Táríkh-i Ibráhím Khán (Elliot & Dowson, extracts)

Translation of History of the Maratʾha wars in Hindustan (History of the Marātʾhā wars in Hindūstān)

Language: English
Date: 1877 CE
Translators: Henry Miers Elliot, John Dowson
Extent: 57 passages, 13,224 words
Text: complete digital text
Source: archive.org · The History of India, as told by its own Historians. The Muhammadan Period. The posthumous papers of Sir H.… · Public domain (published before 1930)

Text

1

As the comprehension of the design of this work is dependent on a previous acquaintance with the origin and genealogy of Balaji Rao, the eloquent pen will first proceed to the discussion of that subject.

2

Be it not hidden, that in the language of the people of the Dakhin, these territories and their dependencies are called "Dihast," and the inhabitants of the region are styled "Mahrattas." The Mahratti dialect is adopted exclusively by these classes, and the chieftainship of the Mahrattas is centred in the Bhonsla tribe. The lineage of the Bhonslas is derived from the Udipur Rajas, who bear the title of Rana; and the first of these, according to popular tradition, was one of the descendants of Naushirwan. At the time when the holy warriors of the army of Islam subverted the realms of Iran, Naushirwan's descendants were scattered in every direction; and one of them, having repaired to Hindustan, was promoted to the dignity of a Raja. In a word, one of the Rana's progeny afterwards quitted the territory of Udipur, in consequence of the menacing and disordered aspect of his affairs, and having proceeded to the country of the Dakhin, fixed his abode in the Carnatic. The chiefs of the Dakhin, regarding the majesty of his family with respect and reverence, entered into the most amicable relations with him. His descendants separated into two families; one the Aholias, the other the Bhonslas.

3

Sahuji was first inrolled among the number of Nizam Shah's retainers, but afterwards entered into the service of Ibrahim 'Adil Shah, who was the ruler of the Kokan. In return for the faithful discharge of his duties, he received in jagir the parganas of Puna, etc., where he made a permanent settlement after the manner of the zamindars. Towards the close of his life, having attained the high honour of serving the Emperor Jahangir, he was constantly in attendance on him, while his son Sivaji stayed at the jágír. As Ibráhím 'Ádil Sháh for the space of two years was threatened with impending death, great disorder and confusion prevailed in his territories from the long duration of his illness; and the troops and retainers, whom he had stationed here and there, for the purpose of garrisoning the forts, and protecting the frontier of the Kokan, abandoned themselves to neglect in consequence of their master's indisposition.

Memoir of Síva, the son of Sáhu.

4.1

* * Ultimately, the Emperor Aurangzeb, the bulwark of religion, resolved upon proceeding to the Dakhin, and in the year 1093 A.H. bestowed fresh lustre on the city of Aurangábád by the favour of his august presence. For a period of twenty-five years he strove to subvert the Mahratta rule; but as several valiant chieftains displayed the utmost zeal and activity in upholding their dynasty, their extermination could not be satisfactorily accomplished. Towards the close of His Majesty's lifetime, a truce was concluded with the Mahrattas, on these terms, viz. that three per cent, out of the revenues drawn from the Imperial dominions in the Dakhin should be allotted to them by way of sar deshmukhí; and accordingly Ahsan Khán, commonly called Mír Malik, set out from the threshold of royalty with the documents confirming this grant to the Mahrattas, in order that, after the treaty had been duly ratified, he might bring the chiefs of that tribe to the court of the monarch of the world. However, before he had had time to deliver these documents into their custody, a royal mandate was issued, directing him to return and bring back the papers in question with him. About this time, His Majesty Aurangzeb 'Álamgír hastened to the eternal gardens of Paradise, at which period his successor Sháh 'Álam (Bahádur Sháh) was gracing the Dakhin with his presence.

4.2

The latter settled ten per cent, out of the produce belonging to the peasantry as sar deshmukhí on the Mahrattas, and furnished them with the necessary documents confirming the grant.

4.3

When Shah 'Alam (Bahadur Shah) returned from the Dakhin to the metropolis, Daud Khan remained behind to officiate for Amiru-l umara Zu-l fikar Khan in the government of the provinces. He cultivated a good understanding with the Mahrattas, and concluded an amicable treaty on the following footing, viz. that in addition to the above-mentioned grant of a tithe as sar deshmukhi, a fourth of whatever amount was collected in the country should be their property, while the other three-fourths should be paid into the royal exchequer. This system of division was accordingly put in practice; but no regular deed granting the fourth share, which in the dialect of the Dakhin is called chauth, was delivered to the Mahrattas. When Muhammad Farrukh Siyar sat as Emperor on the throne of Dehli, he entertained the worst suspicions against Amiru-l umara Saiyid Husain 'Ali Khan, the chief of the Barha Saiyids. He dismissed him to a distance from his presence by appointing him to the control of the province of the Dakhin. On reaching his destination, the latter applied himself rigorously to the task of organizing the affairs of that kingdom; but royal letters were incessantly despatched to the address of the chief of the Mahrattas, and more especially to Raja Sahu, urging him to persist in hostilities with Amiru-l umara. * *

4.4

In the year 1129 A.H. (1717 A.D.), by the intervention of Muhammad Anwar Khan Burhanpuri and Sankaraji Malhar, he concluded a peace with the Mahrattas, on condition that they would refrain from committing depredations and robberies, and would always maintain 18,000 horsemen out of their tribe wholly at the service of the Nazim of the Dakhin. At the time that this treaty was ratified, he sealed and delivered the documents confirming the grant of the fourth of the revenues, and the sar deshmukhi of the province of the Dakhin, as well as the proceeds of the Kokan and other territories, which were designated as their ancient dominions. At the same period Raja Sahu appointed Balaji, son of Basu Nath (Biswa Nath), who belonged to the class of Kokani Brahmins, to fill the post of his wakil at the Court of the Emperor; and in all the districts of the six provinces of the Dakhin he appointed two revenue commissioners of his own, one to collect the sar deshmukhi, and the other to receive the fourth share or chauth. * *

