Muntakhab al-tawarikh 65: Masnavi.
Muntakhabu-t-tawārīkh (Ranking, Lowe, Haig) 65
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Contents
Masnavi.
65.1.1
The world is a juggler decrepit and bowed, It brings to pass one thing but promises another, It calls you with kindness but drives you away with rancour, All its dealings are invariably of this nature. If it calls you know not whither it calls you, If it drives you forth you know not whither it drives you. All of us, old and young are destined to death, No one can remain in the world for ever. Inasmuch as everyone liked Ibrahim Khan who was considered by all to have a wonderful fortune in store for him in a short time large numbers gathered to him from all parts. He fought with the army of Ram Chand, the ruler of Bhatta but was forced to flee and was taken prisoner. Raja Ram Chand, in accordance with the customs of landholders, made him a present of a bow, and treated him with the utmost honour and respect, and in a personal interview presented him with a royal tent, with the apparatus of royalty, and attendants: then seating him upon the throne, standing humbly as a servant, performed the offices of attendance.
65.1.2
Ibrahim Khan spent some time there, till Baz Bahadur the son of Sazawal Khan, Ruler of Malwa, who eventually read the in that country, became involved in a quarrel with the Miyani Afghans, who summoned Ibrahim Khan and raising him to the supreme command, sent him against Baz Bahadur. Rani Durgawati the ruler of the country of Kara Katanka also, who was embroiled with Baz Bahadur on account of the proximity of her kingdom, rose up to assist Ibrahim, and went out to fight against Baz Bahadur, who made overtures for peace and dissuaded the Rani from assisting Ibrahim. She, accordingly, returned to her own country, and Ibrahim, not considering it advisable to remain there any longer, went off bag and baggage to Orissa, which is the boundary of Bangala, and lived on good terms with the zamindars. Suleiman Karrani, when he took possession (of Orissa), made terms with the Raja, and sending for Ibrahim with assurances of safety, slew him treacherously in the year 975 H. Verse. Fix not thy heart on this world, for it has no foundation, Speak not of life, for that too is ruined. The tent of life which thou placedst at first. Death will surely uproot, were it of solid steel.
65.1.3
Himun proceeded by rapid marches till he joined ‘Adli. ‘Adli and Muhammad Khan Gauria were at that time sitting down over against one another, with the river Jamna between them, at a place called Chhappar Ghatta, fifteen krohs from Kalpi. Gauria, confidently relying upon his superior force to overcome the forces of ‘Adli, had drawn up his cavalry and infantry and elephants to a number surpassing all computation, and was every moment expecting victory, when suddenly the scale turned against him, and Himun swept down upon him like a comet, and no sooner did he reach the ranks of the picked elephants after crossing the river Jamna, than he swooped down upon the army of Gauria, taking them unawares as does the array of Sleep, and making a night-assault gave no one time so much as to lift his hand. They were in such utter confusion that no man knew his head from his heels, nor his turban from his shoes. The greater part of his Amirs were slain, while the remnant who escaped chastisement took to flight. The wretched Gauria was so effectually concealed that up to the present not a trace of him has been found, and all that retinue and paraphernalia of royalty and grandeur became ‘like the scattered moths and like flocks of carded wool,’ and became in a moment the portion of the enemy. The kingdom is God’s, the greatness is God’s. Verse In one moment, in one instant, in one breath, The condition of the world becomes altered.
65.1.4
After this heaven-given victory and unforeseen triumph, ‘Adli proceeded to Chunar and appointed Himun, who was the commander-in-chief of his army, with abundant treasure and a countless host, elephants of renown, an ornament to the array and a terror to the enemy, to repel the forces of the Mughal which had taken possession of the country as far as Itawa and Agra, as will be presently related if God Most High so will it. Just at this juncture Khizr Khan, the son of Muhammad Khan Gauria, who had been killed, succeeded his father in Kor, issuing the currency and reading the khutba in his own name, with the style and title of Sultan (Muhammad) Bahadur, and collecting a huge army to revenge his father’s death, came up against ‘Adli, who notwithstanding his distress fought bravely on that field, and contrary to expectation met with fierce resistance. After fighting manfully ‘Adli was killed, and joined Muhammad Khan whose life-blood was yet freshly spilled, fighting in hot blood. This event occurred in the year 962 H. and Gauria bikusht was its chronogram. Verse.
