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Akbar-náma, of Shaikh Illahdád Faizí Sirhindí (Elliot & Dowson, extracts)

Translation of The Book of Akbar (Shaykh Ilāhdād Faiḍī Sirhindī) (Akbarnāma)

Language
English
Date
1875 CE
Translators
Henry Miers Elliot, John Dowson
Extent
52 passages, 10,408 words
Text
complete digital text
Source
archive.org · The History of India, as told by its own Historians. The Muhammadan Period. The posthumous papers of Sir H.… · Public domain (published before 1930)

Contents

Text

1.1

An Account of the manner in which the Khwaja Abdu-l Majid Asaf Khan conquered the country of Panna and Garha-katanka, by the eternal good fortune of His Majesty. It is not unknown to those who are acquainted with the events of this period, that Khwaja ’Abdu-l Majid Harawi was originally a scribe, who had, during the reign of the late blessed monarch, been constantly employed in transacting the affairs of the household. During His Majesty’s fortunate reign, he had also held similar offices of trust. Step by step he obtained promotion, and received the title of Asaf Khan. A jagir was given him in the sarkar of Garha-katanka, which is a very spacious country. Katanka is a separate village near Garha. In the year 970, and the eighth year of the reign, his experience induced him to desire to gain possession of the land of Panna, which adjoined his own possessions. He sent an urgent message to Raja Ram Chand, whose ancestors had always ruled that country, and with whom Ghazi Khan Tatar had taken refuge after his flight from the Court of the Asylum of the Universe. He counselled him strongly for his own welfare to become a subject of His Majesty, and pay him tribute. He also recommended him to send Ghazi Khan, who had been a rebel, and received shelter from him, to the Protector of the World.

1.2

Ram Chand’s ill-fortune and pride prevented him from being moved by these representations, and he made preparations for war. Asaf Khan, being free from apprehension, and trusting in the eternal success of His Majesty’s arms, brought an army against him. Raja Ram Chand, aided by Ghazi Khan Tatar, and a vast multitude, like locusts and ants, also drew up in battle array. Both parties did their best, and fought valiantly; but, at last, Ram Chand was routed, and Ghazi Khan and many others were put to the sword. Raja Ram Chand fled thence to the castle of Mandhun, which is noted for being one of the strongest fortified places in Hindustan. Much plunder fell into the hands of the victorious troops. Shortly afterwards Raja Ram Chand, repenting of what he had done, by the assistance of several of the chief Rajas who were faithful subjects of the King, was admitted into the train of the submissive and obedient. A royal farman was despatched to the effect, that as Raja Ram Chand had taken the best course for his own good, and submitted himself, his country was not to be invaded. On the receipt of this order, Asaf Khan returned to his own jagir, and took measures for the reduction of Garha, which was near his own territory. The chief place of that country is Chauragarh. The land contains 70,000 inhabited villages. It is bounded on one side by Malwa and the Dakhin, on another by Garha.

1.3

It is a separate principality, governed by a Rani named Durgavati, who was remarkable for her beauty and loveliness. Asaf Khan, whose possessions her country bordered on, and whose people were constantly going to and fro, managed to make himself well acquainted with its general condition, and the state of its revenues. He began to ravage and plunder the villages in its districts, waiting for an opportunity of taking more extreme measures. At last, in the year 971, in the ninth year of the reign, he valiantly set out with 10,000 horse and foot, purposing to take possession of the country. His valour made him look on this as a matter of easy accomplishment. The Rani, owing to her pride and confidence in her own skill and courage, attended to her own affairs, and utterly disregarded the fact that she had a neighbour whose valour had been proved on several occasions, particularly in the case of Baz Bahadur, who had attacked him with the Afghans of the tribe of Miyanah, and whom he had vanquished. She had always kept up a force of 20,000 horsemen, but she was suddenly told that the valiant troops of His Majesty had arrived at Damuda, one of her chief towns, at a time when her troops were dispersed. She had only 500 men with her. Adhar, who was entrusted with the management of the whole business of that country, informed her how affairs stood. The Rani said, “This is through your stupidity.

1.4

I have long ruled this country, and never acted in such a manner as to bring disgrace on myself. Now, from what you tell me, if the King were here in person, I would present myself before him; but now there is no remedy but war!” The Rani made four marches from that place, and found herself face to face with the Imperial army. Asaf Khan had gone as far as Damuda with great speed, but he delayed there. The Rani thus had time to collect some 4000 men, and her courtiers recommended her to give battle, advising her, however, to post herself in some strong position until the arrival of more troops. The Rani agreed to this counsel, and retreated into the jungles and strong places, so that Asaf Khan became ignorant of her whereabouts. Asaf Khan turned back from that place, and on reaching Garha, he took possession of its villages and territories. In the mean time, 5000 men had been collected. When Asaf Khan was informed of the Rani’s movements, he left a force in Garha, and proceeded in person against her. The Rani was informed of this, and said to her people, “How long shall we take refuge among the trees and jungles?” She then made up her mind to fight, and mounting her elephant, she went amidst her troops, endeavouring by suitable exhortations to encourage and prepare them for war. When both armies met, a desperate battle began. Three hundred Mughals obtained martyrdom, and the Rani pursued the fugitives.