4.5

Amiru-l umara Husain 'Ali, having increased the mansabs held by Balaji, the son of Basu Nath, and Sankaraji Malhar, deputed them to superintend the affairs of the Dakhin, and sent them to join 'Alim 'Ali Khan. * * After the death of Balaji, the son of Basu Nath, his son, named Baji Rao, became his successor, and Holkar, who was a servant of Balaji Rao, having urged the steed of daring, at his master's instigation, at full speed from the Dakhin towards Malwa, put the (subadar) Giridhar Bahadur to death on the field of battle. After this occurrence, the government of that province was conferred on Muhammad Khan Bangash; but owing to the turbulence of the Mahrattas, he was unable to restore it to proper order. On his removal from office, the administration of that region was entrusted to Raja Jai Singh Sawai. Unity of faith and religion strengthened the bonds of amity between Baji Rao and Raja Jai Singh; and this circumstance was a source of additional power and influence to the former, insomuch that during the year 1146 (1733 A.D.) he had the audacity to advance and make an inroad into the confines of Hindustan. The grand wazir 'Itimadu-d daula Kamru-d din Khan was first selected by the Emperor Muhammad Shah to oppose him, and on the second occasion Muzaffar Khan, the brother of Samsamu-d daula Khan-dauran. These two, having entered the province of Malwa, pushed on as far as Sironj, but Baji Rao returned to the Dakhin without hazarding an engagement. * *

4.6

In the second year after the above-mentioned date, Baji Rao attempted another invasion of Hindustan, when the wazir 'Itimadu-d daula Kamru-d din Khan Bahadur and the Nawab Khan-dauran Khan went forth from Dehli to give him battle. * * On this occasion several engagements took place, but victory, fell to the lot of the wazir; and peace having been ultimately concluded, they both returned to Dehli.

4.7

In the third year from the aforesaid date, through the mediation of Amiru-l umara Khan-dauran Khan Bahadur, the government of Malwa was bestowed on Baji Rao, whereby his power and influence was increased twofold. The Rao in question, having entered Malwa with a numerous force, soon reduced the province to a satisfactory state of order. About the same time he attacked the Raja of Bhadawar, and after putting him to flight, devastated his territory. From thence he despatched Pilaji with the view of subduing the kingdom of Antarbed (Doab), which is situated between the Ganges and Jumna. At that very time Nawab Burhanu-l Mulk had moved out of his own province, and advanced through Antarbed to the vicinity of Agra. Pilaji therefore crossed the Jumna, and engaged in active hostilities against the above-named Nawab; but having been vanquished in battle, he was forced to take to flight, and rejoin Baji Rao. An immense number of his army were drowned while crossing the Jumna; but as for those who were captured or taken prisoners, the Nawab presented each one with two rupees and a cloth, and gave him permission to depart. Baji Rao, becoming downcast and dispirited after meeting with this ignominious defeat, turned his face from that quarter, and proceeded towards Dehli. * * Samsamu-d daula Amiru-l umara Bahadur, after considerable deliberation, sallied forth from Shah-Jahanabad with intent to check the enemy;

4.8

but Baji Rao, not deeming it expedient at the time to kindle the flame of war, retired towards Agra, and Amiru-l umara, considering himself fortunate enough in having effected so much, re-entered the metropolis. This was the first occasion on which the Mahrattas extended their aggressions so far as to threaten the environs of the metropolis. Though most of the men in the Mahratta army are unendowed with the excellence of noble and illustrious birth, and husbandmen, carpenters, and shopkeepers abound among their soldiery, yet, as they undergo all sorts of toil and fatigue in prosecuting a guerilla warfare, they prove superior to the easy and effeminate troops of Hind, who for the most part are of more honourable birth and calling. If this class were to apply their energies with equal zeal to the profession, and free themselves from the trammels of indolence, their prowess would excel that of their rivals, for the aristocracy ever possess more spirit than the vulgar herd. The free-booters who form the vanguard of the Mahratta forces, and marching in advance of their main body, ravage the enemy's country, are called puikdrahs (piiikdrahs?); the troops who are stationed here and there by way of picquets at a distance from the army, for the purpose of keeping a vigilant watch, are styled mdU, and chhdppah is synonymous in their dialect with a night-attack. Their food consists chiefly of cakes made of jawdr, or bdjrd, ddl, arhad, with a little butter and red pepper;

4.9

and hence it is that, owing to the irascibility of their tempers, gentleness is never met with in their dispositions. The ordinary dress worn by these people comprises a turban, tunic, selah (loose mantle), and jdnghiah (short drawers). Among their horses are many mares, and among the offensive weapons used by this tribe there are but few fire-arms, most of the men being armed with swords, spears, or arrows instead. The system of military service established among them is this: each man, according to his grade, receives a fixed salary in cash and clothes every year. They call their stables pdgdh, and the horsemen who are mounted on chargers belonging to a superior officer are styled hdrgirs. * *