65.1.5
My soul, do thou look at the world and take what it gives to thy heart’s desire; Live at thine ease therein a thousand years like Nuh. Every treasure and every store which kings have laid by, That treasure and that store seize and take for thine own. Every pleasure which the world contains do thou consider as made for thee; Every fruit which grows in the world do thou taste and take. In the final round which brings the end of thy life, A hundred times seize the back of thy hand with thy teeth and gnaw it (in despair). ‘Adlī was so highly skilled in and dancing that Miyān Tānsīn, the well-known kalāwant, who is a past master in this art, used to own to being his pupil, and Bāz Bahādur, son of Shujāwal Khān, who was also one of the most gifted men of his age and had no equal in this life-wasting accomplishment acquired the art (of music) from ‘Adlī. Verse. They owned no rival, but surpassed them all, May God, be He exalted and glorified, pardon them. One day a performer from the Dakhan brought into his assembly an instrument called which is in length equal to the height of a man, so large that the hands of no man could reach the two ends of it, as a sort of challenge to those who were present, and all the performers of the kingdom of Dihlī were unable to play it; ‘Adlī, however, found out by his knowledge of other instruments how to play it, and placing a cushion on the floor beat the drum now with his hand and now with his foot;
65.1.6
the assembled people raised a shout and all the skilled musicians owned their allegiance to him, and praised him exceedingly; and at the time when he was an Amīr, and as a commander of twenty-thousand held a jāgīr, a Bhagat boy, handsome and comely who had acquired perfection in his art, used to come to his assembly from some of the villages near Badāon, and used to play. ‘Adlī was so fascinated by his beauty and skill that he kept him in his own service and took pains to educate him, giving him the name of Mujāhid Khān. When he attained to kingly power he made him a commander of ten thousand. His natural elegance and refinement were such that one day upon returning from the polo ground of Badaon he said, “I am hungry.” Ghazi Khan Sur whose tent was at the head of the road said “What I have ready is at your service.” ‘Adli, for politeness sake, felt constrained to accept his hospitality; first they brought some fried sheep’s liver. No sooner had he smelt it than he leapt from his seat, and was so disgusted that he left the company and drew rein nowhere till he reached his house; they say also that the sweepers used to gather up the remains of camphor of the finest quality two or three times daily from his dressing-room, and whenever a necessity arose he would first grow red, then pale and livid, and would faint while his countenance changed. In spite of all this leisure and luxuriousness, his fasts and prayers were never duly performed;
65.1.7
he had entirely given up the use of intoxicants, and the day he left the world the treacherous time even grudged him two yards of cloth, and it was never known where his corpse went. Verse. Oh ye lords of wealth beware! beware! And you, ye lords of state, beware! beware! After him, the kingdom fell away from the race of Afghans and returned to its original holders, and right once more became established. In this year, 948 H., Humayun married Hamida Banu Begam, and coming to Patar returned to Lohri. Mirza Hindal started for Qandahar in answer to the summons of Qaracha Beg, the governor of that district, and Yadgar Nasir Mirza, who had encamped at a distance of ten krohs from (Humayun’s) camp also intended to proceed to Qandahar. Humayun thereupon sent Mir Abul-Baqa, who was one of the most distinguished of the learned men of the time, Persian commentator on Mir Saiyyid Sharif, and author of other compositions, to advise him and dissuade him from his purpose. At the time of crossing the river a party sallied out from the fortress of Bakkar and rained showers of arrows upon the people in the boats. The sainted Mir was struck by the soul-melting arrow of Fate, and was drowned in the ocean of martyrdom. This event took place in the year 948 H. and the chronogram Surur-i-kainat was invented to commemorate it.
65.2.1
Mirza Yadgar Nasir hearkened to this advice and counsel and remained in Bakkar, and Humayun proceeded to Tatta, whereupon many of his soldiers left his camp and joined Mirza (Yadgar) and spent their days in comfort by reason of the increased pay they received. In this way Mirza gathered strength, and Humayun crossing the river laid siege to the fortress of Siyahwan. Mirza Shah Husain kept sending reinforcements and supplies to the garrison, and embarking on a boat, and coming near to the camp blocked the avenues of supplies (to Humayun). The siege lasted for seven months, and victory seemed as far off as ever, while great distress was felt from scarcity of grain and want of salt. Verse. Every feast which is prepared by the hand of heaven Is either altogether without salt or is altogether so salt (as to be uneatable). The soldiers were reduced to such extremities, that they were forced to give up grain and content themselves with the flesh of animals, and finally they had to abandon the hope of even this. Verse. The hungry-bellied fastened his eyes on skins, For fur is the near neighbour of flesh. Then he sent messengers a second time to Bakkar to summon Mirza Yadgar Nasir, so that in conjunction with him he might repel Mirza Shah Husain and gain possession of the fort. He sent a reinforcement, which was however of no service, and hearing of the distress which prevailed in the camp he saw no good in going there, so remained in Bakkar.
65.2.2
Mirza Shah Husain played upon his ambition by false promises of the rule of that kingdom, and of having the Khutbah read and the currency issued in his name; he also promised to obey him, and also that he would give him his daughter in marriage, and thus misled him into opposing Humayun. He further took possession of all the boats belonging to Humayun, who, in consequence of all these obstacles, any one of which was a sufficient reason, seeing the distress and misery of his army, abandoned the siege of the fortress, and all unwillingly saying, “Retreat is the wisest course,” turned back towards Bakkar, and remaining several days inactive for want of boats, at last by the help of two zamindars recovered two boats which Mirza had sunk, and reached Bakkar. Mirza, as a means of covering the shame he felt, before he came to pay his respects, marched by forced marches against Mirza Shah Husain, and putting to death or taking captive large number of the people of Tatta, who in ignorance of his intentions had left their boats, did a good deal to repair his former defections. Then with shame and confusion he came and had an interview (with Humayun) and brought in countless heads of the enemy. His faults were overlooked, but in consequence of certain events which occurred, he again became rebellious, and being deceived by the wiles of Mirza Shah Husain, prepared for war. Mun‘im Khan who eventually became Khan-i-Khanan also meditated flight.
