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仁王般若實相論卷第二 2.6

仁王般若實相論卷第二 2.6

Language
Classical Chinese

2.6

就此品中。有五分經文。從初至化一切眾生。說流通利益分。二從後五濁惡世。至將滅不久。明滅法之相。三從大王怪亂五道。至正法不久。舉七誡觀修。令識患捨離分。四從十六大國王。至當如佛教。明諸國王奉受持分。五從爾時大眾竟經。明時大眾普持正法分。佛告波斯匿王我誡勅汝者。明如來誡勅月光王弘護三寶也。吾滅度後八十年者。正法之中。四百二十年後八十年也。八百年者。像法之中。有一千年。後二百年。有法滅之相也。八千年者。千五百後。亦有遺文。在外道典藉中。猶有利益也。無三寶信男信女者。是千五百年後也。付囑國王四部弟子者。事在正像法中也。教能顯理。名開空法道。又解。開空法道者。性照圓旨。法無不通。故言開空法道。修七賢行者。習種前七方便。是行善故。言修七方便。十善行者。是集善根。眾生是正善。故言行十善。後五濁惡世已下明法滅之相。五濁世者。一劫濁。二煩惱濁。三見濁。四命濁。五眾生濁。七眾八部祥共作制者。正是法滅之相也。有七惡事者。一不聽出家行道。二不得造立佛象塔形。三立統官制眾。四安藉紀僧。五比丘地立白衣高坐。六放兵奴為比丘。七受別請法。問曰。佛在世時亦有兵奴出家。何故後世放兵奴出家。以為惡事。答曰。一以不識根性。二為飽煖而已無心求道。是以滅法。故不聽也。知識比丘共為一心親善者。吉凶之時。迭相資助。同欣俗禮也。比丘為作意會者。專修世行。如似出家人。一生之中方博乞求造立象塔。不遵戒定求福如來道法者。相雖似善。特違佛意。都非吾法者。非如來真軌。第三明誡勸。初一明末世諸王恃已威勢。失脚御於時。以滅正法。勸應順佛教法。弘顯三寶。二明下世之中四部弟子諸國王等。以非法非律。橫與三寶作其留難。勸應順法光揚三寶。三明未來世中。四部弟子。諸小國王郡官百辟。自德佛法。非是外道。應修和敬。莫相是非。四明人怪佛教無正信。死入地獄 餘報下劣。應遵重三寶。依法修行。五明若以俗法禁制眾僧。是滅法之相。不應依俗律治出家人。六明來世弟子自作罪洽破國因緣非三寶也。七明諸比丘受求名利。向國王王子說破法因緣。是故勸諸比丘。不應求名利也。一從爾時十六大國王聞佛七誡所說。至當如佛教。明諸仁王。聞佛誡勸。哀感靈祇。震動大千。自廣受持順佛教法。二從爾時大眾。至是無佛世。明諸天受持。三從爾時無量大眾。至般若波羅蜜。明大眾受持。又解。五滅後八十八百八千者。舉未入者入。未熟者熟。未解脫者令解脫。無佛法僧及信男信女時者。將明法由人弘。故先列也。此經三寶者。舉真實三修。故云三寶付諸國王。四部弟子者。欲令內外二修行也。為三界眾生者。利他行中起真實緣集。五濁惡世訖於王子者。總舉修相對法隨分不同也。自是高貴滅破吾法者。未證謂證。是增上慢力人也。作法制我弟子者。見世間之行隨情。已執之為是。不聽出家。行道者。見背俗專精。言非出家道。接情以事唱言好人。而不聽造佛象者。修法身行不成佛塔形者。亦無報身行。立官制眾者。各起朋黨稱法主也。安蘇藉記僧者。國已習者不明。不問是非。緣在勝位。故云安藉記僧。比丘地立白衣高坐者。以出道為劣。世行為高也。兵奴為比丘者。以諭諂之行出利方便也。受別請法者。非是和合有宗行也。法滅不久者。非是真修相。大王怪亂吾道者。正明外護失宜也。大王法末世時。明修相失宜皂白交雜。故言但有修相之名也。作非法之行者。與修法相違也。橫與法佛眾僧作大非法者。唯有世法相永出家正軌。作諸過罪者。對治道陰也。繫縛比丘如獄囚者。雖復觀修。不就出離亦可竟局品限也。我滅度即正明涅槃行也。

