishing the Controller and establishing the Registrar. (Only when palace women leave household life are they decreed to be appointed Nun Registrar or Nun Controller; some have ten-character master titles, and those compared with the titles of the two capitals and commanderies are very numerous.)

2.19

Chief Controller of Śramaṇas

2.20

When the Wei ruler moved the capital, he took the surname Yuan; the clothing worn by the barbarian clans was entirely transformed into Chinese elegance, and regarding the gateway of Indian Sanskrit texts, many projects of reform and alteration were carried out. One day, Emperor Xiaowen issued an edict stating: 'The Chancellery has recently received a memorial from the Lord Registrar and others, learning that the Chief Controller of Śramaṇas should be settled early. Of late, examining virtue and selecting the worthy, I have laboured with diligent mind day and night; yet as for succeeding to the charge of the Buddha, I knew not upon whom to rely. Some are lofty in the Way and venerable in years, free in principle from entanglements; some have vast capacity and understanding, holding themselves far above worldly affairs. Now the Dharma Master Sengxian, abbot of Siyuan Temple, may by edict be made Chief Controller of Śramaṇas.' Upon detailed investigation, Emperor Wen of the Wei decreed Tanyao to be Chief Controller of Śramaṇas, which in fact began with Master Yao. Yao was honoured by the emperor as his master and titled Zhaoxuan Chief Controller of Śramaṇas. Rejoicing in the revival of the Buddha's Dharma, he carved stones to create images and translated the *Jingtu sanmei jing* (Pure Land Samādhi Sūtra), the *Fu fazang zhuan* (Account of the Transmission of the Dharmapiṭaka), and so forth; it was this master. Under the Qi, Fashang was made Zhaoxuan Controller, and Fashun was made Chief of Śramaṇas. However, although 'Chief' is a title of general superintendence (the offices of the nine ministers mostly used the word 'Chief' to indicate general superintendence), it was one grade below the Controller. Furthermore, the monk Narendrayaśas of the Udyāna country (translated into Sui [Chinese] as Zuncheng, 'Venerable Fame') had previously also served in the Qi state as Zhaoxuan Controller. Why were there so many Controllers and Chiefs in the era of the Northern Qi? The answer is: at that time ten posts were established, with one Controller and one Chief serving as principal and deputy, hence they were numerous. The Great Sui, receiving the mandate, also used the title of Controller, beginning with Tanyan as Grand Zhaoxuan Controller of Śramaṇas (separately adding the word 'Grand'); next, Dharma Master Lingzang served as abbot of Daxingshan Temple and was soon appointed Zhaoxuan Chief. In the leap first month of the first year of the Yuanhe era of Tang Muzong (806 CE), the monk Weiying of Longxing Temple was appointed Erudite Awaiting Orders in the Hanlin Academy concurrently with Controller of the Saṃgha of the Two Streets. Ying had formed ties inside and outside the palace, and used divination to delude people, hence this order was issued; soon after, considering it unsuitable, it was abolished. From the Liang of Zhu [Wen], the Later Tang, Jin, Han, and Zhou down to the present Great Song, all have used the Registrar and none the Controller. Regional hegemonic circuits occasionally had private appointments; for instance, Wuyue made Lingyin Controller of the Saṃgha, but subsequently, in avoidance of arrogant usurpation, it was soon demoted to the title of Rectifier of the Saṃgha. Those usurping and illegitimate states all titled [their officials] Buddhist Registrar.

2.21

Registrars of the Left and Right Streets (The Left and Right Streets originally arose when the Commissioners of Merits were established and [monasteries] were subordinated to them. When the Buddhist Registrars were established, they also used the Left and Right Streets. Monks were assigned Registrars to record them, and the Commissioners of Merits each governed them separately.)