1.5

At the close of day, the Rani consulted with her chiefs as to what was best to be done, and every one said something. The Rani was of opinion that she had better return to her camp, and thence make a night attack, or else remain where they were until daybreak and then renew the battle, because, in the event of her not doing something, Asaf Khan would seize the hill in the morning, and post his artillery on it. Having determined on a night attack, she returned to her camp, but no one agreed with her on this matter, or showed any resolution. At daybreak, what she had predicted, happened, Asaf Khan possessed himself of the summit of the hill, and having fortified it, he took post there with his army. The Rani again, intent on fighting, drew up her soldiers and mounted her best elephant. She caused Adhar, who has been mentioned before, to ride before her on her elephant. Such a conflict took place, that, throwing away guns and arrows, the combatants seized each other's collars, and fought hand to hand. Raja Birsah, the heir-apparent, behaved with the utmost valour. The conflict lasted until the third watch of the day, and the Raja repulsed the royal troops three times, but at last he was wounded. When the Rani learnt what had happened to her son, she directed her confidential servants to convey him in the best way they could from the field of battle to a place of safety, which they did.

1.6

Whilst this was going on, so large a body of men went away from the Rani, that not more than 300 remained with her. Notwithstanding this, she firmly maintained her ground, and encouraged her men to fight. Suddenly fate directed an arrow, which struck her on the temple. This she courageously drew out herself, but its barb remained in the wound. This arrow was followed by another, which wounded her in the neck, which she extracted in the same way, but fainted from excess of pain. When she came round, she said to Adhar, who was in front of her, “I have always placed trust and confidence in you against a day like this; so that, in the event of my meeting with defeat, you might not suffer me to fall into the hands of the enemy.” Adhar had not the power to do what she required, so she drew out her dagger, and died a manly death. Very many of her confidential adherents loyally gave up their lives. By the favour of the Almighty, and the fortune of the King of Kings, a victory, the splendour of which exceeded all other victories, was obtained. A thousand elephants, and countless booty, fell into the hands of the victorious troops, and an extensive territory was added to His Majesty’s dominions.

1.7

Asaf Khan, after the lapse of two months, proceeded towards Chauragarh. The Rani’s son, who had gone thither from the field of battle, came out to oppose him; but after a short struggle, the army of the King gained possession of the fort. In it were found a great amount of gold, priceless jewels, gold and silver plate, and images of their divinities, together with other valuables and property, which had been collected there by the Rajas during many centuries, as is the custom of those people. All these fell into the hands of Asaf Khan; a hundred and one cooking pots, full of large and valuable gold coins, came into his possession. The performance of this notable action caused his pomp and dignity greatly to increase, and men placed great trust in him. Nevertheless, this faithless man only sent 200 out of the 1000 elephants which he had captured as a pesh-kash to Court, and withheld the jewels and valuables altogether. His Majesty’s magnanimity overlooked this, and he took no notice of the circumstance. Asaf Khan remained established in the government of Garha and Karra, until His Majesty proceeded to Jaunpur for the purpose of chastising Khan-zaman.

1.8

A most remarkable event occurred at Chauragarh. When Raja Birsah, the Rani’s son, was shut up there, a certain number of men were appointed, in the event of a defeat, for the purpose of performing the Jauhar, an ancient custom of the Rajas of Hind. On occasions like this, they shut their women up in the house, and after heaping up straw, wood, cotton, and ghee around it, they set fire to the pile and burn them. This they look upon as a means of saving their honour. When the fort was nearly reduced, they did this, and all the beautiful women were reduced to ashes. After the capture of the place, when the flames had ceased on the second day, they examined the place, and discovered two females underneath a large block of wood. One of them was the Rani’s sister, the other the Raja’s wife, with whom he had not yet cohabited. They were taken out unhurt, and sent to the royal harem.

The Mirzas

2.1

(See Vol. V. pp. 189, 315, 325, 330.) [The Mirzas were the sons of Muhammad Sultan Mirza. He was the son of Rashid Sultan Wais Mirza, son of Babakra, son of Mansur, son of Babakra, son of ’Umr Shaikh, son of Sahib Kiran Amir Timur. The mother of Sultan Mirza was a daughter of Sultan Husain Mirza, ruler of Khurasan. This Sultan (Husain) Mirza brought up his grandson, Muhammad Sultan Mirza, under his own protection. When Sultan Mirza died, dissensions arose in his country, and Muhammad Sultan Mirza went and presented himself to the Emperor Babar, who treated him with great kindness. After the death of Babar, the Emperor Humayun kept up during his reign the same favour and patronage. Muhammad Sultan Mirza had two sons. One, Ulugh Mirza, met his death in a fight with the Hazaras. The other was named Shah Mirza. Ulugh Mirza left two sons, Sikandar Mirza and Muhammad Sultan Mirza. Upon the death of Ulugh Mirza, the Emperor Humayun charged himself with the education of his sons, and by his favour Sikandar Mirza received the title of Ulugh Mirza, and Muhammad Sultan Mirza that of Shah Mirza. When the Emperor Akbar succeeded to the throne, Muhammad Sultan Mirza had grown up. The Emperor exempted him from military service, and assigned him the pargana of ’Azampur, in the sarkar of Sambal, for a maintenance. He had several sons. First, Ibrahim Husain Mirza; second, Muhammad Husain Mirza; third, Mas’ud Husain Mirza; fourth, ’Akil Husain Mirza.

2.2

The Emperor conferred upon each of these a suitable jagir, and raised them to the rank of nobility. They attended in the train of His Majesty, and performed the duties of service. When the Emperor returned from his campaign against Jaunpur, they were at their jagirs in Sambal. At the time of the Emperor’s march to Lahore against Mirza Hakim, the brothers Ulugh Mirza and Shah Mirza combined with their uncles (nephews?) Ibrahim Husain Mirza and Muhammad Husain Mirza, and breaking out into rebellion, ravaged several parganas. This was an old failing in the family. Ulugh Mirza and Shah Mirza, sons of Muhammad Sultan Mirza, rose in rebellion during the reign of Humayun, and did great damage. But on each occasion their offences were overlooked.

