大宋僧史略 3

English (machine translation) 3

Language: English

3.1

Compiled under Imperial Order by Zanning, Buddhist Registrar of the Right Street and Master Tonghui

41. Debates on Imperial Birthdays (with Inner Feasts Appended)
42. Bestowal of Purple Robes on Monks
43. Bestowal of Master Titles (with Titles of Virtue Appended)
44. Palace Attendants and Leading the Imperial Chariot
45. Enfeoffment and Bestowal of Official Ranks
46. Universal Precept Platforms
47. Forming Societies and Dharma Gatherings
48. Bestowal of Summer Retreat Ranks
49. Modes of Addressing Rulers
50. Precept-Platform Dharma Ranks
51. Regulations and Interests in Ordaining Monks
52. Bestowal of Posthumous Titles
53. Bodhisattva Monks
54. Attaining the Way and Realizing the Fruits (with Nuns Appended)
55. Daqin and Manichaeism
56. The Imperial Couch and Seat
57. Heavenly Kings on City Gates
58. Lighting Lanterns at the Shangyuan Festival
59. General Discourse

3.3

Debates on Imperial Birthdays

3.4

In ancient times, Emperor Gaozu of the Han and Lu Wan were born on the same day, and wine and food were presented between them; this was the origin of celebrating birthdays. Later, bundles of silk and jars of wine, children's clothes and toys, were used to convey congratulations; in greater terms, jade and silk expressed the wish for long life and enduring vision, using material items to constitute rich ceremonies for celebrating a birth. When people heard that in the Buddha's Dharma there were teachings on dispelling calamities and prolonging life, they came to celebrate using Buddhist services. During the Northern Wei, Later Zhou, and Sui periods, monks of renowned conduct and extensive learning were frequently summoned to debate against Confucians and Daoists, delighting the vision of the royal way, which was also an admirable aspect of celebrating birthdays. Emperor Gaozong of the Tang summoned Jia Gongyan before the imperial presence to explain scriptural meanings together with Daoist priests and śramaṇas. On his birthday, Emperor Dezong visited the Linde Hall and ordered Xu Mengrong and others to ascend the seats and debate with the followers of the Buddha and Laozi. On his birthday in the fourth month of the twelfth year of Zhenyuan, he visited the Linde Hall and decreed that Supervising Secretary Xu Dai, Vice Director of the Ministry of War Zhao Xu, together with Xu Mengrong and Wei Qumou, should debate the three teachings together with twenty men, including the Daoist priest Ge Sancheng and the śramaṇa Tan’yan. Qumou was the most eloquent. On his birthday in the ninth month, Emperor Wenzong summoned Bai Juyi to debate in the Linde Hall together with the monk Weicheng and the Daoist priest Zhao Changying. Juyi's challenges arose like sharp blades and his eloquent discourse poured forth like a fountain; the Emperor suspected it had been prepared beforehand, and sighed deeply in admiration, bowing to him. In the era of Emperor Zhuangzong [of the Later Tang], there was the Buddhist Registrar Huijiang, who debated with the Daoist Cheng Zixiao; they probed each other with jest and banter to delight the Emperor. Zhuangzong himself was fond of singing and chanting; even when on campaign among the troops, he took Dharma masters along to converse and chant, sometimes exchanging banter. Whenever monks were fed on an imperial birthday, doctrines were debated in the inner palace to clarify the traditions. In the time of the Shi Jin, the Buddhist Registrar Yunbian often engaged in debates and chants on birthdays; the Emperor in person sat for repeated encounters of argument. Coming down to the reign of Emperor Taizu of our Great Song, affairs of state were manifold, and these matters were discontinued; only the lecturing of monks was respected, with the three trainings held supreme. Is this not exceptionally solemn, steadfast, and genuine?

3.5

Inner Feasts Appended

3.6

On the Emperor's birthday, imperial decrees were issued to select monks of lofty virtue to enter the inner palace, where they were bestowed food and abundant gifts. Searching the texts, this began during the Later Wei, when those of superior attainment were frequently invited in order to seek fortune and longevity. From Emperor Daizong of the Tang, inner practice centers were instituted, and on each birthday festival famous monks were summoned into the palace to receive meals and donations, which were called inner feasts. By the tenth month of the seventh year of the Dahe reign of Emperor Wenzong, the name was changed to the Qingcheng Festival, and an imperial decree halted inner feasts for monks and Daoists. In the early years of Emperor Wuzong, the inner practice center was reinstituted, together with the inner feasts, where monks and Daoists offered longevity felicitations. In the sixth month of the fourth year of Huichang, inner feasts and the inner long-life practice center were discontinued. On the twenty-second day of the sixth month of the first year after Emperor Xuanzong ascended the throne, an imperial decree reinstated the inner feasts and permitted monks and Daoists to offer longevity felicitations. On the Daming Festival day in the third year of Kaiping under Emperor Taizu of the Liang, the Emperor visited the Wenming Hall and hosted a vegetarian feast for monks, in which the chief ministers and Hanlin Academicians took part. On our Great Song Emperor's birthday festival, the Buddhist Registrars, Daoist Registrars, and Rectors of the Two Streets, together with monks officially recommended from the divisions of the Two Streets, are bestowed purple robes and master titles; when this is concluded, they are granted a feast together. Furthermore, I have heard that on the birthdays of the emperors of the Jin, Han, and Zhou, a hundred monks were provided for at first, but later the number was reduced to just a few individuals.