2.22

From the time the Tang possessed the realm, the Buddha's Dharma was initially languishing and sluggish, for the teachings of Li [Daoism] flourished vigorously, and things cannot both be supreme. Fu Yi presented a memorial listing the faults of the Śākya clan, and Emperor Shenyao was not without doubts. Next, during an imperial progress to Eastern Luoyang, Emperor Taizong decreed that monks and nuns rank behind Daoists. When Emperor Gaozong ascended the throne, discussions arose wishing to make them bow to ruler and parents. When Zetian turned her heart to the Śākya gate, she restored the monks to ranking above Daoists. During the reigns of Zhongzong and Ruizong, this was slightly expanded. In the reign of Xuanzong, there was a single-minded veneration of Daoism, and Buddhist monasteries only established the three directors. The Zhaoxuan Controller and Rectifier were altered and not maintained; the official monastic offices fell into decline and were not revived. The Vinaya Master Daoxuan being decreed sthavira of Ximing Temple is an example of this. When it came to the Kaicheng era of Wenzong (836–840 CE), the Registrars of the Left and Right Streets were first established. Tracing the person, it was Dharma Master Duanfu. His secular surname was Zhao. Emperor Dezong summoned him into the forbidden palace to debate with Confucians and Daoists, bestowed a purple square robe, and ordered him to attend upon the Crown Prince in the Eastern Palace. Emperor Shunzong valued him, sharing bed and board as if they were brothers, showing extraordinarily deep favour and courtesy. Emperor Xianzong repeatedly visited his cloister, treating him like a guest and friend. He took charge of Dharma rituals in the inner palace, registered the monastic affairs of the Left Street, and served as a model for the pure assemblies for ten years, which was during the Yuanhe era. Viewed from this, the rise of the Buddhist Registrar began with Duanfu. Master Fu died during the Kaicheng era of Wenzong. After the Kaicheng era, Yunduan became Buddhist Registrar. Master Duan received an imperial decree that intended to eliminate the Śākya clan, first issuing an edict stating: 'Since the Buddhist teachings arrived, from antiquity to the present, what evidence has there been for their rise and decline? The Registrars of the Two Streets together with all the monks of the three trainings should be ordered to record the items and present them.' The Dharma Treasure Master Xuanchang was selected to write the preface and compile it in order. Chang thereupon composed the *Sanbao wuyun tu* (Chart of the Five Movements of the Three Jewels) to clarify the chronological eras of the transmission of the Buddha's Dharma, similar to Fei Changfang's *Kaihuang sanbao lu* (Kaihuang Record of the Three Jewels). Next, in the reign of Xuanzong, Lingyan and Bianzhang served as Buddhist Registrars; together they submitted a memorial requesting that the *Qianbo dajiao wang jing* (Great King of Teachings Sūtra of the Thousand Bowls) be entered into the canon. (The appointments of Masters Zhang and Yan as Buddhist Registrars are seen in the *Wuyun tu*.) In the eighth year of Dazhong (854 CE), an edict ordered the repair of the abandoned Zongchi Temple, decreeing Bianzhang, Leader of the Three Teachings, to take exclusive charge of repairing the temple. Wang Yuanyou, Palace Attendant of the Palace Vigilance Corps and General of Agile Cavalry, announced that Master Zhang was promoted from Leader to Buddhist Registrar of the Left Street; next, Great Master Jingguang, Sengche, filled the post of Buddhist Registrar of the Right Street. On the fourteenth day of the eleventh month of the twelfth year of the Xiantong era of Yizong (871 CE), on the Yanqing Festival, the monks and Daoists of the Two Streets went to the Linde Hall to deliver lectures and debate; Yanchu, Buddhist Registrar of the Right Street, was bestowed the title Great Master Mingche, and Qinglan, Buddhist Registrar of the Left Street, was bestowed the title Great Master Huizhao. In the reign of Xizong, there was Juehui serving as Buddhist Registrar. When the rebel Huang Chao attacked the palace during the Zhonghe era, Buddhist Registrar Yunhao and Du Guangting, Daoist Master of Ceremonies, carried the incense burner tables and the like, following the imperial carriage in haste wearing only stockings; by the time they reached Wugong, their feet were wounded and aching. When the capital was recovered, following the return, he was then appointed to the post of Registrar. One does not know at that time why the ritual procession of monks and Daoists escorting the imperial carriage carried incense tables. As for what is called 'Registrar' (lu): there were the Jin and Song registers, which recorded the scriptural teachings, collateral teachings, traditions, translations, figures, and other matters. Thus the Wei edict said: 'Recently we received a memorial from the Lord Registrar and others.' 'Lord Registrar' was the chief registrar of the monastic bureau, like saying a recorder (lushi). When the illegitimate Qin first established the Rectifier of the Saṃgha, it appointed the two masters Faqin and Huibin to take charge of the monastic register. The Tang changed the form: the Rectifier was abandoned, and the Registrar was used. For rites and music issue from the Son of Heaven. Once a period esteems something, nothing competes with it. Even if the Controllers of the Wei were like grass and the Rectifiers of the Qin like a forest, all returned to the realm of the Tang Registrars. It is like valuing worthiness versus valuing seniority: in an age that values worthiness, what use is seniority? In valuing white versus valuing green: under a ruler who values white, green must not take precedence.