65.2.3
Both of them, however, became aware of the folly of their design, and realising its heinousness abandoned their iniquitous intention. The men of Humayun’s force were day by day going over to the side of Mirza Yadgar Nasir. In the meantime Maldeo, Raja of the kingdom of Marwar, who was distinguished above all the zamindars of Hindustan on account of the strength of his following and his exceeding grandeur, again sent letters of summons. Humayun not thinking it advisable to remain any longer in the vicinity of Bakkar and Tatta, proceeded by way of Jaisalmir towards Marwar. The Raja of aware of their treachery from its outset] returned without asking permission, and informed Humayun of the real state of affairs. He on the instant started with all haste for Amarkot. It so chanced that two of Maldeo’s spies had arrived at that same place, and Humayun gave orders for them both to be put to death. In their despair one drew a knife, and the other a dagger, and fell upon (their enemies) like boars wounded by arrows, and killed a large number of living things, men, women and horses, whatever came in their way. Among the number was Humayun’s charger: Humayun thereupon asked Tardi Beg for a few horses and camels, he however behaved meanly, and Humayun mounted a camel. After a while Nadim, his foster-brother, gave the horse which his mother was riding to the king, he himself going on foot in his mother’s retinue through that bare desert, which was like an oven for heat.
65.2.4
His mother afterwards rode on the camel, and they traversed that road which was so terribly difficult, amid constant alarms of the attack of Maldeo, [and with intense labour and distress. In the middle of the night they reached a place of safety; by chance the Hindus of Maldeo’s army] pursuing them through the night, missed their war, and in the morning, in a narrow pass, came upon the rear-guard of the enemy, who were two and twenty in number. Jauhar Aftabchi and Roshan Beg Koka, and another party of men who belonged to that side having arrived, a battle ensued. In the very first onset the leader of the Hindus went to hell from an arrow-wound, and a large number were killed. They could not withstand the attack, and many camels fell into the hands of the Muslims. This victory was the occasion of great rejoicing.
65.2.5
Marching from thence and being without water, after three days they arrived at a halting-place, where, on account of its depth, a drum had to be beaten at the mouth of the well, so that its sound might reach the place where the oxen for drawing the water were. For lack of water, a crowd of people in their distress were lost, and disappeared like water in that sandy plain, which was a very river of quick-sand, while many horses and camels drinking water after their long and unaccustomed drouth, died from surfeit of water. And inasmuch as that lake like the midday mirage, was as interminable as the troubles of the hopeless wretches of the army, perforce they turned aside by a circuitous route towards Amarkot which lies at a distance of a hundred krohs from Tatta. The governor of Amarkot, named Rana, came out to meet them accompanied by his sons, and did all in his power to render fitting service.
65.2.6
Humayun bestowed all that he had in the treasury upon his followers, while to supply the party who had not yet arrived, he borrowed from Tardi Beg and others by way of assistance, and gave it them. He also made presents of money, and sword-belts to the sons of Rana, who, for the reason that his father had been put to death by Mirza Shah Husain Arghun, collected a large force from the surrounding country, entered the service of Humayun, and leaving his baggage and camp equipage in Amarkot, under the care and protection of Khwaja Mu'zam, the brother of Begam, he (Humayun) proceeded towards Bakkar. 442. On Sunday, the fifth of the month Rajab, in the year 949 H. the auspicious birth of the khalifah of the age Akbar Padshah occurred in a fortunate moment at Amarkot. Tardi Beg Khan conveyed this joyful tidings to Humayun at that halting-place, who after giving (the child) that auspicious name, proceeded with all haste towards Bakkar. At the camp of Chauli he sent for the Prince of auspicious mien, and was rejoiced by the well-omened sight of his son. His soldiers, in whose nature the craft of unfaithfulness was as firmly planted as is deceit in the nature of the times, were one by one, including even Mun‘im Khan, deserting. At this time Bairam Khan came from Gujrat and tendered his allegiance. Considering it unadvisable to remain in that country Humayun determined to make for Qandahar.
65.2.7
Mirza Shah Husain thinking this an opportunity not to be lost, in accordance with a requisition sent thirty boats and three hundred camels, and Humayun crossed the river Indus. At that time Mirza Kamran had taken Qandahar from Mirza Hindal and had left it in charge of Mirza ‘Askari, and having given Ghaznin to Mirza Hindal had read the Khutbah in his own name. After some time, however, he changed that also. Mirza Hindal having given up all royal dignity in Kabul used to live like a darwesh, and Mirza Kamran yielding to the instigation of Mirza Shah Husain wrote to Mirza ‘Askari saying, “Seize the road by which the Padshah will proceed and take him prisoner in any way you can contrive.” Accordingly when he arrived at the camp of Shal Mastang Mirza ‘Askari marched by forced marches from Qandahar and sent Chuli Bahadur Uzbek to reconnoitre. He, however, went straight off and informed Bairam Khan, whose camp he reached at midnight, and Bairam Khan went with all haste behind the royal tent and represented the state of affairs. Accordingly he gave up all idea of Qandahar and Kabul, and in opposition to his brothers, uttering the formula of separation, took the road to ‘Iraq, accompanied by twenty-two men, among whom were Bairam Khan and Khwaja Mu'azzam.