Within this chapter, there are five textual divisions: First, from the beginning up to "transforming all sentient beings", explains the section on the benefits of propagation. Second, from "the later evil age of the five turbidities" up to "approaching extinction before long", explains the characteristics of the decline of the dharma. Third, from "Great King, anomalies confounding the five destinies" up to "the true dharma will not last long", adduces the seven admonitions for contemplative practice, forming the section causing [practitioners] to recognize afflictions and renounce them. Fourth, from "the sixteen great kings" up to "we shall act according to the Buddha's teaching", explains the section where the kings reverently accept and uphold [it]. Fifth, from "at that time the great assembly" to the end of the sūtra, explains the section where the great assembly universally upholds the true dharma. As for "The Buddha addressed King Prasenajit: 'I admonish and command you'", this clarifies that the Tathāgata admonished and commanded King Candraprabha to propagate and protect the Three Jewels. As for "eighty years after my nirvāṇa", within the true dharma, this refers to the eighty years after the four-hundred-and-twentieth year. As for "eight hundred years", within the semblance dharma, there are one thousand years; in the final two hundred years, there are characteristics of the decline of the dharma. As for "eight thousand years", after the one thousand five hundred years, there will still be surviving texts; among the scriptures of the non-Buddhists, they will still bring benefit. As for "there are no men or women of faith in the Three Jewels", this refers to the time after one thousand five hundred years. As for "entrusting it to the kings and the fourfold assembly of disciples", this matter concerns the periods of the true dharma and the semblance dharma. Teaching can manifest the principle, so it is called "opening the path of the dharma of emptiness". Another explanation: "Opening the path of the dharma of emptiness" means that its nature illuminates the consummate purport and there is no dharma that it does not penetrate; therefore it is said to "open the path of the dharma of emptiness". As for "practicing the conduct of the seven sages", these are the seven skillful means prior to the lineage of practice; because these are the practice of goodness, it is said to "practice the seven skillful means". As for "practicing the ten good deeds", this is accumulating roots of goodness; sentient beings [established in this] are correctly good, therefore it is said to "practice the ten good deeds". From "the later evil age of the five turbidities" onward, it clarifies the characteristics of the decline of the dharma. As for the age of the five turbidities: first is the kalpa turbidity; second is the defilement turbidity; third is the view turbidity; fourth is the lifespan turbidity; fifth is the sentient being turbidity. That the seven groups [of disciples] and the eight classes [of beings] jointly establish regulations is precisely a characteristic of the decline of the dharma. As for "there are seven evil matters": first, not permitting leaving home to practice the path; second, not permitting the erection of Buddha statues and the forms of stūpas; third, establishing overseer officials to control the saṅghā; fourth, establishing registers to record the monks; fifth, having monks stand on the ground while laypeople sit on high seats; sixth, releasing soldiers and slaves to become monks; seventh, the practice of accepting individual invitations. Question: When the Buddha was in the world, soldiers and slaves also left home; why then is the release of soldiers and slaves to leave home considered an evil matter in later ages? Answer: First, it is because their capacities and natures are not recognized; second, it is merely for food and warmth, having no aspiration to seek the path. Because this causes the decline of the dharma, it is not permitted. As for "monks who are acquaintances being of one mind and intimately friendly with each other", in times of good fortune or misfortune, they assist each other alternately, jointly delighting in worldly rituals. As for "monks acting according to intentional conformity", they exclusively cultivate worldly conduct, seeming like renunciants, but throughout their lives they widely beg and solicit to erect statues and stūpas, not complying with precepts and concentration to seek the blessed path and dharma of the Tathāgata. Although such appearances seem good, they especially go against the Buddha's intent; "none of this is my dharma" means that it is not the true standard of the Tathāgata. Third, it clarifies the admonitions and exhortations: First, it clarifies that in the final age, various kings, relying on their own power and authority, lose their footing in their governance at that time and thereby destroy the true dharma; they are exhorted to comply with the Buddha's teaching and dharma, propagating and manifesting the Three Jewels. Second, it clarifies that in lower ages, the fourfold assembly of disciples, kings, and others, through non-dharma and non-vinaya, arbitrarily create obstacles for the Three Jewels; they are exhorted to comply with the dharma and glorify the Three Jewels. Third, it clarifies