2.23

Deputies of Monastic Heads

2.24

When the Yao Qin established the Rectifier, although there was no title of Deputy Rectifier, there was the intention of a secondary assistant. Therefore, Huiyuan was used as pleaser of the assembly (karmadāna), and the two masters Qin and Bin managed the registers. This was a division of grades and bureaux to jointly accomplish monastic affairs, without explicitly stating the two characters 'Deputy Rectifier'. When the Wei changed the name to Controller of the Saṃgha to make it the principal post, it appointed the Chief of Śramaṇas to serve as the secondary support, which is the karmadāna (duweina). Thus Emperor Xiaowen's edict stated: 'Secondary protocols and assistant affairs are shared by both black-robed and white-clad. Recently, because Controller Yao managed affairs single-handedly, this office was consequently abolished (thus we know that before Tanyao, a deputy post had been established). Now, wishing to assist virtue and encourage goodness, we certainly require such a person. Dharma Master Sengyi of the Imperial Uncle Temple is reverent in conduct and clear in spirit, gentle, intelligent, cautious, and upright; his practice is flourishing and his Way superior, suitable to take up the secondary support. He may fill the post of karmadāna to bring lustre to the worthy assembly.' Thus we know that the Wei used the pleaser of the assembly as deputy, and by analogy we know that in the Yao Qin era Huiyuan was the deputy. If so, the Later Wei also adopted the Qin system, yet the Biographies of Eminent Monks does not point this out, probably because they were not clearly versed in the meaning of the terms. Furthermore, at that time individual temples separately established the three officers; would the karmadāna of a temple not be confused with this? The answer is: there are two reasons they were not confused. First, the imperial appointment made him deputy to the Zhaoxuan Controller of the Saṃgha; second, he himself held the title of karmadāna under the Zhaoxuan Office. How could he be the same as a temple's pleaser of the assembly? Emperor Xiaowu of the Southern Song Dynasty respected Huiqu. Qu once led chants before the emperor, and during a vegetarian feast was donated ten thousand [coins] and decreed Metropolitan Karmadāna. Here, the two characters 'Metropolitan' distinguish it. In Jiangzuo (the south), Rectifiers were established, and some appointed deputies while others did not. When the Sui unified [the empire], it returned to following the Northern dynasties in using Controller as principal and Chief as deputy. When it came to the Yuanhe and Changqing eras of the Tang, they first established Buddhist Registrars to record the monks of the Left and Right Streets, also without secondary offices. Next there was the Leader of the Three Teachings. In the Qianning era of Zhaozong (894–898 CE), the Leader was changed to Deputy Buddhist Registrar, obtaining Juehui. The Deputy Registrar began with Master Hui. Under the Liang of Zhu [Wen], the Later Tang, Jin, Han, and Zhou, it was sometimes established and sometimes eliminated, appearing and disappearing irregularly. Now in the sixth year of Taiping Xingguo of the Great Song (981 CE), an imperial edict established the Deputy Buddhist Registrar of the Right Street to oversee the affairs of the teaching of the Right Street.