5

When Baji Rao, in the year 1153 A.H. (1740 A.D.), on the banks of the river Nerbadda, bore the burden of his existence to the shores of non-entity, his son, Balaji Rao, became his successor, and after the manner of his father, engaged vigorously in the prosecution of hostilities, the organization and equipment of a large army, and the preparation of all the munitions of war. His son continued to pass his days, sometimes at war, and at other times at peace, with the Nawab Asaf Jah. At length, in the year 1163 (1750 A.D.), Sahu Rao, the successor of Sambhaji, passed away, and the supreme authority departed out of the direct line of the Bhonslas. Balaji Rao selected another individual of that family, in place of Sahu's son, to occupy the post of Raja, and seated him on the throne, whilst he reserved for himself the entire administration of all the affairs of the kingdom. Having then degraded the ancient chieftains from the lofty position they had held, he denuded them of their dignity and influence, and began aggrandizing the Kokani Brahmins, who were of the same caste as himself. He also constituted his cousin, Sadasheo Rao, commonly called Bhao Rao, his chief agent and prime minister. The individual in question was of acute understanding, and thoroughly conversant with the proper method of government. Through the influence of his energetic counsels, many undertakings were constantly brought to a successful issue, the recital of which would lead to too great prolixity. In short, besides holding the fortress of Bijapur, he took possession anew of Daulatabad, the seat of government of the illustrious sovereigns, together with districts yielding sixty lacs of rupees, after forcibly wresting it out of the hands of Nizamu-l Mulk Nizam 'Ali Khan Bahadur. He likewise took into his service Ibrahim Khan Gardi, who had a well-organized train of European artillery with him.

6

Ahmad Shah Abdali, in the year 1171 A.H. (1757-8 A.D.), came from the country of Kandahar to Hindustan, and on the 7th of Jumada-l awwal of that year, had an interview with the Emperor 'Alamgir II., at the palace of Shah-Jahanabad; he exercised all kinds of severity and oppression on the inhabitants of that city, and united the daughter of A'azzu-d din, own brother to His Majesty, in the bonds of wedlock with his own son, Timur Shah. After an interval of a month, he set out to coerce Raja Suraj Mal Jat, who, from a distant period, had extended his sway over the province of Agra, as far as the environs of the city of Dehli. In three days he captured Balamgarh, situated at a distance of fifteen kos from Dehli, which was furnished with all the requisites for standing a siege, and was well manned by Suraj Mal's followers. After causing a general massacre of the garrison, he hastened towards Mathura, and having razed that ancient sanctuary of the Hindus to the ground, made all the idolators fell a prey to his relentless sword. Then he returned to Agra, and deputed his Commander-in-Chief, Jahan Khan, to reduce all the forts belonging to the Jat chieftain. At this time a dreadful pestilence broke out with great virulence in the Shah's army, so that he was forced to abandon his intention of chastising Suraj Mal, and unwillingly made up his mind to repair to his own kingdom.
On his return, as soon as he reached Dehli, the Emperor 'Alamgir went forth with Najibu-d daula Bahadur, and had an interview with him on the margin of the Maksudabad lake, when he preferred sore complaints against 'Imadu-l Mulk Ghaziu-d din Khan Bahadur, who was at that time at Farrukhabad, engaged in exciting seditious tumults. The Shah, after forming a matrimonial alliance with the daughter of his late Majesty Muhammad Shah, and investing Najibu-d daula with the title of Amiru-l umara and the dignified post of bakhshi, set out for Lahore. As soon as he had planted his sublime standard on that spot, he conferred both the government of Lahore and Multan on his son, Timur Shah, and leaving Jahan Khan behind with him, proceeded himself to Kandahar.
Jahan Khan despatched a warrant to Adina Beg Khan, who at that time had taken up his residence at Lakhi Jangal, investing him with the supreme control of the territory of the Doab, along with a khil'at of immense value, and adopted the most conciliatory measures towards him, whereupon the latter, esteeming this amicable attention as a mark of good fortune, applied himself zealously to the proper administration of the Doab. When Jahan Khan, however, summoned him to his presence, he did not consider it to his advantage to wait upon him; so, quitting the territory of the Doab, he retired into the hill-country. After this occurrence, Jahan Khan appointed a person named Murad Khan to the charge of the Doab, and sent Sarbuland Khan and Sarfaraz Khan, of the Abdali tribe, along with him to assist him. Adina Beg Khan, having united the Sikh nation to his own forces, advanced to give battle to Murad Khan, when Sarbuland Khan quaffed the cup of martyrdom on the field of action, and Murad Khan and Sarfaraz Khan, seeing no resource left them but flight, returned to Jahan Khan, and the Sikhs ravaged all the districts of the Doab.
As soon as active hostilities were commenced between Najibu-d daula and 'Imadu-l Mulk, the latter set out from Farrukhabad towards Dehli, to oppose the former, and forwarded letters to Balaji Rao and his cousin Bhao, soliciting aid, and inviting the Mahratta army to espouse his cause. Bhao, who was always cherishing plans in his head for the national aggrandizement, counselled Balaji Rao to despatch an army for the conquest of the territories of Hindustan, which he affirmed to be then, as it were, an assembly unworthy of reverence, and a rose devoid of thorns.