3.7

Bestowal of Purple Robes on Monks

3.8

In antiquity, what was prized were titles and emblems. When conferring robes and insignia on people, the highest were vermilion and purple; green, black, and yellow ribbons were secondary. Therefore it is said: when purple ribbons were added, gold insignia had to be obtained. Now monks receive only the purple and not the gold (for the square robe is not a sash ribbon). Searching the various histories, monks' robes were of red, yellow, black, green, and other colors, but vermilion and purple are not heard of. According to the Tang History, during the reign of Zetian there were the monk Falang and others who retranslated the Great Cloud Sūtra and presented portents saying that Zetian was Maitreya descended to be born as the ruler of Jambudvīpa, and that the Tang house had declined, wherefore by this means the dynastic revolution took place and she claimed the Zhou (the new Great Cloud Sūtra says that after death she would be born in Maitreya's palace, not that Zetian was Maitreya). Falang, Xue Huaiyi, and nine others were all enfeoffed as commandery dukes, and gifts were bestowed with distinctions; all were granted purple kāṣāyas and silver tortoise pouches. The Great Cloud Sūtra was promulgated to monasteries throughout the realm, each storing one copy and ordering high seats to lecture on it. The bestowal of purple began from this. In looking at the New Tang History's claim that the Great Cloud is an apocryphal sūtra, that is incorrect. This sūtra had already been translated in the Jin dynasty, and the old text already spoke of a female king; how could the Heavenly Empress have existed at that time? It was merely because of the retranslation that grand falsehoods were added, and with Xue Huaiyi wedged in their midst, it gave rise to ridicule. After Zetian, in the reign of Emperor Zhongzong, on account of the barbarian monk Huifan's merit in repairing a monastery, he was enfeoffed as a commandery duke, but the purple robe was not applied. In the time of Emperor Ruizong, nothing is heard of it either. Emperor Xuanzong's fraternal love was consummate; because the Prince of Ning was ill, he dispatched inner palace emissaries and royal physicians who raced continuously back and forth, but only the monk Chongxian achieved medical success. The Emperor was pleased and granted him a crimson robe and fish tally pouch (Chongxian was the only person granted crimson and a fish pouch). Furthermore, in the ninth month of the twentieth year of Kaiyuan, the king of Persia dispatched the great-virtue monk Jilie to the Tang (Jilie was the monk's name); an imperial decree granted him a set of purple kāṣāyas and fifty bolts of silk, and sent him back to his home country. At the end of Tianbao, the śramaṇa Daoping resided at a monastery in Jincheng County; when the rebellion of An Lushan broke out, Xuanzong fled to Shu, and Suzong passed by the monastery. Daoping earnestly urged him to raise troops at Lingwu to recover Chang'an. Suzong thereupon entrusted him with troops and appointed him General of the Left Jinwu Guard. Reaching Lingao, he encountered the rebels and engaged in great battle, repeatedly achieving military merit. Later he begged to return to being a monk; an imperial decree assigned him to the Chongfu and Xingqing monasteries, granted him purple robes, and admitted him to the palace, where giving imperial audience became ordinary. During the Yongtai era of Emperor Daizong, the monk Chonghui of Zhangjing Monastery contested arts with Daoist priests; having reported victory, the inner official Gong Tingyu announced the grant of a set of purple robes (without the fish pouch). Next, the Indian monk Jituo of Zhenguo Monastery was six hundred years old; when approaching death, he sent a disciple to present his robe and bowl to the Emperor, and an imperial decree granted him purple robes. Emperor Dezong devoted his mind to the Śākya clan; he summoned the Dharma master Duanfu into the inner palace to debate doctrines with Confucians and Daoists, and bestowed a purple square robe. Shunzong, Xianzong, Muzong, Wenzong, and Wuzong all carried out such bestowals (in searching for the monks' names, they have simply not yet been found). The Dongguan zouji states: During the Dazhong era, the monk Xiuhui of Da'anguo Monastery was skilled at poetry and once composed on imperial command; his talent and thoughts were lofty and refined. One day, the Emperor heard him beg for a purple robe. The Emperor said: 'Am I begrudging it to you? Looking at your appearance, something is lacking; therefore it has not been given.' When it was granted and he returned to the monastery, he suddenly fell ill and died. On the imperial birthday festival of the twenty-second day of the sixth month of the fourth year of Dazhong, the meditation great-virtues of the inner palace were all granted purple, and Zongzhi, the director of the Zhuifu Courtyard, was also granted purple. Next, the pilgrimage monk Wuzhen from Shazhou arrived at the capital, and the great-virtue Xuanchang managed the Tripiṭaka; each was granted purple. Furthermore, Congjian, the supervisor of Faqian Monastery, was granted purple. When the Emperor visited Zhuangyan Monastery to venerate the Buddha's tooth relic, Vinaya Master Linghui was granted purple, as was Ruichuan of Chongfu Monastery. In the fourth year of the Xiantong reign of Emperor Yizong, the monk Faxin of Xiliang Prefecture submitted a commentary and notes on the Hundred Dharmas Treatise; upon verification of its worth, he was granted purple. On the Yanqing Festival on the fourteenth day of the eleventh month of the eleventh year, monks and Daoists of the Two Streets entered the palace and debated in the Linde Hall; Kefu was granted purple. Also, the Japanese monk Ensai, residing at Ximing Monastery, took leave to return to his homeland, and was granted purple and sent back. On the Yanqing Festival of the twelfth year, when debates were held in the inner palace, Qingyun, Sili, Yunqing, and two others of the Left Street, and Youzhang, Huihui, Qingyuan, and one other of the Right Street, four men in all, were granted purple (the practice of granting purple robes to each of the street divisions began from Xiantong). Under Xizong and Zhaozong, the purple robes granted to monks recommended by various circuits were extremely numerous and are not recorded. In the eleventh month of the first year of Qianhua under Emperor Taizu of the Liang, the Uighur monks Ningluyi, Lisiyi, Yanjian, and others came to court, and each was granted purple and returned to their territory. Furthermore, the monk Fasi of Tanzhou and Guizhen of Guizhou personally requested and were granted purple. Emperor Zhuangzong delighted in granting purple robes to monks; so it was under the Jin, Han, and Zhou. Now, under our Great Song, they are granted only on imperial birthday festivals. In cases where inner practice center monks are already wearing purple, they are further granted three items of purple silk robes, which is called a double bestowal. As for the various hegemon states, their bestowals were likewise similar. During the illegitimate Shu dynasty, the Kingdom of Yunnan dispatched the court attendant and prior of Chongsheng Monastery, a monk bestowed with purple and a silver bowl, to serve as an envoy of good relations. Later, barbarian officials of high rank were granted golden bowls, just as the Central Plains granted silver fish tallies. The country of Wa [Japan] bestows on monks the title of Dharma Master of the Transmitted Lamp. Goryeo bestows purple robes on monks, placing gold or silver hooks on the cords to distinguish rank.