2.3

When these graceless men attacked the parganas, the jagirdars of those parts resisted them, and the Mirzas, being unable to withstand the force brought against them, made off to join Khan-zaman and Sikandar Khan. There also their intractable tempers stood in the way of anything like union, so they turned back, with the intention of making an inroad into the Doab, and went as far as the pargana of Nim-kahar. Here Yar Shahi, the sister’s son of Haji Khan jagirdar of that district, gave them battle; but although he made a good fight, he was defeated, and great booty fell into the hands of the Mirzas. They continued their course, plundering as far as Dehli. Tatar Khan, the governor of Dehli, put the fort in a state of defence, and Mun’im Khan moved up from Agra to oppose them. Unable to resist the forces brought against them, they hastened off to Malwa, which was in a defenceless state. At the town of Sonpat, they fell in with Mir Mu’izzu-l Mulk, who was proceeding to the Panjab, and plundered his baggage. They then proceeded to Malwa, and took possession of that country. Kadam Khan, brother of Maghrib Khan Dakhini, was in Hindia, and Muhammad Husain Mirza laid siege to the place. After a time, he killed Kadam Khan, and got possession of Hindia. When intelligence of these doings reached the Emperor at Lahore, he gave orders for arresting Muhammad Sultan Mirza at ’Azampur, and for keeping him a prisoner in the fort of Bayana.

2.4

In this same year, 947 H., the Emperor having proved victorious over ’Ali Kuli Khan-zaman and Bahadur Khan, returned to Agra, and his victorious army had hardly taken breath, when the news came of the descent of the Mirzas upon Malwa. The Emperor immediately went off thither. When he reached Gagrun, he did not deem it necessary to prosecute a design which might as well be carried out by his officers; so he appointed Shahabu-d din Ahmad Khan, Shah Bidagh Khan, and some others, to act in the province of Mandu. As these nobles came near to Ujjain, they learned that the Mirzas, having heard of the approach of the Emperor, had met together and gone off to Changiz Khan, the ruler of Gujarat. So these commanders, by the grace of God, and the good fortune of the Emperor, obtained possession of the province without opposition or fighting. In the year 975, when the Emperor had sent his forces to besiege the fort of Rantambhor, he received intelligence that the Mirzas had fled from Changiz Khan, and having come back into Malwa, had laid siege to Ujjain. So he sent against them Kalij Khan and some other amirs who had been named for service at Rantambhor. When these amirs approached Sironj, they were joined by Shahabu-d din Ahmad Khan, the governor of that sarkar, and Shah Bidagh Khan, governor of Sarangpur. The Mirzas hearing of this imposing force, raised the siege of Ujjain, and turned towards Mandu. The garrison being thus relieved, came out.

2.5

and having joined the army, the united forces went in pursuit of the rebels. They fled from Mandu to the Nerbadda, and lost many men in making the passage of that river. Just about this time, Jhajar Khan Habshi assassinated Changiz Khan, the ruler of Gujarat, in the tirpauliya. When the Mirzas were informed of this event, they thought the disturbances in Gujarat opened a favourable field for them, so they proceeded thither, and the Imperial amirs returned to their jagirs or to Court, according to orders. The Mirzas, having obtained possession of Champanir, marched against Broach, and laid siege to the fortress. After a time, they killed by treachery Rumi Khan, who held the fort, and each of them brought a portion of the territories of Gujarat into his possession. Ibrahim Husain held Baroda and the surrounding territories. Muhammad Husain got Surat and its dependencies, and Shah Mirza held Champanir, with its dependent districts.]

Campaign in the Siwalik.

3.1

[Armaments had been several times sent under different amirs of distinction to effect the subjugation of Jammu, Ramgarh, and other places; but this difficult enterprise had never been satisfactorily accomplished. So, on the 10th Muharram, 1003, the Emperor sent Shaikh Farid Bakhshiu-l Mulk, with several other amirs and a considerable force, to effect the conquest. He had great confidence in the ability and resolution of the Bakhshi. The force marched to the Siwalik hills, and the Bakhshi resolved to begin by attacking Jammu, one of the strongest forts in that country, which had once been reduced after considerable resistance by Salim Khan Sur. The Raja made signs of resistance, and it was resolved to attack him before the army proceeded to occupy the territories of the rebels in other directions. Husain Beg and some other officers were accordingly sent against him. When the Raja and the zamindars heard of the approach of the Imperial forces, they were greatly alarmed, and surrendered the fort of Jammu. After placing a garrison in the place, the Bakhshi marched against the fort of Ramgarh, which he took by assault, and placed in the custody of the men of Nawab Zain Khan Koka. Husain Beg now returned and joined the main force. Another force was now sent under Payinda Kakshal, to receive the submission of such Rajas and zamindars as were willing to pay their allegiance, and to coerce those who resisted.

3.2

The army then proceeded towards Jasruna and Lakhanpur, and the Rajas and zamindars, who had long been independent, submitted and paid their revenue. On reaching Samba, Bhabu, the Raja of Jasruna, and Balidar, the zamindar of Lakhanpur, came in. This Bhabu had been the leader of the rebels, and the great promoter of the strife. * * Next day Suraj Singh, son of Basu, the Raja of Mu, came in, and made his allegiance, and he was placed in charge of Husain Beg Shaikh ’Umari, until it should be determined by the Emperor how the parganas of Samba and Jasruna should be disposed of. Two kos from Samba a fort was built. Muhammad Khan Turkoman was sent forward to take charge of Lakhanpur.