7

In 1171 A.H. (1757-8 A.D.) Raghunath Rao, a brother of Balaji Rao, accompanied by Malhar Rao Holkar, Shamsher Bahadur, and Jayaji Sindhia, started from the Dakhin towards Dehli at the head of a gallant and irresistible army, to subdue the dominions of Hindustan. As soon as they reached Agra, they turned off to Shah-Jahanabad in company with 'Imadu-l Mulk, the wazir, who was the instigator of the irruption made by this torrent of destruction. After a sanguinary engagement, they ejected Najibu-d daula from the city of Dehli, and consigned the management of the affairs of government to the care of 'Imadu-l Mulk, the wazir.
Raghunath Rao and the rest of the Mahratta chiefs set out from Dehli towards Lahore, at the solicitation of Adina Beg Khan, of whom mention has been briefly made above. After leaving the suburbs of Dehli, they arrived first at Sirhind, where they fought an action with 'Abdu-s Samad Khan, who had been installed in the government of that place by the Abdali Shah, and took him prisoner. Turning away from thence, they pushed on to Lahore, and got ready for a conflict with Jahan Khan, who was stationed there. The latter, however, being alarmed at the paucity of his troops in comparison with the multitude of the enemy, resolved at once to seek safety in flight. Accordingly, in the month of Sha'ban, 1171 A.H. (April, 1758 A.D.), he pursued the road to Kabul with the utmost speed, accompanied by Timur Shah, and made a present to the enemy of the heavy baggage and property that he had accumulated during his administration of that region. The Mahratta chieftains followed in pursuit of Timur Shah as far as the river Attock, and then retraced their steps to Lahore. This time the Mahrattas extended their sway up to Multan. As the rainy season had commenced, they delivered over the province of Lahore to Adina Beg Khan, on his promising to pay a tributary offering of seventy-five lacs of rupees; and made up their minds to return to the Dakhin, being anxious to behold again their beloved families at home.
On reaching Dehli in the course of their return, they made straight for their destination, after leaving one of their warlike chieftains, named Janku, at the head of a formidable army in the vicinity of the metropolis. It chanced that in the year 1172 A.H. (1758-9 A.D.) Adina Beg Khan passed away; whereupon Jankuji entrusted the government of the province of Lahore to a Mahratta, called Sama, whom he despatched thither. He also appointed Sadik Beg Khan, one of Adina Beg Khan's followers, to the administration of Sirhind, and gave the management of the Doab to Adina Beg Khan's widow. Sama, after reaching Lahore, applied himself to the task of government, and pushed on his troops as far as the river Attock. In the meanwhile, 'Imadu-l Mulk, the wazir, caused Shah 'Alamgir II. to suffer martyrdom, in retaliation for an ancient grudge, and placed the son of Muhi'u-s Sunnat, son of Kam Bakhsh, son of Aurangzeb 'Alamgir, on the throne of Dehli.

Datta Sindhia.

8.1

Datta Sindhia, Jankuji's uncle, about that time formed the design of invading the kingdom of the Rohillas; whereupon Najibu-d daula and other Rohilla chiefs, becoming cognizant of this fact, and perceiving the image of ultimate misfortune reflected in the mirror of the very beginning, wrote numerous letters to the Abdali Shah, and used every persuasion to induce him to come to Hindustan. The Shah, who was vexed at heart on account of Timur Shah and Jahan Khan having been compelled to take to flight, and was brooding over plans of revenge, accounted this friendly overture a signal advantage, and set himself at once in motion. Datta, in company with his nephew Janku, after crossing the Jumna, advanced against Najibu-d daula, and 'Imadu-l Mulk, the wazir, hastened to Datta's support, agreeably to his request. As the number of the Mahratta troops amounted to nearly 80,000 horse, Najibu-d daula, finding his strength inadequate to risk an open battle, threw up intrenchments at Sakartal, one of the places belonging to Antarbed (the Doab), situated on the bank of the river Ganges, and there held himself in readiness to oppose the enemy. As the rainy season presented an insurmountable obstacle to Datta's movements, he was forced to suspend military operations, and in the interim Najibu-d daula despatched several letters to Nawab Shuja'u-d daula, begging his assistance.

8.2

The Nawab, urged by the promptings of valour and gallantry, started from Lucknow in the height of the rains, which fell with greater violence than in ordinary years, and having with the utmost spirit and resolution traversed the intervening roads, which were all in a wretched muddy condition, made Shahabad the site of his camp. Till the conclusion of the rainy season, however, he was unable to unite with Najibu-d daula, owing to the overflowing of the river Ganges. No sooner had the rains come to an end, than one of the Mahratta chieftains, who bore the appellation of Gobind Pandit, forded the stream at Datta's command, with a party of 20,000 cavalry, and allowed no portion of Chandpur and many other populous places to escape conflagration and plunder. He then betook himself to the spot where Sa'du-llah Khan, Dundi Khan, and Hafiz Rahmat Khan had assembled, after having risen up in arms and quitted their abodes, to afford succour to Najibu-d daula. These three, finding themselves unable to cope with him, took refuge in the forests on the Kamaun hills. Nawab Shuja'u-d daula, being apprised of this circumstance, mounted the fleet steed of resolution, and in Rabi'u-l awwal, 1173 A.H. (Oct. Nov. 1759 A.D.), taking his troops resembling the stars in his train, he repaired on the wings of speed to Chandpur, close to the locality where Najibu-d daula was stationed.

8.3

As Gobind Pandit had reduced the latter's force as well as his companions to great straits, by cutting off their supply of provisions, Nawab Shuja'u-d daula Bahadur despatched 10,000 cavalry, consisting of Mughals and others, under the command of Mirza Najaf Khan Bahadur, Mir Bakar Himmati and other leaders, to attack the Pandit's camp. He also afterwards sent off Anupgar Gusain, and Raj Indar Gusain in rear of these. The leaders in question having fought with becoming gallantry, and performed the most valiant deeds, succeeded in routing the enemy. Out of the whole of Gobind Pandit's force, 200 were left weltering in blood, and as many more were captured alive, whilst a vast number were overwhelmed in the waters of the Ganges. Immense booty also fell into the hands of the victors, comprising every description of valuable goods, together with horses and cattle. Gobind Pandit, who after suffering this total defeat had escaped from the field of battle across the river Ganges, gave himself up to despair, and took to a precipitate flight. As soon as this intelligence reached the ears of Hafiz Rahmat Khan and the rest of the Rohilla chieftains, they sallied forth from the forests of Kamaun, and repaired to Nawab Shuja'u-d daula's camp. Meanwhile Najibu-d daula was released from the perils and misfortunes of his position.