3.9

Bestowal of Master Titles

3.10

A master's title refers to the bestowal of the title '[So-and-so] Great Master'. Remotely, this originated when Emperor Wu of the Liang titled Dharma Master Louyue, and next when Emperor Yang of the Sui titled Chan Master Zhiyi, both being called 'Wise One' (Zhizhe), yet without the two words 'Great Master'. Emperor Zhongzong of the Tang titled Wanhui as 'Duke of the Dharma Cloud' (adding the single character 'Duke'). During the Kaiyuan era of Emperor Xuanzong, there was Dharma Master Huiri, who had been ordained under Master Yijing during the reign of Emperor Zhongzong; he traveled to the Western Regions and returned to present a true icon and Sanskrit palm-leaf manuscripts. The Emperor was pleased and bestowed upon him the title 'Cimin' (Compassionate and Agile), yet the words 'Great Master' were still not used. In the reign of Emperor Muzong, Liu Zong, Military Commissioner of Tianping Army, submitted a memorial requesting permission to leave household life; he was granted a purple robe and given the title 'Master of Great Awakening' (only the single word 'Master'). Coming to the fourteenth day of the eleventh month in the eleventh year of the Xantong era of Emperor Yizong, on the Yanqing Festival, through participating in debates, Yunhao of the Left Street was bestowed the title Great Master Sanhui; Sengche of the Right Street was bestowed the title Great Master Jingguang; Kefu was titled Great Master Fazhi; and Chongqian was titled Great Master Qinglian. Bestowing master's titles thus began in the reign of Emperor Yizong (explicitly stating '[So-and-so] Great Master'; see the *Chart of the Five Revolutions*). During the reign of Emperor Xizong, there was the Buddhist Registrar, Great Master Yunhao; during the reign of Emperor Zhaozong, there was Great Master Yuanming. When the Liang replaced the mandate of the Tang, they bestowed upon Daoyin, You, and others of Lingwu the title Great Master Zhenghui, and bestowed upon Hongyin of Mount Jing in the state of Wu-Yue the title Great Master Faji. Coming to the first year of the Longde era, monks were forbidden from errantly seeking master's titles and purple robes. The Later Tang, Jin, Han, and Zhou all followed this. Now in the Great Song, only master's titles and purple robes are maintained, while titles of Bhadanta (Dade) are permitted to be selected and appointed by the Office of the Buddhist Registrar. Prior to this, from the Kaibao era down to the fourth year of the Taiping Xingguo era, monks from across the four seas were permitted to enter the palace courtyard to request testing in the three disciplines. The Commissioner of Merits of Kaifeng Prefecture was ordered to dispatch monks to examine their comprehension of the sūtras, vinaya, and treatises. Those who were completely versed in all ten topics were granted a purple robe and designated 'hand-memorial monks', because they personally presented their memorials by hand. Soon after, because the Commissioner of Merits submitted a memorial stating that under one universal family there was no need for hand-memorials, and requested an examination-selection process, an imperial edict approved it. From this time on, whenever the Emperor's birthday occurred, imperial princes, grand councilors, and military commissioners down to prefects were permitted to submit memorials recommending those they knew. For monks and Daoists, purple robes and master's titles could only be recommended for imperial palace entry by the Buddhist Registrars and Daoist Registrars of the Two Streets. On that day they were conferred an official credential from the Chancellery, which was called a 'Master's Title Before the Screen'; they were provided with the four requisites of purple robes, termed 'Purple Robe Before the Screen'. This was the most glorious honor. Those recommended by other princes and nobles were issued awards on alternate days, their honors being conferred progressively downward through regional commands, provincial governors, and prefects.

