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大唐內典錄 4.14.2

大唐內典錄 4.14.2

Language
Classical Chinese

4.14.2

信有徵矣。漢末安高宣譯轉明。魏初康會
注述漸暢。道由人弘於茲驗矣。自晉氏中
興三藏彌廣。外域勝賓稠疊以總至。中原
慧士煒曄而秀生。提什舉其宏綱。安遠振
其奧領。渭濱務逍遙之集。廬岳結般若之
眾。像法得人於斯為盛。原夫經出西域運
流東方。提挈萬里翻轉梵漢。國音各殊。故
文有同異。前後重來。故題有新舊。而後之
學者鮮剋研覈。遂乃書寫繼踵而不知經
出之歲誦說比肩而莫測傳法之人。授受
之道亦已闕矣。夫一時聖集猶五事證經。
況千載交譯寧可昧其人世哉。昔安法師
以鴻才淵鑒爰撰經錄訂正聞見炳然區
分。自茲以來。妙典間出。皆是大乘寶海。
時競講習。而年代人名莫有詮貫。歲月逾
邁本源將沒。後生疑惑奚所取明。祐以庸
淺預憑法門。翹仰玄風誓弘末化。每至昏
曉諷持秋夏講說。未甞不心馳菴園影躍
靈岳。於是牽課羸志沿波討源。綴其所
聞。名曰出三藏記集。一撰緣記。二銓名
錄。三總經序。四述列傳。緣記撰則原始之
本克明。名錄銓則年代之目不墜。經序總
則勝集之時足徵。列傳述則伊人之風可
見。並鑽析內經研鏡外籍。參以前識驗以
舊聞。若人代有據。則表為司南。聲傳未
詳。則文歸蓋闕。秉牘凝翰志存信史。三復
九思事取實錄。有證者既標。則無源者自
顯。庶行潦無雜於醇乳。燕石不亂於楚玉
矣。其法苑等。並皆有序。著述指訂不復具
抄焉。
眾經要覽法偈(二十一首)
右一卷。武帝天監二年。沙門釋道歡撰。
僧祐三藏集記注以為疑。故依舊編。
寶雲經七卷(見宋錄)
法界體性無分別經二卷(見李廓及寶唱錄)
文殊師利般若波羅蜜經二卷(或有說字見李廓錄)
右三部。合一十一卷。天監年初。扶南國沙
門曼陀羅。梁言弘弱。大齎梵本經來貢獻。
雖事翻譯未善梁言。其所出經文多隱質。
共僧伽婆羅於楊都譯。
阿育王經十卷(第二出天監十一年六月二十日於楊都壽光譯初翻日帝躬筆受後付慧超
合繼訖見寶唱錄)
孔雀王陀羅尼經二卷(第二出與晉世帛尸利蜜譯本同文少異見寶唱錄)
文殊師利問經二卷(天監十七年勅僧伽婆羅於占雲館譯袁曇允筆受光宅寺沙門法
雲詳定)
度一切諸佛境界智嚴經
菩薩藏經
文殊師利所說般若波羅蜜經(第二譯小勝前曼陀羅所出二卷者)
舍利弗陀羅尼經(此呪大有神力若能持者雪山八夜叉王常來擁護所欲隨心)
八吉祥經(若人聞此八佛名號不為一切諸鬼神眾難所侵)
十法經(並普通年譯)
解脫道論一十三卷(天監十四年於占雲館譯)
阿育王傳五卷(天監年第二譯與魏世者小異)
右一十一部。合三十八卷。正觀寺扶南沙
門僧伽婆羅。梁言僧養。亦云僧鎧。幼而
頴悟。十五出家。偏學阿毘曇心。具足以
後廣習律藏。聞齊國弘法。隨舶至都。住正
觀寺。為求那跋摩弟子。後從跋陀研精方
等博涉多通。乃解數國書語。值齊氏季末
道教陵夷。婆羅靜潔身心外絕交故。大梁
御㝢搜訪術能。以天監五年被勅徵召於
楊都壽光殿及正觀寺占雲館三處。譯上
件經。其本並是曼陀羅。從扶南國齎來獻
上。陀終沒後。羅專事翻。勅令沙門寶唱慧
超僧智法雲及袁曇允等筆受。天子禮接
甚厚。道俗改觀。婆羅不畜私財。以其嚫
施成立住寺。太尉臨川王所重。
優婁頻經
右一卷。唱錄直云。天監十五年木道賢獻
上。更不辯由委。
大乘頂王經(亦云維摩兒經第二出與晉世竺法護大方等頂王經同本異出文少異)
右一部。武帝世大同年。優禪尼國王子月
婆首那。梁言高空。辭齊入梁。仍被留住。因
譯此經。
金光明經七卷(承聖元年於正觀寺及楊雄宅出是第二譯與梁世曇無讖出者全長四品)
彌勒下生經(承聖三年於豫章寶田寺出是第二譯)
仁王般若經(是第二譯與晉世法護出者少異大同三年在寶田寺譯見曹毘真諦傳)