2.25

Leader of Sūtra and Śāstra Lecturers

2.26

The name "Seat Head" (shouzuo) is precisely the sthavira (Seat Upper). He occupies the head of the assembly and sits above the monks; therefore it is so called. Investigating this: in the Tang dynasty, an imperial edict ordered Bianzhang to inspect and oversee the repair of a temple; Xuanzong rewarded his merits and appointed him Seat Head of the Three Teachings. During the Yuanhe reign period, Duanfu was only called "Discussant of the Three Teachings." This was because on imperial birthdays, one might happen to be summoned to ascend the inner palace halls to deliver praises and engage in disputations with other traditions; thus the label "Three Teachings" was marked. He did not necessarily have to master the Six Classics or broadly synthesize the two treatises; [rather, he had to] master all the branches of our own teaching, rising above and standing out among all the worthy scholars. But if he happened to be thoroughly versed in other traditions while deeply mastering our own teaching, facing kings and ministers without fear, and achieving merit by subduing stubborn attachments, he would bear this title with no sense of shame. Later, seat heads were sometimes established for the study of the sūtras and treatises, but Bianzhang was the first Seat Head of the Three Teachings. From the Later Liang down to the Zhou, the post was sometimes abolished and sometimes instituted, all according to the needs of the times. Today under our Great Song, there are Seat Heads for Lecturing on Sūtras and Seat Heads for Lecturing on Treatises; these are simply established separately outside of the Buddhist Registrars.

2.27

National Preceptors

2.28

In the methods of the Western Regions, high respect is accorded to such persons. This is the same for both inner and outer traditions, and exists for both the orthodox and the heterodox. In the past, a Nirgrantha who believed in Brahmanical teachings was enfeoffed as National Preceptor by his king. For the inner [tradition], one whose learning penetrates the Tripiṭaka, who also masters the five sciences, and to whom the entire realm takes refuge—only then is this title manifested. As the vocal teachings gradually spread east, in the Northern Qi there was only the eminent monk Fachang: he initially expounded the vinaya, gaining fame in Ye; later he lectured on the Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra and received instructions on meditation and computation. The king of Qi venerated him as National Preceptor; the title of National Preceptor began with Master Chang. Coming down to the Chen and Sui dynasties, there was Dhyāna Master Zhiyi of Tiantai, who served as Bodhisattva-precept Master for Emperor Xuan of the Chen and Emperor Yang of the Sui; thus at that time he was called National Preceptor (though without formal enfeoffment or appointment). By the court of Zetian, Shenxiu led disciples in Jingzhou and was summoned into the capital; under the four reigns of Zhong[zong], Rui[zong], and Xuan[zong], he was always called National Preceptor. Later there was Huizhong of the Chan school; during the Suzong and Daizong eras, he entered the imperial palace to preach the methods of Chan contemplation, and was also called National Preceptor. In the Yuanhe era, an imperial edict appointed Zhixuan, designating him National Preceptor Wuda. As for regional hegemonic kingdoms: the Last Ruler of Shu granted Guangye, Buddhist Registrar of the Right Street, the title National Preceptor Yousheng; Wuyue called Deshao National Preceptor; and the Southern Tang kingdom appointed Wensui as Grand Guide of the State. (The title "Guide" embodies two meanings: as in the Lotus Sūtra, where merchants address the guide, this refers to leading the way and directing; or as in masters who chant and lead, this refers to public declaration. Thus when King Hengyang of the Song governed Jiangling, because there was no guide at a vegetarian feast, he invited Tanguang to act as guide; and when Emperor Ming held an assembly, he saw that Guang chanted and led with excellence, and imperially bestowed upon him three robes, a water flask, and an alms bowl.)