3.11

Titles of Worthiness (Bhadanta) Appended

3.12

The rise of titles of worthiness has a distant origin. In the Wei and Jin periods, in the translations of the vinaya texts and karmavācanā liturgies, they were all called 'Bhadanta monks' (dade seng). Sūtras say, 'Born for the sake of the devas of great virtue (bhadanta)'; treatises say, 'All bhadantas endowed with spiritual penetrations...'; and various biographies privately referred to the virtuous and eminent among the monastic assembly mostly as 'Bhadanta'. These were not official appointments by the state dynasty. Coming to Emperor Daizong of the Tang, the inner palace issued a box of incense sent into the hands of the late Sthavira, Bhadanta Daoxuan of Ximing Monastery; this is where it first appears in historical records. Furthermore, in the second year of the Dali era of Emperor Daizong, Vinaya Bhadanta Chengru of Anguo Monastery submitted a memorial regarding the estate of a deceased monk, requesting that light and heavy penalties be judged in accordance with the vinaya; an imperial decree ordered that it be granted. Looking at this text, it resembles an imperial appointment. Yet sometimes imperial edicts say 'Elder monk So-and-so'—how could that be an official appointment? It was merely a temporary deferential embellishment. 'Bhadanta Daoxuan' and 'Vinaya Bhadanta Chengru' were likewise of this sort. On the fifth day of the fourth month in the sixth year of the Dali era, an imperial edict decreed that among the monks and nuns of the capital, ten Bhadantas of the Ordination Platform each be established as a permanent regulation, filling vacancies whenever they arose. This combined 'Ordination Platform' with the two characters 'Bhadanta', and was the beginning of state appointments to the title of Bhadanta. During the reign of Emperor Xianzong, Duanfu served as the Carriage-Leading Bhadanta, which combined 'Carriage-Leading' as its title. On the imperial birthday in the sixth month of the fourth year of the Dazhong era of Emperor Xuanzong, Bian and Zhao were the two Chan Bhadantas of the Inner Palace, which took their title by combining Chan studies. Furthermore, during the Dazhong era, by imperial decree the Platform Bhadanta of Shengshou Monastery, bestowed purple, Huiling, was appointed Sthavira of Zongchi Monastery; the Lecture and Debate Bhadanta of Chongfu Monastery, bestowed purple, Ruichuan, served as Vihārasvāmin; and the Platform Bhadanta of Fushou Monastery, bestowed purple, Xuanchang, served as Chief Karmadāna. In the tenth year of the Dazhong era, Xuanchang was promoted to Sthavira Bhadanta, Xuanze became Vihārasvāmin Bhadanta, and Jianxin became Joy-Maker (karmadāna); all followed imperial appointment. Imperially appointed titles thereby became increasingly distinct. In the sixth year of the Xiantong era of Emperor Yizong, Monk Faxin of Xiliang Prefecture received orders from Zhang Yichao, the Military Commissioner of his circuit, who dispatched him to present the commentary and subcommentary on the *Treatise on the Hundred Dharmas* composed by Dharma Master Chengen. The Two Streets assessed that it was fit for promulgation, and an imperial decree approved it. That monk Faxin was granted a purple robe and appointed Bhadanta of his circuit. Furthermore, in the first year of the Wende era of Emperor Zhaozong, on the imperial birthday named the Jiahui Festival, an imperial edict summoned monks and Daoists of the Two Streets to lecture and debate until dusk; each was bestowed shares of goods and silver vessels. Among the monks and Daoists granted master's titles, there were two from the Right Street; four each were granted purple robes, and ten each were granted titles of Bhadanta. Under the Zhu Liang, Later Tang, Jin, Han, and Zhou, this was sometimes practiced and sometimes not. Now, the court of our Great Song rarely confers titles of Bhadanta. During the Kaibao era, the Buddhist Registrars of the Left and Right Streets, according to old edicts, were permitted to evaluate and appoint the names and titles of monks in the miscellaneous subjects of the three disciplines, such as 'Chan Bhadanta', or in subjects such as lecturing on the sūtras, vinaya, and treatises, chanting invocations, hymning, and medical arts, which were fit to be granted the two characters 'Bhadanta'. Recently, Buddhist Registrar Daoshen did not follow the subject categories, but errantly fabricated grand and laudatory words for titles, even up to four or six characters, conferring them only after receiving bribes. In the regions of Jiangnan and the two Zhe circuits, there are even monasteries where, out of ten cloisters, none have ordinary monks fit to perform monastic corvée duties.

3.13

Monastic Officials of the Inner Service and Carriage-Leading

3.14

Regarding the appointment of monks as Monastic Officials of the Inner Service (Neigongfeng): this began when Emperor Suzong of the Tang gathered troops at Lingwu. In the first year of the Zhide era, when returning toward Fufeng, the monk Yuanjiao received an oral edict to establish a Bhaiṣajyaguru ritual sanctuary and was ordered to accompany the imperial carriage within the imperial retinue. He requested official credentials to go to Kaiyuan Monastery in Fengxiang Prefecture to oversee the imperial Bhaiṣajyaguru ritual sanctuary, where three times seven persons practiced the path during the six intervals of the day. At that time, a clump of plum trees suddenly sprouted inside the ritual sanctuary. An imperial commissioner was dispatched to verify the fact: the plum tree had forty-nine stems. Yuanjiao submitted a congratulatory memorial, and the imperial rescript responded: 'The luxuriant growth of the auspicious plum is an omen of the state's prosperity. Sprouting within the saṅghārāma, it reveals the re-illumination of the Buddha sun. Moved by this extraordinary auspicious sign, We share this joy with the Master.' Furthermore, Li Rangguo proclaimed the imperial edict, which said: 'Decree to Monastic Official of the Inner Service, monk Yuanjiao...' The establishment of this post began with Yuanjiao. Next was Zilin, a native of Quanzhou, who succeeded to this office. During the reign of Emperor Xianzong, Duanfu, Haoyue, and Qibai successively answered this imperial appointment. Under the Zhu Liang, Later Tang, Jin, Han, and Zhou, and our Great Song, this post has not been heard of. As for being a Carriage-Leading Bhadanta, only Duanfu held this title. This must have been an imperial appointment; had it been a self-assumed private title, how could it have been called as such? This appointment has also not been heard of recently. However, whenever the imperial carriage tours and returns to the capital, monks and Daoists must prepare banners, standards, conches, and cymbals to welcome the carriage from afar; the Buddhist Registrars and Daoist Registrars ride horses to lead the carriage, yet none dare to privately call themselves 'Carriage-Leaders'. Emperor Taizu, the Martial, Sagely, Literary, and Divinely Virtuous, decreed that the monks and Daoists of the Two Streets each prepare solemn regalia to welcome the imperial carriage, which has now become a permanent regulation.