3.3

The army next proceeded to the village of Aliya, where Bhabu was, and there encamped. This is a strong place, surrounded on all sides by jungle so dense, that it was difficult to pass through it. Hither the rebels and fugitives fled and hid, deeming themselves safe from all pursuit. Shaikh Farid stayed for some days at that village, and gave orders for clearing away the jungle by the axe and by fire. The soldiers were engaged in the work for several days; but were unable to clear away more than a road of twenty or thirty gaz wide. Several of the old trees which were fit for building purposes were cut down and sent to Lahore for use in the government buildings. Bhabu, before mentioned, had been the chief and most active of the rebels, and he had done an immense deal of harm. A royal order had been given, that no effort should be spared to capture him. Now that he was in the hands of the army, it was determined to send him to the Emperor in charge of ’Alí Muhammad.

3.4

When the army reached Jasrúna, the native place of Bhabú, his sons and brethren and friends gathered together, and took up a strong position at a small castle on a hill. This hill was covered with jungle from top to bottom, with only one narrow way, along which one or two horsemen might pass. On each side of this road there was a wall, with loopholes through which muskets might be fired, and arrows shot, upon strangers and foes, to prevent their approach. At the bottom of the hill, on the level ground, there was a cultivated tract, in which there was a fort, with moats. Shaikh Faríd, when he perceived these hostile preparations, determined to capture the place, and punish the rebels. He first sent forward Husain Beg to attack the lower fort. By great exertion the moat was filled, the gates burst open, and the fort was taken. Several of the assailants were killed by wounds from gun-shots and arrows. Then the troops entered the jungle to attack the upper fort. The enemy hotly disputed the passage through the jungle with their muskets and bows. But the valiant soldiers returned the fire, and pressed on till they reached the gate of the fort. Then they set fire to the place, and the rebels fled for refuge into the jungle. All the buildings and crops were burnt.

3.5

Husain Beg halted here, and sent intelligence of his success to Shaikh Faríd. An answer was returned, directing him to fortify the place and stay there the night, or to leave a detachment, and himself rejoin the main force. It was late in the day, the army was two kos distant, the way through the jungle was narrow and difficult, and the returning force might be attacked at great disadvantage; so Husain Beg resolved to rest for the night, and to make his way back in the morning. All night long the enemy harassed them from all parts of the jungle with arrows; but according to the plan agreed upon, each man sat behind his breastwork (morchal) with his shield over his head, never moving or making a noise. The night was thus passed mid a constant rain of arrows; but in the morning the forces made their way through the jungle, and effected their junction safely. Husain Beg obtained great praise for his gallantry, and rewards in in'ams, money, and robes were bestowed upon the officers and soldiers. Having left Husain Beg there with a garrison, the army proceeded towards Lakhanpur. The Raja came out to meet it. The pargana was given to Muhammad Khan Turkoman, and a sufficient garrison was placed in the fort. Then the army crossed the Ravi by a ford, and proceeded to the pargana of Pathan; next day it marched to Mu, a pargana under the authority of Basu. At this time Basu was at Court, but his son had at the first come forward and accompanied the army.

3.6

He was now told that he ought to seize the opportunity for sending a suitable offering in acknowledgment of the country having been graciously confirmed to him. The son of Basu sent two vakils to invite the Bakhshi to his home, a fort on the top of a hill, to receive the tribute. So the chief men of the army proceeded with an escort to Mu, which is a very strong fort. Excepting some cultivated land immediately joining the fort, the whole hill is covered with impenetrable jungle. The road through is very narrow, and in places strong gates are erected across it. At the foot of the hill there is also cultivated land, and around it there are stone walls and deep ditches. The country round is exceedingly pleasant, the gardens are full of fruit trees, and there are plenty of running streams. Basu’s residence was a fine extensive building. The place was visited and examined, and after Basu’s vakils had discharged the duties of hospitality, the tribute was brought forth, consisting of valuable horses and fine cloths. The other territories of the neighbourhood, which had been held by rebellious Rajas and zamindars, were granted to jagirdars as tankhwah.

3.7

The army then proceeded to Gwalior, which is also a strong fort belonging to a different Raja, who came out to meet the army and show his loyalty. The Rani of Nagarkot, whose son was at the Imperial Court, sent her vakil to pay her respects. On every side the rebels were compelled to submit, and show their obedience. All the country which had been in the hands of the rebels between Jammu and Nagarkot was reduced, and the Rajas and zamindars made their submission, or received merited punishment. In fact, the country was subjugated in a manner which it had never been before. The affairs of the clan (jama'at) of the Jasuwalas, who are zamindars with a (common) army, now had to be settled. But when they heard of the approach of the royal army, and of the reduction of the territories of the zamindars, all hope of successful resistance was beaten out of them, and they made humble submission.