2.29

Miscellaneous Functionaries and Staff

2.30

When a monastery is established, the three directors are instituted. It is like the great head-rope of a net: if one lifts it, all is aligned; hence they are so named. In Sanskrit they are mamate, sthitina, and karmanātha; in the language of China, they are the vihārasvāmin (director of the monastery), sthavira (seat elder), and karmadāna (rejoicer of the assembly). Examining this carefully, the vihārasvāmin originated with the White Horse Monastery in the Eastern Han. Once a monastery was established, someone had to manage it. Although at that time there was no title of vihārasvāmin, there was someone who managed its affairs. From the Eastern Jin onward, this office began to flourish; thus Hou Jing said that he would make the old fellow Xiao Yan the vihārasvāmin of Taiping Monastery. In the Northern Zhou, there was the vihārasvāmin of Zhihu Monastery, who was personally appointed by imperial edict. In the Sui, there was the vihārasvāmin of Daxingshan Monastery. In the Tang, Princess Taiping petitioned to appoint the barbarian monk Huifan as vihārasvāmin of Shengshan Monastery, even conferring upon him the third rank and enfeoffing him with a dukedom. Zetian appointed Xue Huaiyi as vihārasvāmin of the White Horse Monastery. These were all appointed by imperial edict; elsewhere in the various circuits, incumbents were replaced once every three years. Now, regarding the sthavira, there are three types. The Saṅgītiparyāya-abhidharma states: first, age by birth, being an elder; second, worldly wealth, reputation, and noble lineage (such as Military Commissioner Liu Rui, who upon renouncing household life was granted material gifts and monastic years); third, having received ordination earlier and having attained the fruits [of the path] earlier (this is called the most supreme). In establishing this position through ancient and modern times, one has always selected those of mature years and virtue with administrative capability to fill it. The Gaoseng zhuan frequently states: "imperially appointed as the sthavira of a certain monastery"; this is what it means. Daoxuan was imperially appointed as the sthavira of Ximing Monastery, ranking above the vihārasvāmin and the karmadāna; in the Chart of the Five Movements, those appointed by imperial edict followed continuously. As for the chief karmadāna (duweina), the Record of the Inner Law Sent Home states that it combines Chinese and Sanskrit: wei means head-rope, which is Chinese; na is an abbreviation of the Sanskrit, omitting the three syllables karma-dha. When Emperor Xiaowen of the Northern Wei appointed Dharma Master Sengyi of the Huangjiu Monastery as the Chief Karmadāna of the Capital, this was an imperial appointment; this was the Chief Karmadāna of the Zhaoxuan Office. Those established in monasteries today—such as Xuanchang being imperially appointed as the karmadāna of Zongchi Monastery—are of this sort. Next, the seat controller (dianzuo) means the one who oversees and manages the bed-seats. In all matters, taking up the seats serves as one category to encompass them; thus he generally oversees miscellaneous affairs. Alternatively, one may establish an annual duty officer who serves for one full year, or a monthly duty officer, a half-month duty officer, or a daily duty officer; these are all karmadānas. They are instituted according to the locality. Collectively they are called the three directors; they hold miscellaneous responsibilities as monastic directors. During the early reigns of the Tang dynasty, monastic chiefs were not established; each monastery simply instituted these three officers. In the Yuanhe and Changqing eras, the Registrars of the Left and Right Streets were instituted to oversee all monks and nuns. If there was any business, it was reported first to the Registry and then to the civil authorities. The Later Liang, Later Tang, Jin, Han, Zhou, and now our Great Song have all followed this past system. Furthermore, during the Song and Qi dynasties, one Dharma Master (fazhu) was once established; thus Daoyou was imperially appointed as the Garrison Monastery Dharma Master of Xin'an Monastery, and Fayuan as the Dharma Master of Xianggong Monastery. Toward the end of the Tang, many were established: one master upon whom one relies (āśraya-ācārya) was instituted and also titled Dharma Master. In our present dynasty, among the officials who uphold the Vinaya, the one holding the highest post is titled School Master (zongzhu), which is similar. As for the relying ācāryas who were sometimes appointed by imperial edict, whenever there were disputes between clergy and laity whose rights and wrongs could not be distinguished, they would petition him to arbitrate and cause them to cease disputing; hence the designation. During the Zhou and Sui, there was Fadao, who specialized purely in the vinaya standards. Since the ruler of the Northern Qi revered the Dharma, the five assemblies flourished; whenever someone violated the vinaya, he ordered him to handle it, imperially appointing him as the Case-Adjudicating Śramaṇa. At that time, there were monastic lawsuits in Qingzhou and Qizhou; an imperial edict ordered him to adjudicate them, and the rampant disputes subsided on their own. Coming to the Sui, an edict ordered him to reside at Daxingshan Monastery; the title of "case adjudicator" began with Controller Zun (who was later promoted to Controller). Shi Yancong of Riyan Monastery under the Sui composed the Treatise on Monastic Officials; he must have explained monastic posts extensively, but in seeking the original text, I have not yet obtained it.

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大宋僧史略 — Classical Chinese