8.4

Nawab Shuja'u-d daula Bahadur assembled the Rohilla chiefs, and offered them advice in the following strain : "The enemy has an innumerable army, his military prowess is formidable, and he has gained possession of most of the districts in your territory ; it is therefore better for you to make overtures for peace." Every one, both high and low, applauded the Nawab's judicious counsel, and voted that pacific negociations should be immediately entered into with Datta ; but the truce had not yet been established on a secure basis, when the news of Ahmad Shah Abdali's approach, and of his arrival on this side of Lahore, astonished the ears of all. Datta, with the arrogance that ever filled his head, would not allow the preliminaries of peace to be brought to a conclusion ; but haughtily discarding the amicable relations that he was in process of contracting, moved with a resolute step along the road to Dehli, with a view to encounter the Abdali Shah. He was accompanied at that time by 80,000 horsemen, well armed and equipped.

8.5

When the Shah set out from Lahore in the direction of Dehli, he thought to himself that on the direct road between these two places, owing to the passage to and fro of the Mahratta troops, it would be difficult to find any thriving villages, and grain and forage would be almost unprocurable. Consequently, in the month of Rabi'u-l awwal, 1173 a.h., he crossed the river Jumna, and entered Antarbed. Be it not unknown, that Antarbed is the name given to the land lying between the Ganges and Jumna, its frontier being Hardwar and the Kamaun hills, which are situated in the northern quarter of Hind. * * In short, Ahmad Shah Durrani entered Antarbed, and Najibu-d daula and the other Rohilla chiefs, whose territories were situated in that kingdom, came to join the Shah. They likewise brought sums of money, as well as grain and provisions, to whatever extent they could procure them, and delivered them over for the Shah's use. Through this cordial support of the Rohilla chiefs, the Shah acquired redoubled strength, and having directed his corps of Durranis, who were employed in the campaign on skirmishing duties, to pursue the ordinary route, and be in readiness for an engagement with Datta, proceeded himself to the eastward, by way of Antarbed.

8.6

On this side too, Datta, travelling with the speed of wind and lightning, conducted his army to Sirhind, where he happened to fall in with the Shah's skirmishing parties. As the Durranis are decidedly superior to the Mahratta troops in the rapidity of their evolutions, and in their system of predatory warfare, the moment they confronted each other, Datta's army was unable to hold its ground. Being compelled to give way, he retired to Dehli, keeping up a running fight all the way, and took up a position in the plain of Bawali, which lies in the vicinity of Shah-Jahanabad. At that juncture, Jankuji proposed to his nephew with haughty pride, that they should try and extricate themselves from their critical situation, and Jankuji at once did exactly what his respected uncle suggested. In fact, Datta and his troops dismounted from their horses after the manner of the inhabitants of Hind about to sacrifice their lives, and boldly maintained their footing on the field of battle. The Durranis assailed the enemy with arrows, matchlocks, and swords, and so overpowered them as not to allow a single individual to escape in safety from the scene of action. This event took place in Jumada-l awwal, 1173 A.H. (Jan. 1760 A.D.).

9

As soon as this intelligence reached the quick ear of Malhar Rao Holkar, who at that time was staying at Makandara, he consigned the surrounding districts to the flames, and making up his mind, proceeded in extreme haste to Suraj Mal Jat, and importuned that Raja to join him in the war against the Durrani Shah. The latter, however, strongly objected to comply with his request, stating that he was unable to advance out of his own territory to engage in hostilities with them, as he had not sufficient strength to risk a pitched battle; and that if the enemy were to make an attack upon him, he would seek refuge within his forts. In the interview, it came to Holkar's knowledge, that the Afghans of Antarbed had moved out of their villages with treasure and provisions, with intent to convey them to the Shah's camp, and had arrived as far as Sikandra, which is one of the dependencies of Antarbed, situated at a distance of twenty kos from Dehli towards the east. He consequently pursued them with the utmost celerity, and having fallen upon them, delivered them up to indiscriminate plunder.
The Abdali Shah, having been apprised of this circumstance, deputed Shah Kalandar Khan and Shah Pasand Khan Durrani, at the head of 15,000 horse, to chastise Holkar. The individuals in question, having reached Dehli from Narnaul, a distance of seventy kos, in twenty-four hours, and having halted during the day to recover from their fatigues, effected a rapid passage across the Jumna, as soon as half the night was over, and by using the utmost expedition, succeeded in reaching Sikandra by sunrise. They then encompassed Holkar's army, and made a vast number of his men fall a prey to their relentless swords. Holkar found himself reduced to great straits; he had not even sufficient leisure to fasten a saddle on his horse, but was compelled to mount with merely a saddle-cloth under him, and flee for his life. Three hundred more horsemen also followed after him in the same destitute plight, but the remainder of his troops, being completely hemmed in, were either slain or captured, and an immense quantity of property and household goods, as well as numbers of horses, fell into the hands of the Durranis. About this time, too, the Shah arrived at Dehli from Narnaul, and took up his quarters in the city.

10

In the year 1172 A.H. (1758-9 A.D.), Raghunath Rao, the brother of Balaji Rao, after confiding the provinces of Lahore and Multan to Adina Beg Khan, and leaving Jankuji with a formidable army in the vicinity of the metropolis of Dehli, arrived at the city of Puna along with Shamsher Bahadur, Malhar Rao Holkar, and Jayaji Sindhiya. Sadasheo Rao Bhaoji, who was Balaji Rao's cousin, and his chief agent and prime minister, began instituting inquiries as to the receipts and disbursements made during the invasion of Hind. As soon as it became apparent, that after spending the revenue that had been levied from the country, and the proceeds arising from the plundered booty, the pay of the soldiery, amounting to about sixty lacs of rupees, was due; the vain illusion was dissipated from Bhaoji's brain. The latter's dislike to Raghunath Rao, moreover, had now broken into open contumely and discord, and Balaji Rao, vexed and disgusted at finding his own brother despised and disparaged, sent a letter to Bhaoji, declaring that it was essentially requisite for him now to unfurl the standard of invasion in person against Hindustan, and endure the fatigues of the campaign, since he was so admirably fitted for the undertaking. Bhao, without positively refusing to consent to his wishes, managed to evade compliance for a whole year, by having recourse to prevarication and subterfuge.