3.8

Intelligence now arrived that Kazi Hasan had been appointed to relieve Shaikh Farid. The reason of this was, that the Emperor greatly valued the services of the Shaikh, and when he learned that the country had been reduced, and there remained but little to require his presence there, he appointed Kazi Hasan, who had formerly seen service and gained experience in the hills under the son of Kalij Khan, to go and relieve the Shaikh, and to finish what yet remained to be done in concert with the other nobles in the army. Shaikh Farid Bakhshi was to return to Court. When the Kazi arrived, the Bakhshi represented that there still remained some work to be done, and it seemed advisable for him to remain a few days and accomplish his work, after which he would proceed to Court. It might be that things which were easy for him might become difficult after his departure. But the Kazi did not assent to this, and urged immediate submission to the royal command. So, at the beginning of the month of De, the Bakhshi started, and travelling express by way of Desoha and Batala, he reached Lahore in three days, and having paid his respects to the Emperor, received great honours. About this time Khwaja Nizamu-d din Ahmad Bakhshi, the author of the Tabakat-i Akbar-shahi, died, being nearly forty-eight years of age, on the 22nd Safar, 1003 H., and the thirty-ninth year of the reign.

3.9

On the 22nd Rabi’u-l akhir, Nawab-i ’Azam Khan returned from Mecca, and was graciously received by His Majesty. His son, Mirza ’Abdu-lla, was with him, and he also received many marks of the royal favour. * * On the 27th of the month Koka died at Lahore. On the 3rd Rabi’u-s sani Asaf Khan, who had been sent to Kashmir, having performed his mission, returned to Court. He accomplished the journey from Kashmir in three days. At the end of Jumada-s sani, despatches arrived announcing the taking of the fort of Siwi after an arduous siege. Many of the defenders were slain, and great spoil was secured. Mir Ma’sum Bhakkari, one of the bravest men in the army, had taken a distinguished part in the siege, and was richly rewarded.

4

The thirty-ninth year began on the 9th Rajab, and was celebrated as usual. * *
At this time Muzaffar Husain, ruler of Kandahar, who had submitted to the authority of the Imperial throne, wrote to say that he would surrender Kandahar to any one whom the Emperor might appoint. Shah Beg Khan Kabuli had been ordered to proceed thither. He had not yet reached the place; but in the month of Sha’ban intelligence was brought of his arrival there, and of Muzaffar Husain having delivered the place into his hands. Muzaffar then repaired with all his family and followers to the Imperial Court, having received as a present from Shah Beg 20,000 rupees in cash, 600 camels, several elephants, and a great supply of different kinds of tents. When he was at four kos distance from Lahore, the Emperor sent Bakhshi Shaikh Farid to meet him, and in the month of Zi-l hijja * * he received him, and appointed a suitable place for his abode. (Banquets given and offerings made at the Nau-roz.)
In the month of Safar the Emperor went to pay a visit to Shaikh Faizi, who was on his death-bed. Soon after he got back to the palace word was brought that the Shaikh was dead. Shaikh Faizi was a man of great talents, and fond of the society of the learned. In his early days he and the author of this work had some connexion through using the same takhallus for their writings. * * *
On the 15th Zi-l ka'da the King went out on a stag hunt. A stag made a rush upon him, and wounded him in the thigh with his horns. There was no one close by to save him, so he was knocked down. Men then came and caught the stag. The Emperor had received a severe wound. It was closed up by the surgeons; but after a few days it swelled and gave him such great pain that he was obliged to keep to his couch for several days: in the end it came all well, and his recovery was celebrated with great rejoicings. * * *

5

(Supra, p. 95.)
There are three distinct States in the Dakhin. The Nizamu-l Mulkiya, 'Adil Khaniya, and Kutbu-l Mulkiya. The settled rule among them was, that if a foreign army entered their country, they united their forces and fought, notwithstanding the dissensions and quarrels they had among themselves. It was also the rule, that when their forces were united, Nizamu-l Mulk commanded the centre, 'Adil Khan the right, and Kutbu-l Mulk the left. This rule was now observed, and an immense force had been collected. Some severe fighting had gone on, and the enemy had lost nearly 1000 men, who fell fighting bravely. On the Imperial side, also, Raja 'Ali Khan, ruler of Asir and Burhanpur, who had accompanied the army, was slain. Ram Chandar Kachhwaha was wounded, and lay a whole night among the dead, and plunderers cut off his ears, for the sake of the pearls which he wore in them. In the first day’s action, fighting went on from mid-day to the third hour of evening, when the enemy fell back to his camp. In the evening and morning of the next day Khan-khanan put his army in motion against the enemy, and when he approached, the enemy came out boldly to meet him, and the battle began. A fierce elephant rushed from the enemy’s line, and charging upon the Imperial array, the elephants turned and fled before him. He then charged the line of soldiers; but they made a way for him to pass through. After he passed right through the line, Khan-khanan delivered his attack upon the enemy. In a short time he beat back a large body of them with considerable slaughter, made many prisoners, and gained a complete victory.
[_Great fire at the royal palace.—Account of the Emperor’s journey to Kashmir, with description of Srinagar and other places._]
On the 29th Rabru-s sani, 1006, Prince Rustam, son of Prince Shah Murad, died in the tenth year of his age. His mother was sister of Khan-i ’Azam.
On the 5th Rajab died ’Abdu-lla Khan Uzbek, ruler of the whole of Mawarau-n nahr, Turkistan, Badakhshan, a great part of Khurasan, Sistan, Ghor, Ghorjistan, etc. He was a bold courageous ruler, and no other descendant of Changiz Khan had such an extensive dominion. He reigned forty-two years. * *
On the 13th Sha’ban, the new year [43] of the Ilahi began.

6

At this time (Zi-l hijja, 1007), intelligence arrived of the death of Ma’sum Kabuli, and only a few days afterwards the death was reported of ’Isa Khan, a chief of Bengal, with whom he had taken refuge.

Conquest of the Dakhin.