[This] is truly verified. At the end of the Han, An Shigao's translations became increasingly luminous; in the early Wei, Kang Senghui's commentaries and writings gradually brought smooth clarity. That 'it is humans that broaden the Way' is indeed verified here! Since the restoration of the Jin dynasty, the Tripiṭaka has grown ever more extensive. Outstanding guests from foreign realms arrived one after another in great numbers, and wise scholars of the Central Plains shone brilliantly and emerged in excellence. Daoan and Kumārajīva raised the grand outlines; Daoan and Huiyuan shook forth its profound essentials. On the banks of the Wei River, efforts were devoted to the assemblies of Xiaoyao [Garden]; at Mount Lu, assemblies of Prajñā were gathered together. That the Semblance Dharma attained the right people was at its peak here! Examining their origin, the sūtras arose in the Western Regions and circulated to the East. Borne across ten thousand li, they were translated between Sanskrit and Chinese. Because the pronunciations of the countries differ, their texts have similarities and differences; because they arrived repeatedly before and after, their titles have new and old forms. Yet later scholars have seldom been able to examine and verify them thoroughly, so that their copying continues on without their knowing the years in which the sūtras were produced, and their chanting and recitation go on shoulder to shoulder while none fathom the persons who transmitted the Dharma. The method of transmission and receipt has thus already become deficient. Now, even for a single sacred assembly, five matters attest to the sūtra; how much less across a thousand years of intersecting translations could one leave their persons and eras in obscurity? Formerly, Dharma Master Daoan, with vast talent and profound insight, compiled a catalogue of sūtras, correcting what was heard and seen with clear distinctions. Since that time, wonderful scriptures have appeared at intervals, all being the treasure-ocean of the Mahāyāna. People competed to lecture and study them, yet no one had organized and connected their dates and personal names. As years and months pass, their original sources are on the brink of being lost; whence shall later generations derive clarity for their doubts? I, Sengyou, of mediocre and shallow ability, have participated in relying upon the Dharma Gate. Looking up to the profound style, I vowed to spread its teaching in the final age. Whenever dusk and dawn came for chanting, or autumn and summer for lecturing, never did my mind not hasten to the mango grove or my shadow leap toward the Vulture Peak. Thereupon, spurring on my feeble resolve and tracing the source along the ripples, I compiled what I had heard, titling it Chu sanzang ji ji. First, compiling the contextual records; second, arranging the catalogues of titles; third, collecting the sūtra prefaces; fourth, recounting the biographies. When the contextual records are compiled, the original foundation is made clear; when the catalogues of titles are arranged, the roster of dates does not fall into oblivion; when the sūtra prefaces are collected, the occasions of excellent gatherings are sufficiently verified; when the biographies are recounted, the character of those figures can be observed. I also analyzed internal sūtras and scrutinized external texts, comparing them with earlier knowledge and verifying them with old records. Where persons and eras had evidence, they are indicated as a compass; where reports were not yet detailed, the text leaves them blank. Holding the tablet and steadying the brush, my intent lay in reliable history; reflecting thrice and pondering nine times, I drew facts for a factual record. When those with evidence are marked, those without sources naturally become apparent. May the runoff not be mixed with pure milk, nor the stones of Yan confused with the jade of Chu! As for the Fayuan and others, all have prefaces; since their treatises have specific critical aims, I do not copy them out in full here.
Zhongjing yaolan fa ji (Twenty-one verses)
The above in one fascicle. In the second year of the Tianjian reign of Emperor Wu, compiled by the monk Shi Daohuan. Sengyou's Sanzang ji ji annotated it as doubtful, so it is catalogued according to the old entry.
Baoyun jing, seven fascicles (Found in the Song Catalogue).
Fajie tixing wu fenbie jing, two fascicles (Found in the catalogues of Li Kuo and Baochang).
Wenshushili boreboluomi jing, two fascicles (Some titles include the word Shuo; found in Li Kuo's catalogue).
The above are three works, in eleven fascicles. At the beginning of the Tianjian reign, the monk Mandrasena from Funan—translated into Liang as Hongruo ('Vast and Weak')—brought a large collection of Sanskrit manuscripts of sūtras to present as tribute. Although he engaged in translation, he was not yet skilled in the Liang language, so the sūtra texts he produced were often obscure and rustic. He translated them together with Saṅghabhara in Yangdu.