3.15

Conferral of Official Ranks and Titles

3.16

Those who leave household life look toward the five stages to ascend in grade; those who attain the path transform the two bases to achieve the fruit. Daring to speak of the next: pratyekabuddhas and arhats realize attainment through the four fruits in a single sitting, and reveal their titles across three lifetimes and a hundred kalpas. These are the grades and ranks of the noble and wise. One should cultivate the karma of selection and take these extraordinary categories! Yet in the Chinese customs of Cīnasthāna, they bind the worthy with fine nobility, honoring them according to what [the world] honors. Formerly, the Later Northern Wei appointed the śramaṇa Faguo of Zhao Commandery as Controller of Śramaṇas; deeming offerings and donations insufficient, they further assigned him official rank, bestowing upon him the title of General Assisting the State, Master of Yicheng, and Marquis of Zhongxin, and soon after advanced him to the ducal rank of Duke of Ancheng. The enfeoffment of the disciples of Śākya with official ranks began with Faguo. The Liang dynasty appointed Huichao as an Academician of the Shouguang Hall, and Lu Fahe held extremely high official posts. The Northern Zhou selected those whose scholarship was superior and abundant among monks and Daoists to serve as Academicians of the Tongdao Daoist Monastery, additionally altering their clothing colors. The Sui dynasty appointed Yancong as an Academician of the Sūtra Translation Hall. In the second year of the Shenlong era of Emperor Zhongzong of the Tang, Shenggshan Monastery was completed; Huifan, Huizhen, Fazang, Daxing, Huiji, Yuanbi, Renfang, Chongxian, and Jinguo—nine persons—were awarded fifth rank and made Court Gentlemen for Consultation and District Dukes. Their chambers, utensils, and provisions were provided exactly like those of regular official posts, on account of their merit in constructing the great image. Soon after, Huifan was further elevated to Grand Master of Proper Demeanor and Commandery Duke of Shangyong; the Vihārasvāmin of Shengshan Monastery reached the rank of Grand Master of the Silver and Blue with Glorious Golden Seal, and his stipends, provisions, and chambers were all provided on par with substantive officials. Furthermore, the Vihārasvāmin of Anle Monastery, monk Wansui, was made Court Gentleman for Consultation and enfeoffed as a District Duke; the stipends of the Chief Karmadāna of Shengshan Monastery were also provided on par with substantive officials, on account of completing the construction of the image. Furthermore, the śramaṇa Kuoqing served as Commissioner for Cultivating Merit and Acting Director of the Palace Domestic Service. Next, when Emperor Xuanzong divined the pacification of inner turmoil, the monk Qingrun was enfeoffed with official rank of the third grade; the monk who cured Prince Ning's illness was granted a scarlet robe. Emperor Daizong advanced Tripiṭaka Master Amoghavajra to Palace Attendant with the Grand Equerry Title (Kaifu Yitong Sansi) and Duke of the State of Su. The peak of official rank and nobility belonged solely to Amoghavajra.

3.17

The commentary states: The imperial court still maintains noble ranks, and disciples of Śākya consequently compete for official grades! Official grades have no end, and greed has no satisfaction. Why not support a wife and children and kneel before lord and parents? How would this differ from the Weaving Maiden making seven traverses, or the Herd Boy bearing the yoke? Those with discernment and understanding find nothing commendable here. This is not like Lu Fahe or Śramaṇa Daoping, who were able to render meritorious service in defending the altars of the state, thereby coming to receive provisional official titles.

3.18

The Vaipulya Ordination Platform

3.19

The existence of ordination platforms in this land began when Tripiṭaka Master Guṇavarman of the Southern Dynasties conferred the precepts upon bhikṣus of the Song state at the riverbank of Caizhou. From then on, platforms were successively established in the north and south without special names. Later, there was the Nanlin Ordination Platform. In the second year of the Qianfeng era of Emperor Gaozong, Vinaya Master Daoxuan of Mount Zhongnan established the Linggan Ordination Platform at the Qingguancun hermitage, and renowned and virtuous figures from throughout the realm all came to receive an increment of the precept status. Just as the building of the platform was finished, an elderly monk with long eyebrows praised it in front of the platform; he was none other than Piṇḍola. On the twenty-eighth day of the third month in the Yongtai era of Emperor Daizong, an imperial edict decreed that all provisions required for the Vaipulya Ordination Platform at Da Xingshan Monastery be officially supplied. In the fourth month, an imperial edict decreed that among the monks and nuns of the capital, ten Platform Bhadantas each be established as a permanent regulation. As for the term 'Vaipulya Ordination Platform' (fangdeng jietan): the platform ritual originally stems from the various vinayas, and the vinaya is the Hīnayāna teaching. In the Hīnayāna teaching, every single matter must accord with the Dharma; if there is the slightest deviation, the recipient fails to obtain the precepts, and those presiding over the platform commit an offense; hence it is called the Vinaya teaching. As for the Mahāyāna Vaipulya teaching, it is not constrained by defective faculties or deficient conditions; all are able to receive them, provided only that they give rise to the great aspiration and take them to heart. 'Vaipulya' (fangdeng) carries the meaning of being all-pervasive. The *Treatise on Cessation and Contemplation* states: 'As for *fangdeng*, some say it means vast and level. Now, *fang* means method; just as prajñā has four methods, which are the four gates for entering the cool pool, hence this is *fang*. The principle that is realized is the great wisdom of equality, hence it is called *deng* (equal).' Because the ordination platform was established in accordance with the scriptures of the Vaipulya, it is named the Vaipulya Platform. Since it is not narrowly restricted by taboos and prohibitions, but is vast and equal, it can also be termed 'vast and level'. Because monks and nuns were permitted to leave household life again following the Huichang suppression, Emperor Xuanzong feared that while living in the secular world they could hardly be without various faults; he therefore ordered that they first repent deep transgressions and subsequently augment their precept status. Had it not been Vaipulya, how could they have been permitted to re-enter? Drawing on its quality of all-pervasive inclusiveness, it was therefore called the Vaipulya Ordination Platform. If it were strictly to follow the vinaya model, hearing of not the slightest fault, where all four aspects of the procedure within the saṃgha boundary are completely compliant, then it could not be called Vaipulya. However, when universal benevolence prevails, people enjoy encroaching and transgressing; when strictness and resoluteness prevail, all creatures are naturally solemn and respectful. In latter ages, abiders who are strict and spare with indulgence are truly the capable ones.