Biswas Rao, the son of Balaji Rao.

11.1

Biswas Rao, Balaji Rao's eldest son, who was seventeen years old, solicited the command of the army from his father; and though the latter was in reality displeased with his request, yet in the year 1173 A.H. (1759-60 A.D.) he sent him off with Bhaoji in company. Malhar Rao, Pilaji Jadaun, Jan Rao Dhamadsari, Shamsher Bahadur, Sabaji Dadaji Rao, Jaswant Rao Bewar, Balwant Rao, Ganesh Rao, and other famous and warlike leaders, along with a force of 35,000 cavalry, were also associated with Bhao. Ibrahim Khan Gardi, who was the superintendent of the European artillery, likewise accompanied him. Owing to the extreme sultriness of the hot season, they were obliged to rest every other day, and thus by alternate marches and halts, they at length reached Gwalior.

11.2

As soon as the story of 'Imadu-l Mulk and Jankuji Sindhia's having sought refuge in the forts belonging to Suraj Mal Jat, and the particulars of Datta's death and Holkar's defeat, as well as the rout and spoliation of both their forces, were poured into the ears of Biswas Rao and Bhaoji by the reporters of news and the detailers of intelligence, vast excitement arose, so that a sojourn of two months took place at Gwalior. Malhar Rao Holkar, who had escaped with his life from the battle with the Durranis, and in the mean time had joined Biswas Rao's camp, then started from Gwalior for Shah-Jahanabad by Bhao's order, at the head of a formidable army, and having reached Agra, took Jankuji Sindhia along with him from thence, and drew near to his destination. Ahmad Shah Abdali, on ascertaining this news, sallied out from the city of Dehli to encounter him; but the latter, finding himself unable to resist, merely made some dashing excursions to the right and left for a few days, after the guerilla fashion. As the Shah, however, would never once refrain from pursuing him, he was ultimately forced to make an ignominious retreat back along the road he had come, and having returned to Gwalior, went and rejoined Bhaoji. The rainy season was coming on, * * so Ahmad Shah crossed the river Jumna, and having encamped at Sikandra, gave instructions to the officers of his army, to prepare houses of wood and grass for themselves, in place of tents and pavilions.

11.3

Bhao and Biswas Rao, having marched from Gwalior, after travelling many stages, and traversing long distances, as soon as they reached Akbarabad; Holkar and Jankuji, at Bhao's instigation, betook themselves to Raja Suraj Mal Jat, and brought him along with them to have an interview with Bhao. The latter went out a kos from camp to meet him, and 'Imadu-l Mulk, the wazir, also held a conference with Bhao through Suraj Mal's mediation. Suraj Mal proposed that the campaign should be conducted on the following plan, viz. that they should deposit their extra baggage and heavy guns, together with their female relatives, in the fort of Jhansi, by the side of the river Chambal; and then proceed to wage a predatory and desultory style of warfare against the enemy, as is the usual practice of the Mahratta troops; for under these circumstances their own territory would be behind their backs, and a constant supply of provisions would not fail to reach their camp in safety. Bhao and the other leaders, after hearing Suraj Mal's observations, approved of his decision; but Biswas Rao, who was an inexperienced youth, intoxicated with the wine of arrogance, would not follow his advice. Bhao accordingly carried on operations in conformity with Biswas Rao's directions, and set out from Akbarabad towards Dehli with the force that he had at his disposal. On Tuesday, the 9th of Zi-l hijja, 1173 A.H. (23 Sept.

11.4

1760 A.D.), about the time of rising of the world-illumining sun, he enjoyed the felicity of beholding the fort of Dehli. The command of the garrison there was at that time entrusted to Ya'kub 'Ali Khan Bahmanzai, brother to Shah Wali Khan, the prime minister of the Durrani Shah; who, in spite of the multitude of his enemies, would not succumb, and spared no exertions to protect the fort with the few martial spirits that he had with him.

Capture of the fort of Dehli.

12.1

Bhao, conjecturing that the fort of Dehli would be devoid of the protection of any garrison, and would therefore, immediately on being besieged, fall under his subjection, went and took up a position near Sa'du-llah Khan's mansion, with a multitude of troops. * * Ibrahim Khan Gardi, who was a confederate of Bhao, and had the superintendence of the European artillery, planted his thundering cannon, with their skilful gunners. opposite the fort on the side of the sandy plain, and having made the battlements of the Octagon Tower and the Asad Burj a mark for his lightning-darting guns, overturned many of the royal edifices. Every day the tumultuous noise of attack on all sides of the fort filled the minds of the garrison with alarm and apprehension. The overflowing of the Jumna presented an insurmountable obstacle to the crossing of the Durrani Shah's army, and hindered it from affording any succour to the besieged. The provisions in the fort were very nearly expended, and Ya'kub 'Ali Khan was forced to enter into negociations for peace. He first removed, with his female relatives and property, from the fort to the domicile of 'Ali Mardan Khan, and then, having crossed the river Jumna from thence on board a boat, betook himself to the Shah's camp. On the 19th of the aforesaid month and year, Bhao entered the fort along with Biswas Rao, and took possession of all the property and goods that he could find in the old repositories of the royal family.

12.2

He also broke in pieces the silver ceiling of the Diwan-i Khass, from which he extracted so much of the precious metal as to be able to coin seventeen lacs of rupees out of it. Narad Shankar Brahmin was then appointed by Bhao to the post of governor of the fort.