65.2.8
These two he sent to bring the Queen-consort and the young prince, asking Tardi Beg for the loan of a few horses, who, however, again branding himself with the stigma of meanness and disgrace, refused to comply with this request, and further declined to accompany him. Humayun left the young Prince, who was an infant of only one year, in the camp under the charge of Atkah Khan on account of the great heat and the scarcity of water along his route, but took the Queen-consort with him and journeyed by way of Sistan.
65.3.1
Mirza ‘Askari just then arrived at the royal camp, and alighting and tearing the veil of humanity from the face of modesty, set about appropriating the valuables. He also placed Tardi Beg in rigorous confinement, and carried off the young Prince to Qandahar, and handed him over to Sultan Begam, his own wife, with injunctions to take every care for his kind treatment and protection. In that journey important events took place which, although they were fully and elaborately detailed in the original, do not admit of relation in this place, and must be rapidly passed over as he did that long stretch of road. These events took place in the year 950 H. (1543 A.D.). In short, leaving Sistan and journeying to the city of Khurasan, he had an interview with Sultan Muhammad Mirza, the elder son of Shah Tahmasp, who held the rule of that country under the tutelage of Muhammad Khan Taklu, and receiving all the necessaries of royalty, and requisites for his journey, with all honour and ceremony reached the sacred city of Mashhad (Meshed); and at each successive stage, by order of the Shah, the governors of the provinces hastened to welcome him, and made all preparations for entertaining him and shewing him hospitality, escorting him from stage to stage. Bairam Khan proceeded to do homage to the Shah, and brought with him thence a letter congratulating Humayun upon his arrival. The two monarchs met at Pulaq-Suriq and exchanged the customary honours and courtesies.
65.3.2
In the course of conversation the Shah asked what had led to his defeat, Humayun incautiously replied ‘The opposition of my brothers.’ Bahram Mirza, the brother of the Shah, who was present, was grieved at this speech, and from that day forth sowed the seeds of enmity against Humayun in his heart, and set himself to overthrow his enterprise, [nay more to overthrow Humayun himself as well], and impressed upon Shah Tahmasp, saying, “This is the son of that self-same father who taking so many thousand Qizilbash soldiers to reinforce his army, caused them to be trampled under foot by the Ozbaks, so that not one of them escaped alive.” This was a reference to that affair in which Babar Padshah took Najm-i-Awwal from Shah Isma'il with seventeen thousand Qizilbash cavalry, and led them as an auxiliary force against the Ozbaks, and at the time of the siege of the fortress of Nakhshab, otherwise known as Kash, (?) wrote the following verse upon an arrow and discharged it into the fort: I made Najm Shah to turn the Ozbaks from their path, If I did wrong, (at any rate) I cleared (my own) path. The following day when the two armies met he withdrew to one side, and the Qizilbash troops met with the treatment which was in store for them; that circumstance is notorious.
65.3.3
However, to return from this digression, Sultan Begum the sister of the Shah, whom he regarded as an adviser equal to the promised Mahdi, (who in the belief of the lies concealed in a subterranean dwelling in the city of Samarra, otherwise known by the name of Surra man ra'a, and when necessity arises will emerge from thence and inaugurate an era of equity), and with whose opinion and advice all the affairs of State were bound up, dissuaded him from that mistaken step, and by the use of rational argument brought him back to an attitude of kindness and manhood, and induced him to help and assist His Majesty wrote a (quatrain) of which the following is the last verse: All kings desire the shadow of the Huma, Behold! the Huma has sought thy shadow. On a certain occasion he interpolated this verse into a fragment from Salman, and sent it to the Shah. Verse. I hope that the Shah will out of kindness treat me, As ‘Ali treated Salman in the desert of Arzhan.
65.3.4
The Shah was extremely pleased, and after innumerable banquets and associations in travelling, and hunting expeditions, arranged all preparations on a scale of regal magnificence in Humayun’s honour, and took much trouble in giving his assent to the religious tenets of the Shi'ahs, and to that which the later writers of that persuasion say regarding the blessed companions of Muhammad, may God be pleased with them, and Humayun after much ado said “Bring them written upon a sheet of paper.” Accordingly they wrote down all their religious beliefs, and Humayun read them with a view to copying them, and gave precedence in the Khutbah, after the custom of ‘Iraq, to the recital of the twelve Imams. Shah Murad, the son of the Shah, an infant at the breast, with ten thousand cavalry under the command of Bidagh Khan Qizilbash Afshar, was nominated to reinforce Humayun, and it was determined that the Qizilbash should march by one route and Humayun by another, and that Humayun should, after gaining the victory, hand over Qandahar to Shah Murad Taking leave, and marching rapidly through Ardabil and Tabriz, (Humayun) again went to Mashhad the holy city, and succeeded in visiting the shrine of the fountain head of light.