3.20

Forming Societies for Dharma Gatherings

3.21

Between the Jin and Song dynasties, there was Dharma Master Huiyuan of Mount Lu, whose transforming influence prevailed in Xunyang. Eminent scholars and recluses gathered like spokes at the hub at Donglin, all wishing to form a fellowship around the incense fire. At that time, Lei Cizong, Zong Bing, Zhang Quan, Liu Yimin, Zhou Xuzhi, and others jointly formed the White Lotus Society, erected an image of Amitābha, and vowed to seek rebirth in the Land of Peace and Nurture; this was called the Lotus Society. The name 'society' began from this. Prince Wenxuan of Jingling in the Qi recruited both clergy and laity to practice the method of pure dwelling; this was also a pure dwelling society. Sengyou of the Liang once drafted a text on dharma societies and the establishment of meritorious association assemblies. Throughout successive dynasties, the completion of saṃgha monasteries has relied on dharma assemblies and societies. The method of a society is to bring together many light things to achieve one weighty thing; in accomplishing affairs and achieving success, nothing compares to a society. Nowadays, when societies are formed to create karmic causes of merit jointly, their articles and covenants are strict and clear, surpassing official law. Practitioners encourage one another and diligently cultivate realization; thus, the power of societies to give rise to goodness is great indeed. Recently I have heard that in the regions of Zhou and Zheng, village societies often form 'associations for keeping the gengshen night.' When first gathering, they clash cymbals and sing Buddhist hymns and praises; the assembly recites the Buddha's name and circumambulates the hall, or plays string and wind instruments, staying awake the whole night in order to prevent the Three Pengs from reporting to the Sovereign on High, thereby escaping the recording of sins and the deduction of life span. Yet this is truly a Daoist practice. Often, ignorant sons of the Śākya clan join these associations seeking petty gain, entirely failing to investigate their roots and erroneously practicing heterodox ways; this is deeply lamentable!

3.22

Bestowing Summer Retreats

3.23

During the reign of the Heavenly Empress, the Daoist Du You changed his mind and sought to become a monk. An imperial decree granted permission for him to shave his head and dye his robes, assigning him to Foshouji Monastery, with the dharma name Xuanyi. By imperial decree, he was bestowed thirty summer retreats. Because he had only recently entered the stream of the Dharma, he was required to occupy a junior seat; if he were given unearned monastic age, he would instantly become a veteran. The practice of bestowing summer retreats began with this. Next, in the third month of the first year of Changqing, Liu Zong, Military Commissioner of Tianping Army, converted his private residence in Youzhou into a Buddhist monastery. An imperial edict bestowed the name Bao'en, and further dispatched the palace official Jiao Xiansheng to bestow the monastery name plaque. Because Liu Zong had confined his father, his spirit was perturbed, which was why he built the Buddhist monastery. Soon afterward, he memorialized requesting ordination as a monk. By imperial decree, he was bestowed the master title Dajue, and fifty summer retreats were added. This was to treat him with special distinction, desiring that he enter the Dharma at a high rank. Furthermore, the Vinaya teachings permit three persons to be introduced and ordained together; even when receiving the Dharma at the very same time, the first listed is revered as senior. How could it make distinctions for the scions of great clans and princely gates? Because the Liu clan had long held sway over Youzhou, the court praised Zong for first coming to know obedience to principle; therefore, it added this bestowed favor to comfort his heart. During the Kaiping era of the Liang, King Qian of Wuyue memorialized requesting that his youngest son enter the monastic life, with the dharma name Lingyin. An imperial decree bestowed upon him the purple robe, the title Great Master Faxiang, and added thirty summer retreats. From then on it ceased; today we do not hear of this being practiced. As for what is called 'retreat,' in the sūtras and Vinaya, the sixteenth day of the seventh month is the beginning of the year in which a monk's fivefold dharma-body comes into being; therefore, the fifteenth day of the seventh month marks the completion of the retreat. When a monk renounces worldly life, he does not reckon his age by mundane years, but counts summer retreats. The sūtras and Vinaya also call the fifteenth day the 'Buddha's retreat day.'