Ayuwang jing, ten fascicles (The second translation; translated on the twentieth day of the sixth month of the eleventh year of the Tianjian reign at Shouguang [Hall] in Yangdu. On the first day of translation the Emperor personally took down the text, and later entrusted it to Huichao to complete and continue; found in Baochang's catalogue).
Kongque wang tuoluoni jing, two fascicles (The second translation; identical text to the translation by Śrīmitra of the Jin, with slight textual differences; found in Baochang's catalogue).
Wenshushili wen jing, two fascicles (In the seventeenth year of the Tianjian reign, ordered Saṅghabhara to translate it at Zhanyun Pavilion; Yuan Tanyun took down the text, and monk Fayun of Guangzhai Si verified and finalized it).
Du yiqie zhofo jingjie zhiyan jing [Jñānālokālaṃkāra-sūtra].
Pusa zang jing [Bodhisattvapiṭaka-sūtra].
Wenshushili suoshuo boreboluomi jing [Mañjuśrīparipṛcchā-prajñāpāramitā-sūtra] (The second translation; slightly superior to the earlier two-fascicle translation produced by Mandrasena).
Shelifu tuoluoni jing [Śāriputradhāraṇī-sūtra] (This dhāraṇī has great spiritual power; if one can uphold it, the eight yakṣa kings of the Snow Mountains will always come to protect them, fulfilling what their heart desires).
Ba jixiang jing [Aṣṭamaṅgala-sūtra] (If someone hears these names of the eight Buddhas, they will not be afflicted by any troubles from the hosts of ghosts and spirits).
Shifa jing (All translated in the Putong reign).
Jietuodao lun [Vimuttimagga], thirteen fascicles (Translated in the fourteenth year of the Tianjian reign at Zhanyun Pavilion).
Ayuwang zhuan [Aśokāvadāna], five fascicles (The second translation, in the Tianjian reign; slightly different from the Wei translation).
The above are eleven works, in thirty-eight fascicles. [Translated by] the Funan monk Saṅghabhara of Zhengguan Si—translated into Liang as Sengyang ('Monk Cultivator'), also called Sengkai ('Monk Armor'). Intelligent from youth, he went forth at fifteen. He specialized in studying the Abhidharma-hṛdaya; after receiving full ordination, he broadly studied the Vinayapiṭaka. Hearing of the propagation of the Dharma in the Qi state, he traveled by merchant ship to the capital and resided at Zhengguan Si, becoming a disciple of Guṇavarman. Later, he studied the Mahāyāna scriptures thoroughly under [Guṇa]bhadra, reading widely with broad comprehension; he thus understood the scripts and languages of several kingdoms. Encountering the decline of the Dharma in the late Qi dynasty, Saṅghabhara kept his body and mind pure and tranquil, severing outside acquaintances. When the Great Liang ruled the realm, seeking out those of skill and ability, in the fifth year of the Tianjian reign he was summoned by imperial decree to three locations—Shouguang Hall in Yangdu, and Zhengguan Si's Zhanyun Pavilion—to translate the above-listed sūtras. Their originals were all brought from Funan and offered as tribute by Mandrasena. After Mandrasena passed away, Saṅghabhara worked exclusively on translation. By imperial decree, the monks Baochang, Huichao, Sengzhi, Fayun, and Yuan Tanyun were ordered to take down the texts. The Son of Heaven received him with great generosity, and both monastics and laity held him in renewed esteem. Saṅghabhara did not store personal wealth, using his donations and offerings to establish the monastery where he resided. He was deeply venerated by the Grand Defender, the Prince of Linchuan.
Youloupin jing [Uruvilvā-sūtra]
The above in one fascicle. Baochang's catalogue simply states that in the fifteenth year of the Tianjian reign Mu Daoxian presented it, without explaining its origins or details further.
Dasheng dingwang jing (Also called Weimo'er jing; the second translation; from the same original as the Da fangdeng dingwang jing translated by Dharmarakṣa of the Jin, but a different translation with slight textual variations).
The above is one work. In the Datong reign of Emperor Wu, Upendrasena, a prince of the kingdom of Ujjayinī—translated into Liang as Gaokong ('High Void')—left Qi to enter Liang, where he was detained; consequently, he translated this sūtra.
Jinguangming jing [Suvarṇaprabhāsa-sūtra], seven fascicles (Produced in the first year of the Chengsheng reign at Zhengguan Si and the residence of Yang Xiong; this is the second translation, four chapters longer than that produced by Dharmakṣema of the Liang dynasty).
Mile xiasheng jing [Maitreyavyākaraṇa], (Produced in the third year of the Chengsheng reign at Baotian Si in Yuzhang; this is the second translation).
Renwang bore jing [Kāruṇikarāja-prajñāpāramitā-sūtra] (This is the second translation, differing slightly from the one produced by Dharmarakṣa of the Jin; translated in the third year of the Datong reign at Baotian Si; see Cao Pi's Biography of Paramārtha).

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