12.3

The Durrani Shah, after his engagement with Datta, which terminated in the destruction of the latter, had despatched Najibu-d daula to the province of Oudh with a conciliatory epistle, which was as it were a treaty of friendship, for the purpose of fetching Nawab Shuja'u-d daula Bahadur. Najibu-d daula accordingly betook himself by way of Etawa to Kanauj; and about the same time Nawab Shuja'u-d daula marched from Lucknow, and made the ferry of Mahdipur, which is one of the places in Etawa situated on this side the river Ganges, the site of his camp. An interview took place in that locality, and as soon as the friendly document had been perused, and the Nawab's heart had been comforted by its sincere promises, he came to the fixed determination of waiting on the Shah, and he sent back Raja Beni Bahadur, who at that time possessed greater power and influence than his other followers, to rule as viceroy over the kingdom during his absence. When Nawab Shuja'u-d daula approached the Shah's army, the prime minister, Shah Wali Khan, hastened out to meet him, and, having brought him along with him in the most courteous and respectful manner, afforded him the gratification, on the 4th of Zi-l hijja, 1173 A.H. (18th July, 1760 A.D.), of paying his respects to the Shah, and of folding the son of the latter, Timur Shah, in his embrace.

12.4

Bhao remained some time in the fort of Shah-Jahanabad, in consequence of the rainy season, which prevented the horses from stirring a foot, and deprived the cavalry of the power of fighting; he sent a person named Bhawani Shankar Pandit to Nawab Shuja'u-d daula, with the following message: "If it is inconvenient for you to contract an alliance with your friends, you should at least keep aloof from the enemy, and remain perfectly neutral to both parties." The above-named Pandit, having crossed the river Jumna, went to Nawab Shuja'u-d daula Bahadur, and delivered this message. The latter, after ascertaining its drift, despatched his eunuch Yakut Khan, who was one of the oldest and most confidential servants of his government, in company with Bhawani Shankar Pandit, and returned an answer of this description: "As the Rajas of this empire and the Rohilla chiefs were reduced to the last extremity by the violent aggressions of Raghunath Rao, Datta, Holkar, and their subordinates, they solicited the Abdali Shah to come to Hindustan, with the view of saving themselves from ruin. 'The seed that they sowed has now begun to bear fruit.' Nevertheless, if peace be agreeable to you, from true regard for our ancient friendship, my best endeavours shall be used towards concluding one." Eventually, Bhao proposed that as far as Sirhind should be under the Shah's dominion, and all on this side of it should belong to him;

12.5

but the whole rainy season was spent in negociation, and no peace was established. In the interim, Raja Suraj Mal Jat, who discerned the speedy downfall of the Mahratta power, having moved with his troops, in company with 'Imadu-l Mulk, the wazir, from his position at Sarai Badarpur, which is situated at a distance of six kos from Dehli on the eastern side, and traversed fifty kos in one night, without informing Bhao betook himself to Balamgarh, which is one of his forts. As the Mahratta troops made repeated complaints to Bhao regarding the scarcity of grain and forage, the latter, on the 29th of the month of Safar, 1174 a.h. (9th October, 1760 A.D.), removed Shah Jahan, son of Muhi'u-s Sunnat, son of Kam Bakhsh, son of Aurangzeb 'Alamgir, and having seated the illustrious Prince, Mirza Jawan Bakht, the grandson of 'Alamgir II., on the throne of Dehli, publicly conferred the dignity of wazir on Shuja'u-d daula. His object was this, that the Durrani Shah might become averse to and suspicious of the Nawab in question. Leaving Narad Shankar Brahmin, of whom mention has been made above, behind in the fort of Shah-Jahanabad, he himself set out, with all his partisans and retainers, in the direction of Kunjpura. This place is fifty-four kos to the west of Dehli, and seven to the north of the pargana of Karnal, and it is a district the original cultivators of which were the Rohillas.

13

Bhao, on the 10th of Rabi'u-l awwal, 1174 a.h. (19th October, 1760), encompassed the fort of Kunjpura with his troops, and subdued it in the twinkling of an eye by the fire of his thundering cannon. Several chiefs were in the fort, one of whom was 'Abdu-s Samad Khan Abdali, governor of Sirhind, who had been taken prisoner by Raghunath Rao in 1170 A.H. (1756-7), but had ultimately obtained his release, as was related in the narrative of Adina Beg Khan's proceedings. There were, besides, Kutb Khan Rohilla, Dalil Khan, and Nijabat Khan, all zamindars of places in Antarbed, who had been guilty of conveying supplies to the Abdali Shah's camp. After reducing the fort, Bhao made 'Abdu-s Samad Khan and Kutb Khan undergo capital punishment, and kept the rest in confinement; whilst he allowed Kunjpura itself to be sacked by his predatory hordes.
As soon as this intelligence reached the Shah's ear, the sea of his wrath was deeply agitated; and notwithstanding that the stream of the Jumna had not yet subsided sufficiently to admit of its being forded, a royal edict was promulgated, directing his troops to pay no regard to the current, but cross at once from one bank to the other. As there was no help but to comply with this mandate, on the 16th of the month of Rabi'u-l awwal, 1174 A.H. (25th October, 1760 A.D.), near Shah-Jahanabad, on the road to Pakpat, which is situated fifteen kos to the north of Dehli, they resigned themselves to fate, and succeeded in crossing. A number were swallowed up by the waves, and a small portion of the baggage and quadrupeds belonging to the army was lost in the passage. As soon as the intelligence reached Bhao's ear, that a party of Durranis had crossed, * * he sounded the drum of retreat from Kunjpura, and with his force of 40,000 well-mounted and veteran cavalry, and a powerful train of European artillery, under the superintendence of Ibrahim Khan Gardi, he repaired expeditiously to Panipat, which lies forty kos from Dehli towards the west.