65.3.5
At the time when one night he was walking alone in that sacred enclosure, one of the pilgrims said in a low voice to his fellow, “This is not Humayun Padshah.” The other replied “Yes it is.” Then coming close, he said in the ear of Humayun “So you are again laying claim to omnipotence.” This was a reference to the circumstance that Humayun used generally in Bangala to cast a veil over his crown, and when he removed it the people used to say, Light has shined forth! He also washed his sword in the river and said “Upon whom shall I gird the sword?” When he arrived at Agra he imposed upon the populace a new self-invented form of salutation, and wished them to kiss the ground (before him). At last Mir Abul Baqa with the Amirs and Vazirs paid the due respects, and the Amirs of the Qizilbash coming (by another road) arrived at Garmsir and took possession of the whole of that territory, and had encamped within view of Qandahar, when after five days Humayun arrived, and Mirza ‘Askari was besieged, and for three months continuously fighting was kept up, and a large number were daily killed on both sides. Thereupon Bairam Khan sent to Kabul as an ambassador to Mirza Kamran in whose behalf Mirza ‘Askari was acting, and Mirza Hindal and Mirza Sulaiman Badakhshi and Yadgar Nasir who had arrived from Bhakkar in a wretched plight; and [since] the idea of the Qizilbash was that no sooner would Humayun arrive than the Chaghtai would submit to him and would all come in.
65.3.6
This, however, did not happen, and the siege became very protracted, and a large number were killed. It was also currently reported that Mirza Kamran was coming to the assistance of Mirza ‘Askari, they accordingly lost heart and meditated a return to their own country. It so happened that just at that very time certain Amirs deserted from Mirza Kamran, namely, Muhammad Sultan Mirza, Ulugh Mirza, and Mirza Hasan Khan with other noted commanders, and offered their services to Humayun. Mu’yad Beg, who was a prisoner in the fortress of Qandahar, escaped from the fort and had an interview with him, meeting with very kind treatment. Mirza ‘Askari in his alarm, sued for quarter, and joined the ranks of Humayun’s followers; his faults were pardoned and he was distinguished by especial marks of favour. Verse. There is a sweetness in forgiveness which there is not in revenge. He also ordered the Amirs of Qizilbash that for the space of three days they should abstain from interference with the families of the Chaghatai tribe, and the inhabitants of the city, so as to allow of their all coming out, and although Humayun had no territory in his possession yet on account of the promise which had gone forth he brought Bidagh Khan and Mirza Murad into the fort and made over the whole of that country to them. Verse. If a man fulfils the obligation of his promise That man rises superior to any estimate you may form of him.
65.3.7
With the exception of Bidagh Khan and two or three other Amirs, no one remained in the service of Mirza Murad, while the remaining Amirs of the auxiliaries, all returned to ‘Iraq. Humayun was induced by the coming on of the winter winds, to ask Bidagh Khan to provide shelter for the followers of his army within the walls of the city, but that inhuman being invariably sent strangely rough answers. On this account some of the Chaghatai Amirs began to take to flight towards Kabul, among them was Mirza ‘Askari, who was seized on the way and brought to Humayun, who imprisoned him. Many stirring events happened in those days, which led to the delivery of Qandahar from the hands of the Qizilbash. First among these was this, that the Chaghatai Amirs urged upon Humayun the necessity of seizing Qandahar, on account of the coldness of the weather, saying that after the conquest of Kabul and Badakhshan he ought to bestow the greater portion of that place again upon the Qizilbash as compensation, so that due requital might be made them.
65.4.1
Secondly, the passing of Mirza Murad on that very day, by a natural death, from the world of existence and trouble. Thirdly, the tyranny and oppression inflicted by Qizilbash canaille on the inhabitants of the city, and their preventing the Chaghatai from entering the fort, upon any pretext whatever. Fourthly, this incident, that a fierce Tabarra, in accordance with Muslim and a Kafir, such as the relation of father and son, or brotherhood, other blood relationship or friendship, yet all these considerations must be cast aside from the exigencies of religion, and 'adawat must be based upon their kufr. Again, religious affection is centred in iman (faith of Islam), we must therefore from religious considerations love all the brethren of this faith, whether they are obedient or contumacious. Mahabbat and 'adawat between a true believer and an unbeliever (Kafir) has different degrees, just as there are differences of degree in the love which any reasonable being entertains for his different relations. So also in religious love there are degrees. The highest is that for the Prophet Mohammad; next to this love for the assembly of believers who have close connection and intimate relation to the Prophet; and that assembly is confined to three parties: First, the children and relations of the Prophet who are his members; secondly, his pure spouses who are in a way his members; thirdly, his companions who elected to serve him and gave their lives for his cause.
65.4.2
If among the believers there be any devoid of faith (iman), or guilty of any sin which destroys their former works, and in accordance with the dictates of the Qur'an become worthy of 'adawat they are excepted (from the rights of mahabbat) and enquiry should be made into their faith or absence of faith. Inasmuch as does not necessarily exclude iman (faith) it is not lawful to curse such an one, nor to display tabarra against him, but rather to pray for his pardon; as long as he retains iman it is lawful to entertain mahabbat for him, and 'adawat on religious grounds is unlawful, inasmuch as tabarra and sabb (reviling) are only justifiable when mahabbat for a person no longer remains, which is restricted to death in infidelity. Now we must consider the words of the Shiah divines who consider opposition to and contention regarding the Khilafat of 'Ali as kufr, according to the words of Khwaja Nasir Tusi "Mukhalifuhu fasaqah wa muharibuhu kafarah", "Those who oppose him are immoral and those who fight against him are infidels." Accordingly a section who have contented themselves with opposition are not deserving of tabarra, because their extreme fault is fisq (immorality) and the fasiq (immoral man) may be a true believer. The above is translated from the Tuhfa-i-Isna 'ashariyah of Shah 'Abdu'l 'Aziz of Dihli.