7.1.1

The Emperor Akbar had subjected to his rule the whole wide expanse of Hindustan, with the exception of a portion of the Dakhin, the rulers of which had, nevertheless, sent in former years representatives and presents to the Imperial throne. But some of these rulers had since failed in duly discharging their obligations, and had thus wounded the pride of the Emperor. Prince Shah Murad, Khan-khanan, and other amirs had been sent to effect the conquest of the country. The Prince went to that country, and distinguished himself by his services. Other amirs were afterwards sent, who fought bravely, and subjugated a considerable portion of the country. The work of conquest was still progressing, when it entered the heart of Prince Salim that he would proceed thither to support the amirs, and to accomplish the reduction of the remainder of the country, so that diversities of religion might be swept away, and that the whole country might repose in peace under the Imperial rule. For five or six years the conquest had been retarded by the bickerings of the amirs, and so he resolved to proceed from Lahore to the Imperial presence at Agra, there to obtain information of the true state of affairs, because that place was nearer to the scene of action ; and after due consultation, to proceed thither in person should it seem necessary. When intelligence arrived of the death of Prince Shah Murad, Prince Daniyal was sent thither;

7.1.2

but the Emperor not feeling at ease upon the state of affairs in the Dakhin, resolved to proceed in that direction, by making a hunting excursion to Malwa. His intention was to send a strong reinforcement to Prince Daniyal, under Bahadur, son of Raja 'Ali of Khandesh, and to rest awhile in Malwa till events took a favourable turn. The Emperor accordingly left Agra, * * and on the 21st of the month, after showing great honour and favour to Khan-khanan, he sent him on in advance. * * On the 7th Rabi'u-s sani, the Emperor reached Dholpur. The river Chambal was crossed by fords, and His Majesty went over on an elephant. On the 17th he reached the fort of Gwalior. * * * On the 29th Jumada-s sani, he passed through Sironj, and on the 1st Rajab the royal camp was pitched between Kaliyada and Ujjain. This city Ujjain is one of the most ancient in Hindustan, and contains many relics of antiquity. Kaliyada is the name of one of the most delightful places in the world. * * Here the Emperor rested for awhile, expecting that Bahadur Khan, son of Raja ’Ali Khan of Khandesh, would come to wait upon him. Raja ’Ali of Khandesh had been slain fighting bravely under Khan-khanan against the Dakhinis, and it was expected that his son would now come forward to give his services to the Imperial army, in the hope of revenging his father’s fall, and of gaining the Imperial favour.

7.1.3

Even while the Emperor was encamped at Ujjain, some intimation was received about his intentions, and he now sent an envoy to the Emperor, charged with many excuses and foolish evasions. Hereupon His Majesty, in his great kindness, sent Miran Sadr-i Jahan to Khandesh, to ascertain the exact state of affairs, and to remove any doubts which might have crept into the mind of Bahadur Khan.

7.1.4

The ambassador proceeded to Khandesh, and ascertained that when Bahadur Khan succeeded Raja ’Ali Khan, he was a prisoner in the fort of Asir. For it was the established custom among the rulers of Khandesh, that the reigning potentate kept his sons, brothers, and other relations in confinement, to guard against attempts upon the throne; so these unhappy persons, with their wives and families, passed all their lives in confinement. Bahadur Khan had passed nearly thirty years in prison, and knew nothing whatever of the ways of the world, and the business of government. When he came out of prison, and the title of ruler devolved upon him, he plunged recklessly into dissipation. No trace of the tact and nobility which had distinguished Raja ’Ali Khan was to be found in him. Unmindful of his obligations and obedience to the Imperial throne, he showed no gratitude and sent no tribute; nor did his craven spirit entertain one thought of avenging his father. When this became known to the Emperor, he remembered the loyalty and devotion of the late Raja, and sent Miran Sadr-i Jahan to give good counsel to the young Prince.

7.1.5

Miran proceeded to Asir. Bahadur Khan received him at first with great respect and honour, and acknowledged the allegiance and duty he owed to the Emperor. The envoy on his side gave him good counsel and advice, and endeavoured to excite in him a spirit of loyalty. But fate was against the young ruler; he paid but little heed to good counsel, and persisted in his own perverse conduct. Sometimes he said he would go to see the Emperor; at others, that suspicions had been aroused in his mind by people’s talk, which would not allow him to make this visit at present; but he promised to send his son with suitable offerings, if the Emperor would graciously direct him to do so. After awhile, when all the dependents of the Imperial throne should have been confirmed in their places, and he should be able to throw off his feeling of shame, he would proceed in person to pay his respects to the Emperor. These excuses proceeded either from his wavering disposition, or from a settled design to act treacherously. When Miran, the envoy, found that his representations had no effect upon Bahadur, he communicated the result to the Emperor. This roused great anger in the breast of the Emperor, and was the cause of his sending Shaikh Farid Bokhari to Khandesh.

7.1.6

On the 14th Sha’ban, while the Imperial camp was at Dhar, Shaikh Farid Bakhshi-l Mulk received orders to lead a considerable force against the fort of Asir. His instructions were to re-assure and advise Bahadur Khan. If he proved tractable, he was to be brought to the presence of the Emperor; if not, the Bakhshi was to invest the fort of Asir, and reduce it with all possible speed. The Imperial officers were eager to proceed on this service, partly out of zeal in the service of the Emperor, partly from the wish to serve under the Bakhshi. Among those who accompanied him were * * and a large number whose names are too numerous to recount.