14

The Abdali Shah, after crossing the river Jumna at the ghat of Pakpat, proceeded in a westerly direction, and commanded that Nawab Shuja'u-d daula Bahadur and Najibu-d daula should pitch their tents on the left of the royal army, and Dundi Khan, Hafizu-l Mulk Hafiz Rahmat Khan, and Ahmad Khan Bangash on the right. As Bhao perceived that it was difficult to contend against the Durranis in the open field, by the advice of his counsellors he made a permanent encampment of his troops in the outskirts of the city of Panipat, and having intrenched it all round with his artillery, took up his quarters in this formidable position. * *
In the interim Gobind Pandit, who was the tahsildar of the district of Shukohabad, etc., betook himself to Dehli at Bhao's suggestion, with a body of 10,000 cavalry, and intercepted the transport of supplies to the Durrani Shah's army. * *
When the basis of the enemy's power had been overthrown (at Panipat), and the surface of the plain had been relieved of the insolent foe, the triumphant champions of the victorious army proceeded eagerly to pillage the Mahratta camp, and succeeded in gaining possession of an unlimited quantity of silver and jewels, 500 enormous elephants, 50,000 horses, 1000 camels, and two lacs of bullocks, with a vast amount of goods and chattels, and a countless assortment of camp equipage. Nearly 30,000 labourers too, who drew their origin from the Dakhin, fell into captivity. Towards evening the Abdali Shah went out to look at the bodies of the slain, and found great heaps of corpses, and running streams produced by the flood of gore. * * Thirty-two mounds of slain were counted, and the ditch, protected by artillery, of such immense length that it could contain several lacs of human beings, besides cattle and baggage, was completely filled with dead bodies.

15

Rao Kashi Nath, on seeing Jankuji, who was a youth of twenty, with a handsome countenance, and at that time had his wounded hand hanging in a sling from his neck, became deeply grieved, and the tears started from his eyes. * * Jankuji raised his head and exclaimed : "It is better to die with one's friends than to live among one's enemies."
The Nawab, in unison with Shah Wali Khan, solicited the Shah to spare Jankuji's life; whereupon, the Shah summoned Barkhurdar Khan, and consulted him on the propriety of the step, to which the Khan in question returned a decided negative. At the same time, one of the Durranis, at Barkhurdar Khan's suggestion, went and cut Jankuji's throat, and buried him underground inside the very tent in which he was imprisoned.

16

Shuja'u Kuli Khan, a powerful and influential servant of the Nawab Shuja'u-d daula Bahadur, having captured Ibrahim Khan Gardi on the field of battle, kept him with the said Nawab's cognizance in his own tent. No sooner did this intelligence become public, than the Durranis began in a body to raise a violent tumult, and clamorously congregating round the door of the Shah's tent, declared that Ibrahim Gardi's neck was answerable for the loss of so many thousands of their fellow-countrymen, and that whoever sought to protect him would incur the penalty of their resentment. Nawab Shuja'u-d daula, feeling that one seeking refuge cannot be slain, prepared for a contest with the Durrani forces, whereupon there ensued a frightful disturbance. At length, Shah Wali Khan took Nawab Shuja'u-d daula aside privately, and addressing him in a friendly and affectionate tone, proposed, that he should deliver up Ibrahim Khan Gardi to him, for the sake of appeasing the wrath of the Durranis; and after a week, when their evil passions had been allayed, he would restore to him the individual entrusted to his care. In short, Ashrafu-l Wuzra (Shah Wali Khan), having obtained him from the Nawab, applied a poisonous plaister to his wounds; so that, by the expiration of a week, his career was brought to a close.

17

The termination of Bhaoji's career has been differently related. Nawab Shuja'u-d daula, having mounted after the victory, took Shisha Dhar Pandit, Ganesh Pandit, and other associates of Bhaoji along with him, and began wandering over the field of battle, searching for the corpses of the Mahratta chiefs, and more especially for Bhao's dead body. They accordingly recognized the persons of Jaswant Rao Balwar, Pilaji, and Sabhaji Nath who had received forty sword-cuts, lying on the scene of action; and, in like manner, those of other famous characters also came in view. Bhao's corpse had not been found, when from beneath a dead body three valuable gems unexpectedly shone forth. The Nawab presented those pearls to the Pandits mentioned above, and directed them to try and recognize that lifeless form. They succeeded in doing so through the scar of a gunshot wound in the foot, and another on the side behind the back, which Bhao had received in former days. With their eyes bathed in tears they exclaimed: "This is Bhao, the ruler of the Dakhin." Some entertain an opinion, that Bhao, after Biswas Rao's death, performed prodigies of valour, and then disappeared from sight, and no one ever saw him afterwards. Two individuals consequently, both natives of the Dakhin, have publicly assumed the name of Bhao, and dragged a number of people into their deceitful snare. As a falsehood cannot bear the light, one was eventually put to death somewhere in the Dakhin by order of the chiefs in that quarter; and the other, having excited an insurrection at Benares, was confined for some time in the fort of Chunar. After his release, despairing of the success of his project, he died in the suburbs of Gorakhpur in the year 1193 A.H.
Nawab Shuja'u-d daula Bahadur, having obtained permission of the Shah to burn the bodies [of the Bhao and other chiefs], deputed Raja Himmat Bahadur and Rao Kashi Nath, his principal attendants, to perform the task of cremation. Out of all those hapless and unfortunate beings [who survived the battle], a number maintained a precarious existence against the violent assaults of death for some days; but notwithstanding that they used the most strenuous exertions to effect their escape in divers directions from Panipat, not a single one was saved from being slain and plundered by the zamindars of that quarter. Out of the whole of the celebrated chiefs too, with the exception of Malhar Rao Holkar, Appaji Gaikawar and Bithal Sudeo, not another was ever able to reach the Dakhin.

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