65.4.3
The gist of the matter appears to be this that Tabarra is not justifiable for immorality, but only for infidelity. It seems therefore to take the place in Muslim Theology of the anathema of the Christian Code. It is more than excommunication, inasmuch as death in infidelity is made the test of tabarra which thus implies final separation and curse.
65.4.4
The use of foul abusive language against the companions of the Prophet would be held to be loss of asl (iman) and hence to render the reviler liable to tabarra provided he died in that state. As the person referred to in the story was killed by Mirza Yadgar Nasir he is called tabarrai, accursed. part of the inhabitants of the world are like a flock of sheep, wherever one goes, the others immediately follow. Mirza Kamran, losing the clue of all independent action, availed himself of the services of the Shaikhs and 'Ulama to sue for pardon. Humayun, upon condition of personal submission, effaced the record of his transgressions from the page of his mind with the water of forgiveness. Mirza, in accordance with the saying “The traitor is a coward,” would not consent to an interview, and took refuge in the citadel of Kabul, where he entrenched himself, and fled thence in the dead of night to Ghaznin. The whole of his army came over to the camp of Humayun, who appointed Mirza Hindal to pursue him, and came himself to Kabul, and the hidden meaning of the sacred word “Verily, He who hath ordained the Qur'an for thee will restore thee to thy returning place” was revealed, and he refreshed to the full his eyes with the sight of the noble Prince — his son. This victory was gained on the tenth of the month of Ramazan the blessed, in the year 952 H. (A.D. 1545), and the following hemistich was written as a record of the date: Be jang girift az u Kabul.
65.4.5
“He took the kingdom of Kabul from him without fighting.” And inasmuch as others are responsible for the relation of these events, and the compiler of this has only adapted his record from them, now, however much he may desire to epitomise, the thread of his discourse has involuntarily become lengthened (in accordance with the saying). Narration has many bye-paths. To make a long story short when Mirza Kamran proceeded to Ghaznin and was unable to enter it, he departed towards Bakkar, and Mirza Shah Husain, who had given him his daughter (in marriage), came forward to assist him. Humayun put to death Mirza Yadgar Nasir who was meditating flight, and proceeded with the intention of conquering Badakhshan. Suleiman Mirza gave him battle, and was defeated, and Kamran Mirza coming up in Humayun’s absence took possession of Kabul, placing guards over the ladies of high degree, and over the young Prince. Humayun, after relieving Mirza Hindal of the government of Badakhshan, wrote a patent conferring it upon Mirza Suleiman, and making over the government of that country to him returned with all speed to Kabul. Mirza Kamran, after the defeat of his forces, remained entrenched in Kabul, and when he found himself in straits, out of sheer cruelty several times gave orders for the young Prince to be placed upon the ramparts of the fort within range of both artillery and musketry fire, but Maham Anka made her own body a shield for him against the arrows of calamity. Verse.
65.4.6
The Sardars and Amirs, on account of the heat of the contest in which they were engaged, began to traffic in hypocrisy, and kept coming backwards and forwards, now in one direction now in another. Many of them on both sides were killed. At last, Mirza, having made a hole in the wall of the fort, came out in disguise, and when Haji Muhammad Khan, who had been detailed with a party of men to pursue him, came up with Mirza, Mirza said to him "What if I have killed your father Baba Qashqa?" Haji Muhammad Khan, who was a veteran soldier, energetic and experienced, pretending not to understand him, returned, and the Prince reached his father Humayun safe and sound, and the part returned to the whole. Mayest thou live a thousand years, and a thousand years beside, For in the prolongation of thy life are a thousand advantages. And Mirza Kamran took refuge with Pir Muhammad Khan, Governor of Balkh, and asking his assistance seized certain of the provinces of Badakhshan without a struggle from Suleiman Mirza and his son Ibrahim Mirza, and took possession of them, and Qaracha Khan, who had done notable service, together with certain other grasping Amirs, entertained extravagant expectations from Humayun, and when their iniquitous desires were not realised betook themselves to Badakhshan and Kabul. Within these few years the earth had quitted its accustomed state of repose, and had undergone tremblings and agitations. A certain witty writer says with reference to this:
65.4.7
The fortress of Kabul which in height surpasses the seventh heaven ; Like the Kite which is six months female and six months male.