that in future ages, the fourfold assembly of disciples, petty kings, prefectural officials, and ministers consider themselves to possess the Buddha's dharma and not to be non-Buddhists; they should cultivate reverent harmony and not fault one another. Fourth, it clarifies that when people doubt the Buddha's teaching and lack correct faith, upon death they enter hell and their residual retribution is inferior; they should revere the Three Jewels and practice according to the dharma. Fifth, it clarifies that if worldly laws are used to restrict the saṅgha, this is a characteristic of the decline of the dharma; one must not penalize renunciants according to worldly statutes. Sixth, it clarifies that in future ages disciples will commit sins on their own that bring about conditions for the destruction of the state, not the Three Jewels. Seventh, it clarifies that monks, pursuing fame and gain, speak conditions of dharma-destruction to kings and princes; therefore it exhorts monks that they should not seek fame and gain. First, from "at that time the sixteen great kings heard what the Buddha taught in the seven admonitions" up to "we shall act according to the Buddha's teaching", it explains that the humane kings, hearing the Buddha's admonitions and exhortations, moved the spiritual deities with their grief, shaking the great thousandfold [world system], and personally upheld [the teaching] extensively in accordance with the Buddha's teaching. Second, from "at that time the great assembly" up to "this is an age without a Buddha", it explains that the devas upheld [it]. Third, from "at that time the immeasurable great assembly" up to "prajñāpāramitā", it explains that the great assembly upheld [it]. Another explanation: As for "eighty, eight hundred, and eight thousand after the demise", it adduces those who have not entered to cause them to enter, those who are not matured to cause them to mature, and those who are not liberated to cause them to be liberated. As for "the time when there are no Buddha, Dharma, Saṅgha, or faithful men and women", because it is about to clarify that the dharma relies on humans for its propagation, they are listed first. As for "the Three Jewels in this sūtra", it adduces the real three cultivations, so it says that the Three Jewels are entrusted to the kings. As for "the fourfold assembly of disciples", it intends to have both inner and outer cultivations. As for "for the sake of sentient beings of the three realms", it arouses real collections of conditions within the practice of benefiting others. From "the evil age of the five turbidities" up to "the princes", it generally adduces the cultivation of relative dharmas differing according to their allotments. As for "those who are noble themselves destroying my dharma", claiming attainment before attaining it, these are people possessing the power of excessive pride. As for "making laws to restrict my disciples", seeing worldly practices in accord with desire, they already grasp them as correct. As for "not permitting leaving home to practice the path", seeing abandonment of worldliness and dedicated diligence, they say this is not the path of leaving home; pandering to desires with affairs, they proclaim them to be good people. As for "not permitting the making of Buddha statues", cultivation of the dharma-body practice does not form; as for "the form of a stūpa", there is also no reward-body practice. As for "establishing officials to control the assembly", each raises factions and claims to be the master of the dharma. As for "establishing registers to record the monks", the country's established customs are unclear; without asking right from wrong, conditions rest on superior status, hence it is said "establishing registers to record the monks". As for "having monks stand on the ground while laypeople sit on high seats", this takes the transcendent path as inferior and worldly conduct as superior. As for "soldiers and slaves becoming monks", through the conduct of flattery and hypocrisy, they seek expedient means of gain. As for "the practice of accepting individual invitations", this is not a harmonious practice of the established tradition. As for "the dharma will decline before long", these are not the characteristics of true cultivation. As for "Great King, anomalies confounding my path", this directly clarifies the unsuitability of outer protection. As for "Great King, in the time of the final dharma", it clarifies that the characteristics of cultivation are inappropriate, with the black and white mingled together; therefore it is said that there are only the names of the characteristics of cultivation. As for "acting with non-dharmic conduct", this is contrary to cultivating the dharma. As for "arbitrarily committing great non-dharma against the dharma Buddha and the saṅgha", there are only worldly characteristics forever abandoning the correct standard of leaving home. As for "committing various faults and offenses", it obstructs the path of antidotes. As for "binding monks like prisoners in a jail", although they still engage in contemplative cultivation, they do not attain liberation; it can also be that their stages and limits are restricted. "My nirvāṇa" directly clarifies the practice of nirvāṇa.

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