7.1.7

With this select force, the Bakhshi crossed the Nerbadda, and sought to get information about the enemy. He then learned that the forces of Bahadur Khan were under the command of Sadat Khan, son-in-law of the late Raja 'Ali Khan, the greatest and the most trusted of all his servants. He had been sent towards Sultanpur and Nandurbar, to make a diversion against the Imperial forces in that quarter. It was resolved to detach a force to watch this party, while the remainder marched through Khandesh. On arriving at Gharkol, a humble and submissive letter was brought from Bahadur Khan, recounting the services of his ancestors, and offering to send his son with suitable offerings to the Emperor. He also made excuses for his conduct, and solicited the kind intercession of Shaikh Farid to avert the consequences of his faults. The Shaikh sent this letter to the Emperor, and waited for an answer. The Emperor sent a gracious reply, offering to forgive his transgressions and to receive him into favour if he would hasten to pay his allegiance.

7.1.8

Marching forwards, the army passed over the summit of Sabalgarh, and arrived on the confines of Khandesh. Miran Sadr-i Jahan had previously advised that the force should be sent to Burhanpur, lest its advance upon Asir should drive Bahadur Khan to desperation. But when this opinion was represented to the Emperor, he the same day gave orders that no attention was to be paid to it; that the army was not to go to Burhanpur, but was to march direct to Asir, and invest the place. Accordingly, it advanced to within two or three kos of Asir.

7.1.9

On arriving there, it was learned that Miran Sadr-i Jahan and Peshrau Khan, who had also been sent by the Emperor to Bahadur, after alternately trying persuasion and menace, were unable to make any impression upon him, and had retired from Asir to Burhanpur. From thence they reported the failure of their mission, and left the Emperor to determine what was best to be done. On the 21st Sha'ban the Emperor proceeded to Mandu. [*Description of buildings.*] When Shaikh Farid came near to Asir, Bahadur Khan sent him another letter, containing the same appeals for merciful consideration, and offering the same excuses as he had made before. In reply, he was reminded how the kings of the Dakhin had united their armies, and had made war upon the Emperor’s allies, and how Raja ’Ali had fallen fighting bravely and loyally upon the Imperial side. The Emperor was now resolved upon revenging his death, and, with God’s help, would annex the territories of all the three kings to the Imperial dominions. His duty, therefore, was to join the army with his followers without delay, and to take revenge for his father’s blood — not to be a thorn in the way, and to say to the Emperor, “First strike me, and then the murderers of my father.” But fortune had turned her back upon the family, and the graceless fellow would listen to no reason or expostulation.

7.2.1

The rulers of Khandesh were of the Faruki tribe, and the family had held rule in the country for more than 200 years. An ancestor who had connexions with the Dakhin, and had served there as a soldier, being aggrieved, left that country and went to Khandesh, which country was then held by different zamindars and Rajas. He came to a village which pleased him, and there a dog which accompanied him set off in pursuit of a hare, but the hare turned round and attacked the dog. This unusual exhibition of courage greatly impressed him, and he thought that the land where such a sight could be seen must be fertile in courage and daring, so he resolved to take up his abode there. He expressed his wish to the zamindar of the place, but it was refused. Afterwards he seized an opportunity of seeking assistance from the King of Dehli, and having collected some of his brethren (tribesmen?), he overpowered that zamindar, and took possession of the village. He extended his power over other villages around, and in the end he was master of several parganas, and commander of an armed force.

7.2.2

When he died, his authority descended to his grandson, who saw the value that a fortress would be as a place of safety for his family and dependents. Asir, which is situated on the top of a hill, was at that time an inhabited place. He contrived by various stratagems to obtain this place from the zamindar who held it, and fortified it strongly. He then assumed the name of ruler, and at length the whole country of Khandesh, about 150 kos in length, and 50 in breadth, more or less, came under his sway. These rulers acted so wisely and carefully that the kings of Dehli did not interfere with them. * * Upon the Government descending to Raja 'Ali Khan, he showed himself to be a man of great administrative powers, and it is probable that no one of the dynasty had been his equal in intelligence and ability. People of neighbouring and distant countries had been induced by his just and generous rule to take up their abode in his country. Among the best proofs of his intelligence was his loyalty to the Imperial throne, his obedience, and the magnificence of his offerings, in all which he excelled the other princes of the region.

7.2.3

His successor, Bahadur Khan, had none of his ability, and advice was thrown away upon him. The line was drawing to a close, and fortune had averted her face. Shaikh Farid invested the fort, and reported the fact to the Emperor, who sent him reinforcements, and himself passed over the Nerbadda on his way to superintend the siege. On the 4th Ramazan the Nauroz-i Sultani occurred, and His Majesty halted three days to celebrate the festival. * * The march of the Imperial force was then resumed. Letters now arrived from Nawab 'Allami Shaikh Abu-l Fazl, who was coming from the Dakhin with the elephants and valuable effects of the late Prince, and who announced his arrival at Burhanpur. He had received orders to join Shaikh Farid, and to concert measures with him for the punishment of the recusant Prince. On the 4th Farwardin the army marched, and encamped at two kos distance from the fort of Asir, because on that side there was no ground nearer the fort which was fit for a camp. Baz Bahadur Uzbek and Karabeg were sent forward immediately to select positions for the trenches and for the encampment of the besiegers.