3.24

Modes of Address When Facing Kings

3.25

In the Western Regions, names are given at the beginning and remain unchanged until the end. For instance, Ānanda was born on the night the Buddha achieved awakening, so he was named 'Joy' (Qingxi); when he received prediction and recited the compilation of the scriptures, he was still named Ānanda. All others follow this pattern. Recently, when I have seen Indian monks arrive, many are named Kāśyapa, Mañjuśrī, and the like. In the Western Land there is no taboo against this, just as in the Eastern Xia people are called Xiangru or Zigong. According to the Record Sent Home, in the West, after ordination, those with fewer than ten summer retreats are called 'junior masters,' and at ten summer retreats they are called 'established in status'; those versed in many sūtras and treatises are called 'learned seekers of quietude.' These are all general titles. As for simply using the word 'saṃgha,' it may only be used of four or more persons. In my view, to apply it individually to a monk does not violate principle either: just as twelve thousand five hundred men make an army, yet an individual single person may also be called 'the army.' The same holds for 'saṃgha.' The Vinaya Master of Nanshan said: 'Śramaṇa is a common designation for both ordinary people and sages. Heterodox traditions in the Western Heaven are also called śramaṇas; hence the character Shi (Śākya) must be used to distinguish them. Combining the two is like people of this land stating their official rank, hometown, and surname.' Yet a surname is shared; if an individual name alone is used, that name is unique. Uniqueness avoids confusion. From the Wei and Jin dynasties onward, śramaṇas mostly adopted the surnames of their masters. For example, Zhi Daolin had the surname Guan, but took his master's surname Zhi. Dao'an had the surname Wei, but took his master Fotudeng's surname Bo. Dao'an alone had the insight: 'In taking a master, none surpasses the Buddha; the Buddha was originally of the Śākya clan.' He thereupon ordered universally that all monks take the surname Shi. The use of the Śākya clan in the Eastern Xia began with Dao'an. Later, when the Sanskrit text of the Āgamas arrived and was translated, there indeed appeared the passage: 'Just as the four rivers flow into the sea and have no more of their original names, the four castes who leave household life are all called the Śākya clan.' This spontaneously corresponded with his view. The newly translated term biqiu (bhikṣu) comes from the five virtues of the biqiu grass, after which they were named; biqiu (比丘) was an erroneous transcription from Sanskrit. Furthermore, in the older translation it was rendered 'eliminator of hunger' (chujin). Kang Senghui's commentary on the Fajing jing says: 'Worldly beings toward the objects of the six sense-faculties are like starving men dreaming of food; world-renouncers eliminate the six senses, hence the name "eliminators of hunger."' In addition, Xi Zuochi called Dao'an a 'Daoist.' People of the Western Regions often refer to themselves as 'I'; there is no taboo even when speaking before superiors. Thus Ānanda said: 'Thus have I heard.' As for this land when facing kings, during the Han, Wei, and the two Jin dynasties, monks either stated their personal names, said 'I,' or said 'this impoverished follower of the Way' (pindao). Hence Fakuang, submitting a letter to Emperor Jianwen of the Jin, called himself 'this impoverished follower of the Way'; Zhi Dun, submitting a letter requesting to return to Shan, also called himself 'this impoverished follower of the Way'; Dao'an, admonishing Fu Jian, called himself 'this impoverished follower of the Way' and addressed Jian as 'dānapati.' At that time there was not yet a fixed standard. Moreover, Gunabhadra, speaking to Emperor Xiaowu of the Song, said: 'I beg compliance from Your Majesty'—here we see him addressing the emperor as 'Your Majesty.' Coming to the Southern Qi, Faxian and Xuanchang were separately made Rectifiers of the Saṃgha; when speaking to the emperor, they stated their personal names and did not sit. Later, because Monk Zhong of Zhongxing Monastery, in submitting a memorial reply, called himself 'this impoverished follower of the Way,' the emperor was displeased. He asked Wang Jian: 'In what manner did śramaṇas of earlier generations address emperors and kings when conversing with them? Did they sit or not in the main palace hall?' Wang Jian replied: 'In the Han and Wei, the Buddha-Dharma had not yet flourished, and nothing appears in the chronicles. From the rise of the illegitimate states onward, they all called themselves "this impoverished follower of the Way," and it is also heard that they were granted seats. This was also so in the early Jin. In the middle era, there were Yu Bing, Huan Xuan, and others, who all wished to make śramaṇas perform full rites of obeisance; the court debated tumultuously, and the matter was always laid to rest. In the middle of the Song dynasty, an order was also given to pay homage, but it was soon abandoned. From then until now, most have been granted seats and called themselves "this impoverished follower of the Way."' The emperor said: 'When the two monks Xuan and Faxian, possessing such religious practice, still state their names, how much more so should others? To order them to bow and prostrate would be excessive; stating their names carries no impropriety.' From this time on, all śramaṇas stated their names to emperors and kings; this began with Faxian and Xuanchang. In the recent and present dynasties, the Way has grown thin and men perverse; in titles and memorials, they call themselves 'your subject' and 'knock their heads.' Now, 'knocking the head' is prostration; calling oneself 'subject' is the utmost humility. Investigating its origin, it does not go beyond the Tang dynasty. When the translation śramaṇa Fajing and others of Daxingshan Monastery in the Sui presented their catalogue of the various scriptures, they did not yet call themselves 'subject'; they merely said, 'The multitude of śramaṇas, Fajing and others, respectfully report to the Emperor, the Great Dānapati.' Later, when Shi Tanji of the Northern Zhou presented a memorial remonstrating against the monastic purge, he also merely stated his name: 'Reporting to the Emperor, the Great Dānapati,' and later called himself 'this impoverished follower of the Way.' As for Shi Ren Daolin of the Northern Zhou, in his response to Emperor Wu's edict, he called himself 'your subject.' Examining his circumstances at that time, Daolin's robes and appearance had already been changed, just like Fotudeng's dharma-grandson Wang Mingguang. If he had acted as the monk Daolin, he certainly would not have called himself 'subject.' When the śramaṇa Xuanze of Ximing Monastery in the Tang presented his afterword to the Chanlin miaoji, he merely used the two characters 'the monks' (sengdeng). Thus the preface states: 'Thereupon, utilizing the surplus of what was offered, Your Majesty personally turned your sagely intention; following upon the titles of correct names, you specially composed an exquisite title. We monks, bearing the favor of your molding and bestowing, treasure the blessing of your perpetuation and enhancement.' In the memorial of the Tang Tripiṭaka Master requesting an imperial preface for the sūtras, he called himself 'the śramaṇa Xuanzang'; the edict in reply said, 'Edict to Zang,' respecting him by not using his personal name. During the Zhenguan era, when an edict placed monks and nuns below Daoists, the capital śramaṇa Zhishi submitted a memorial discussing the order of precedence, also merely stating his personal name. When Emperor Gaozong compelled both the Buddhist and Daoist teachings to pay homage to ruler and parents, the Office of Military Affairs stated in a memorial: 'Of unfilial acts, none is greater than cutting off descendants: why not regulate them with marriage? Of disloyal acts, none is greater than not acting as subjects: why not order them to call themselves "subjects and handmaidens"?' From this we know that during the three reigns of the Tang, they still did not call themselves 'subjects.' On the eighth day of the third month of the first year of Shangyuan under Emperor Suzong, an imperial rescript was issued dispatching the palace envoy Liu Chujiang to request that the robe and bowl transmitted by the Sixth Patriarch of Caoxi be brought into the palace, and also summoned his disciple Lingtao. Lingtao submitted a memorial declining on grounds of old age, and dispatched his disciple Mingxiang; the memorial submitted called himself 'your subject,' as seen in the historical records. It began from this. Some say: 'When Falin submitted a memorial discussing Daoists being placed above monks, he said: "Your subject is pressed by years of advanced age, only now encountering an era of great peace; his appearance is ravaged like willow leaves, just now meeting a sagely and enlightened ruler." If that is so, Falin had already called himself "your subject." Why, then, during the reign of Gaozong, did the Office of Military Affairs say: "Of disloyal acts, none is greater than not acting as subjects: why not order them to call themselves 'subjects and handmaidens'"? If Master Lin had already used it, the Office of Military Affairs certainly would not have made this statement.' I reply: Daoxuan, Weixiu, and others did not call themselves 'subject.' It is feared that Falin, pressed by imminent danger and fervent feelings, merely called himself that on that single occasion. The court had not yet established it in legal statutes, nor did the multitude share this address; hence the Office of Military Affairs said, 'Why not order them to call themselves "subjects and handmaidens"?' Furthermore, it is suspected that copyists made an error. According to this account, Falin's calling himself 'subject' was even earlier. In the second year of Zhide under Suzong, the palace-attendant monk Yuanjiao, who accompanied the imperial retinue to oversee the Bhaiṣajyaguru bodhimanda, submitted a memorial concerning forty-nine plum tree stems growing inside the bodhimanda, in which he said: 'Your subjects humbly serve as subjects and sons.' By the eighth day of the ninth month of the first year of Shangyuan, an imperial decree stated: 'Henceforth, monks and nuns attending court assemblies need not call themselves "subject" or perform prostrations.' This was because, starting from the Kaiyuan era when monks and Daoists were ordered to pay homage, they had all called themselves 'subject'; only at this point were they exempted. In the eighth year of Dali, they were further released from standing in attendance at the court congratulations on New Year's Day and the Winter Solstice. This was because, during the reign of Daizong, both ruler and ministers internally and externally revered the Gate of Emptiness. This is also an instance where after long defilement there is flourishing, and once obstruction ends, peace arrives.