65.4.8
On several occasions it happened that Mirza Kamran came to pay his respects to Humayun and had a personal interview with him. Humayun, out of natural kindness and innate good-will pardoned his shortcomings, and cleared his heart of all rancour against him, and after he had sought permission to leave to make the pilgrimage to the sacred city of Makka, bestowed upon him the country of Badakhshan, and himself going up against Balkh, fought with Pir Muhammad Khan and ‘Abu-l-‘Aziz Khan, the son of ‘Abdu-llah Khan, the Ozbak king, and defeated them after a sharp engagement. But following the bad advice of his Amirs, who were treacherous hypocrites, and in alarm about Mirza Kamran, he turned back and came to Kabul. Mirza Kamran once more broke his treaty obligations, and inasmuch as the untrustworthy leaders on both sides began to practise unfaithfulness, and led him out of the way, and he had to fight numerous battles, he eventually sought aid from Islām Shāh, but, meeting with disappointment, and returning thence, was delivered into the hands of Humāyūn by the machinations of Sultān Ādam Ghak'kar at Parhāla. Notwithstanding all his repeated rebellions his life was spared, but the jewel of sight was taken from him, (as has already been stated), and he was permitted to depart for the sacred Makka. He had the good fortune to make the Hajj four times, and thus made amends for his past evil deeds, and there delivered up the life that had been entrusted to him.
65.5.1
Verse. Never in the garden of Faith has a blade fulfilled its promise, Nor has a shaft aimed at Heaven failed to strike the mark. The tailor of Fate has never clothed any man in a garment which it has not afterwards torn from him. The Age has never given any coin which it has not changed. The Time has never played any piece without practising deception with it. Whom has the Heaven placed in safety beneath the Sun, That it has not made short-lived like the shining dawn? Khāqānī, cast dust into the eyes of the world, For it has caused thee pain in the eyes and has given thee no remedy. Maulana Qasim Kahi wrote this: Verse. Kamran, than whom no man has been found more fitted for sovereignty, Went from Kabul to the Ka‘bah, and there committed his soul to God, and his body to the dust. Kahi spake this as a tarikh to commemorate his death, Padshah Kamran died at the Ka'bah. And the poet Waisi wrote: Verse. Shah Kamran the renowned Khusru, Who in majesty raised his head to Kaiwan. Faithfully served the holy temple four years And entirely freed his heart from worldly bonds, After performing his fourth pilgrimage In pilgrim garb, he yielded up his soul to his Lord. One night as Wais was holden with sleep, He visited him and called him towards himself, And said, “If they ask thee concerning my death Reply, “The pardoned Shah remained in Makka.”
65.5.2
Mirza Kamran was as a king, brave and ambitious, liberal and good-natured, sound of religion and clear of faith. He used always to associate with the ‘Ulama and learned doctors. His poems are well-known. At one time he held such strong views of probity that he gave orders to exterminate grapes from his kingdom, but afterwards became such a slave to wine that he was not ashamed of the after effects of debauch; eventually he left the world penitent and devout. All’s well that ends well. This event took place in the year 964 H. Mirza ‘Askari, after Qaracha Khan was slain in the last battle before Kabul, fell a prisoner into the hands of Humayun’s soldiery, and Jalalu-d-Din Mahmud Diwan conveyed him to Badakhshan and made him over to Mirza Suleiman. He was kept in confinement for some time, and then was released, and Mirza Suleiman despatched him to Balkh, by which route he purposed journeying to the two sacred cities. When he reached a valley which lies between Sham and the sacred city of Makka, without accomplishing his object he hastened from that desert to the true Ka‘bah which is the bourn of all mankind. The following is the tarikh of that event:— ‘Askari padshah-i daryadil.’ Verse. Why dost thou soil thy fingers with the blood of the world? For honey is oft mingled with deadly poison.
65.5.3
454. The end of Mirza Hindal was on this wise, that after Mirza Kamran had suffered defeat in the final engagement, and had taken refuge with the Afghans, and Haji Muhammad Khan Kuki was executed on account of his numerous misdeeds, one night Mirza Kamran made a night attack upon the camp. By chance that night the dart of death struck Mirza Hindal in a vital spot, and he drank the draught of martyrdom. This event took place in the year 958 H. and Shahkhun was found to give the date. Verse When Fate made such a night attack with the forces of the world That the zenith became red like the twilight from bloodshed, Hindal the world conqueror left the world, And abandoned the world to Shah Humayun, The young plant like stature of that shapely palm tree Was like a lamp to the sleeping apartment of the sky Wisdom sought for a tarikh of his death, I said, Alas! a lamp has been extinguished by reason of a night attack. Mirza Amini also wrote the following— Shah Hindal the cypress of the rose garden of beauty, When he left this garden for that of Paradise, The wailing ring dove uttered this tarikh, “A cypress has gone from the garden of glory.” And Maulana Hasan ‘Ali wrote Verse Hindal Muhammad Shah of auspicious title Suddenly was martyred by Fate in the heart of the night, Since a night assault caused his martyrdom, Seek the tarikh of his martyrdom in shabhhun.