7.2.4

On their return, they reported that they had never seen in any country a fort like this; for however long an army might press the siege, nothing but the extraordinary good fortune of the Emperor could effect its capture. Old soldiers, and men who had travelled into distant lands,—men who had seen the fortresses of Iran and Turan, of Rum, Europe, and of the whole habitable world, had never beheld the equal of this. It is situated on a high and strong hill, and three smaller hills, each having a fort, stand around it, like a halo round the moon. The ways of entrance and exit were difficult to discover. Near it there was no other hill commanding it, and no way of approach. All around was level ground, and there were no trees or jungle to serve as cover. All the time the country had been held by the dynasty, each prince, as he succeeded, did his best to keep the place in repair, to add to its strength, or to increase its stores. It was impossible to conceive a stronger fortress, or one more amply supplied with artillery, warlike stores, and provisions. There were 500 mans of opium, Akbar-shahi weight, in its stores. Were the fortress placed upon level ground, its reduction would be difficult; but such a hill, such a well-secured fortress, and such artillery, were not to be found in any one place on the face of the earth. After the capture of the fortress accounts were taken of the munitions.

7.2.5

Of pieces of artillery (zarb-zan), small and great, there were more than 1300, besides some which were disused. The balls varied in weight from nearly two mans down to a sir or a half sir. There were great numbers of mortars (hukka-dan), and also many manjaniks, each of which threw stones of 1000 or 2000 mans. On every bastion there were large iron cauldrons, in each of which twenty or thirty mans of oil could be boiled and poured down upon the assailants in case of assault. No account was taken of the muskets. Of provisions of all sorts, wines, medicines, aromatic roots, and of everything required for the use of man, there was vast abundance. When, after a protracted siege of eleven months, the place fell into the hands of the Imperial army, the quantities of grain, oil, etc., which remained, after some thousands of men had been fed (during the siege), seemed as if the stores had never been touched. The stores of ammunition were such, that thousands of mans were left, although the quantity consumed had been enormous. For throughout the siege a constant firing was kept up night and day, with object and without object ; so that in the dark nights of the rainy season no man dared to raise his head, and a demon even would not move about. There were large chambers full of powder. There were no springs of water in the fortress ;

7.2.6

but there were two or three immense reservoirs, in which the (rain) water was collected and stored from year to year, and amply sufficed for the requirements of the garrison. In the dwelling of each officer of importance there was a separate reservoir, containing a sufficient supply of pure water for his household. Nor had all this preparation been made for the occasion ; it had been kept up from the foundation of the fortress. The rulers of the country had incessantly cared for the strengthening and provisioning of the fort, more especially in respect of artillery. The revenues of several parganas were specially and separately assigned to keep up the supply of artillery, so that the officers of the department had independent sources for maintaining its efficiency. The population in the fortress was like that of a city, for it was full of men of every kind. After the surrender, the inhabitants came out, and there was a continuous throng night and day for a week.

7.2.7

The houses of the chiefs were fine lofty buildings, and there were open spaces, gardens and fountains. In the walls of the fort, which were of great thickness, chambers and rooms were constructed for the officers of the artillery, where, during all seasons, they could live in comfort, and keep up a fire of cannon and musketry. The fortress has one gate, and outside this gate there is another fort called Kamargarh, the walls of which are joined on both sides to the great fort. This was looked upon as an outwork, and was held by inferior ranks of men, such as musketeers and archers. Below this fort, but still on an elevated spot, is another fort called Malgarh, which also is very strong. In comparison with the fortress, it seems at the bottom of the earth; but compared with the surface of the ground, it looks half-way up to the sky. This being the most advanced of the works, great care had been taken to strengthen it with guns and other implements. Below this was an inhabited place called Takhati, as large as a city. In short, the fortress is one of the wonders of the world, and it is impossible to convey an idea of it to any one who has not seen it. Shaikh Farid, after collecting all available information about the fortress, wrote a description to the Emperor, and devoted himself to devising a plan for its capture. As the actual strength of the place was not fully known to the Emperor, envious men represented its reduction as being an easy matter, and thus vexed him.

7.2.8

* * A letter at length arrived from the camp, announcing the Emperor's intention to come and examine into matters with his own eyes. About the same time also Shaikh Abu-l Fazl arrived from Burhanpur, and encamped three or four kos from Asir, as he was hastening to join the Emperor. He sent to inform Shaikh Farid of his presence, and the Shaikh set off to see him. He had gone but a little way, when he remembered that Bahadur had promised to see him next day; so he stopped and returned to camp. Next day Bahadur came down from the fort to meet the Shaikh, and his spies busied themselves in observing all they could. It so happened that on that day a letter was coming from the Emperor, and the Shaikh mounted to go and meet it. But just as he was starting, his spies brought him word that the cavalcade was approaching. Although Shaikh Farid had with him a large force of horse and foot, musketeers, rocket-men, and elephants, the matter seemed to him important, and he was apprehensive that there was some design against him. So he halted where he was, and sent a messenger to Shaikh Abu-l Fazl, to say that he should not come to see him that day, as circumstances prevented him. * * Shaikh Farid sent messengers to re-assure Bahadur, and he came with a large escort to the Shaikh’s tent, and had an interview with him. Every argument was used to induce him to make his submission to the Emperor, and as he had no answer to give, he merely shook his head.

7.2.9

At length he returned to his old excuse of being afraid, and rejecting all advice, he returned to the fortress. Some men have maintained that the Shaikh ought to have made him prisoner at this meeting; but resort to subterfuge and want of faith and truth never prove successful. Besides this, Bahadur had with him a force sufficient to resist the weak army of the Shaikh. Next day the Shaikh went to visit Shaikh Abu-l Fazl at his camp, three or four kos from the fortress, and the meeting with Bahadur was discussed, and a report sent off to the Emperor.

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