3.26

The Method of Presiding over the Platform

3.27

The quorums on the platform are according to the vinaya: in the Central Kingdom [of India], ordination is received among ten monks and twenty nuns. In border regions where it is hard to find masters versed in the vinaya, ordination may be obtained among five monks and ten nuns (that is, five bhikṣus and five nuns). These sacred words provide the definitive standard. In recent times, nuns have merely received ordination from the ten nuns among their own assembly, obtaining only the initial ordination (benfa). The moon of their precepts is only at its twelfth or thirteenth day, approaching fullness but not yet full; they must go among the two-fold Saṃgha for it to be completed. According to our investigation, during the Yongtai era of Emperor Daizong, an imperial decree established ten virtuous masters to preside over platforms (lindan dade) each for monks and nuns in the capital, which conformed to the vinaya's twenty persons for the Central Kingdom. This was made a permanent general rule: when a vacancy occurred, it was filled, and those selected were always persons versed in the vinaya and superior in virtuous conduct. The official classification of 'virtuous masters presiding over platforms' began from this. In the twelfth year of the Zhenyuan era of Emperor Dezong, an imperial decree ordered Yongtai Monastery to establish an ordination platform to ordain monks; at that time, Master Huanxi of the Baotang Chan lineage was concurrently commanded by decree to receive the precepts. By the Huichang and Dazhong eras, Xuanchang was thoroughly conversant with the teachings of the vinaya and served as Virtuous Master Presiding over Inner and Outer Platforms. If we examine the designation 'inner and outer,' it must already have existed before Master Chang. Formerly, Defang, the daughter of Xue Daoheng, had talent and learning and was in the palace of Emperor Taizong; later, she wished to leave the household, so the Emperor built the Inner Helin Monastery for her and invited ten virtuous masters into the palace to administer the ordination. This was the 'inner presiding over the platform.' When it came to Emperor Yizong, he erected a platform in the Xantai Hall to ordain the nuns of the Inner Fushou Monastery in the full precepts; twenty virtuous monks and nuns from the two streets were summoned, and Xuanchang attended this Dharma gathering, thus being appointed to preside over the inner platform. On the first day of the fourth month of the renwu year, the third year of the Xantong era, an imperial decree ordered that the monks and nuns of the two streets establish equal (fangdeng) ordination platforms in each of four monasteries; Qianfu and Yantang Monasteries in the Right Street were each to ordain people for three times seven days. Master Chang was again included in this number, hence the title 'Virtuous Master Presiding over Inner and Outer Platforms.' Nowadays, there are those who have never presided over an inner platform yet style themselves 'Presiding over Inner and Outer Platforms,' which is truly laughable! It is also heard that at that time, either the Monastic Registrar served as the Patriarch (zongzhu), or else the most eminent person in the Vinaya school was called the Patriarch, while the Monastic Registrar was additionally given the title for selecting and examining those presiding over platforms. Under the Liang, Later Tang, Jin, Han, and Zhou, only the method of the ten masters was practiced, and outside the platform there were merely five or six additional personnel and no more. Recalling the Jin, Song, Northern Qi, Northern Wei, Zhou, Sui, Liang, and Chen, the emperors of successive dynasties did not fail to ordain monks, yet only Emperor Xuanzong of the Tang repeatedly conducted repentance rites at equal platforms, ordaining no small number of monks. In the first and seventh years of the Taiping Xingguo era of our Great Song, more than one hundred and seventy thousand monks were ordained. Ancient times cannot compare to this: the flourishing of the dark-robed assembly reaches its pinnacle here!

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大宋僧史略 — Classical Chinese