65.5.4
Humayun bestowed the horses and retinue of Mirza Hindal upon the young Prince, the asylum of the world, and confirmed to them Ghaznin with its dependencies as grants. The Afghans could no longer protect Mirza Kamran, and it so happened that Mirza went to Islem Shah; in the meanwhile the hidden purposes of Heaven were made manifest, so that after hearing the tidings of the death of Islem Shah, and of the occurrence of extreme confusion and turmoil between the Afghans of Hindustan and the tribal chiefs, Humayun definitely determined upon the attempt of the conquest of Hindustan. In the meantime the lovers of contumacy, that is to say, the envious and riotous, so distorted the appearance of the sincere loyalty of Bairam Khan, in the clear mirror of the mind of Humayun, that it was inverted and he was represented by them as hostile. Accordingly an attack was ordered in the direction of Qandahar. Bairam Khan came out in person to receive Humayun and with all ceremony offered due service. Thereupon the disloyalty of his traducers became apparent. On this occasion Humayun was furnished, by the good offices of Bairam Khan, with the opportunity of meeting that Scion of the Walis, the offspring of the Saints, the seal of the Shaikhs of the Naqshbandi sect, Maulana Zainu-d-Din Mahmud Kamangar. The following is a fuller account:—
65.5.5
The aforesaid Maulavi was from Bahda, which is a village of the dependencies of Khurasan, and had attained to the companionship of many of the Shaikhs, may God sanctify their spirits, especially Maulavi Makhdumi ‘Arif Jami, and Maulavi ‘Abdu-l-Ghafur Lari, may God sanctify their spirits, who supported themselves by giving instruction and making illustrations, and Bairam Khan having opened tutorial relations with him, used to go to take lessons from him, and now and then when he was reading Yusuf and Zulaikha and other books, they used to say, “ Oh, Bairam what is your wish ? You yourself are as Yusuf and Zulaikha in the world.” And Humayun having ordered a banquet in honour of the sacred illuminated spirit of the asylum of the seal of prophecy, may the blessing and peace of God be upon him, invited the Akhund, and with his own hands took the ewer while Bairam Khan took the basin, intending to pour the water over his hands, seeing this the Akhund indicated Mir Habibu-llah, the grandson of Mir Saiyyid Jamalu-d-Din the traditionist, and said, “Do you not know who that person is?” Humayun thereupon perforce carried the ewer to the Mir, who, with the utmost confusion, poured half of the entire contents of the ewer over his hands, after which the Akhund without scruple washed his hands, to their heart’s content.
65.5.6
At this time Humayun enquired, “How much water is enjoined by the Sunnat to be poured over the hands?” They replied, “so much as is necessary to clean the hands;” then first Bairam poured water over the hands of the remainder of the assembly, and was followed in this service by Husain Khan the relation of the Mahdi, son of Qasim Khan. At last the food was eaten, and Humayun found very great delight in their society, and was much benefited thereby. Afterwards he sent a piece of coined gold by the hand of Bairam Khan, saying, ‘This is a present.’ Inasmuch as it was his custom not to take a present from anyone, after great deliberation he accepted it, with excessive reluctance and disgust, and in return for it sent into the presence of the king several bows of his own fashioning, with something over and above (the value of the gold) saying, “Presents must be given on both sides.”
65.5.7
The story goes that one day Bairam Khan caused a garment to be made of handsome Kashmir shawls, and brought it to him. He took it in his hand and praised it, saying, “What a valuable thing this is!” Bairam Khan said, “As it is a suitable garment for a darvesh, I have brought it as an offering for you.” He thereupon made a sign with two of his fingers, as much as to say I have two of them, come give this one to some one more deserving of it than I. Many miraculous acts are related of him. Some few of these Shaikh the grandson of Maulānā Mu‘īn Wā‘iẓ, who by the order of the Khalīfah of the time was for some time Qāzī of Lāhor, wrote in a separate treatise: among them this is written, that when archery practice was going on, he used in opposition to his usual habits to come every day to the butts, and give instruction in archery. The youths used to urge and incite Bairām Khān to practise archery, saying that it would surely be useful to him some day. As a fact, the very first defeat of the Afghāns occurred in the fight at Māchīwāra, when the victory was entirely gained by the archers and in all probability that eagerness and instigation had this very end in view.
65.5.8
In that collection of stories also is the following, that when Bairām Khān, after making over Qandahār to Bahādur Khān the brother of ‘Alī Qulī Khān Sīstānī, came to Kābul, he appointed on his own part a tyrannical Turkoman, so that the people groaned under his oppressive hand, and made many complaints to the Akhūnd, till he became ill as they desired, and they enjoyed a few days’ respite from his oppression, and used to bring tidings of him every day to the assembly of the Akhūnd. At last one day, as one of them was saying “He has risen from his bed,” the Akhūnd also, looking him in the face, said angrily, “Perhaps he may rise on the morrow of the resurrection.” Three or four days afterwards he again fell ill, and removed the disgrace of his tyranny from the world. It is a saying of theirs that the Turk when sleeping is an angel, but when he sleeps the sleep of death he is superior to the archangels. I saw a tyrant sleeping at mid-day I said, this is a calamity; it is best that sleep should take him And that man who is better when sleeping than when waking For such an evil liver death were preferable.
65.5.9
Humayun, at the time of his return, had some intention of taking Qandahar from Bairam Khan and giving it to Mun'im Khan. Mun'im Khan, however, represented that now that the conquest of Hindustan was on the tapis a change of governors would be a degree of dissension in the army, and it would be better to wait till after conquering Hindustan, and then to act as circumstances might demand. Accordingly Qandahar was confirmed to Bairam Khan, and Zamindawar to Bahadur Khan. Then coming to Kabul he prepared his army with transport and commissariat, and in Zi-l-Hijjah 961 H. set out from Kabul to march against Hindustan. And the following was written which gives the date in two ways.