The Book of Akbar 175: CHAPTER XXVI.
The Akbarnama (H. Beveridge), vols. I–II 175
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Contents
CHAPTER XXVI.
175.1.1
A trench was dug in front of the army, and the artillery carriages were put into position and redoubts (murcalha) constructed. Opposite to this, Sher Khan drew up a crowd of rebels and encamped after digging a trench. Every day the young men on each side came out and engaged. Meanwhile the sun entered Cancer, and the rainy season began. The clouds gathered with tumult, like rutting elephants, and distilled moisture. The encampment became flooded, and they were compelled to seek for high ground which should be free from water and mud, and where the tents, the artillery-park, &c. might be placed. It was arranged that the army should be drawn out on the morning of the 'Ashar day, (10th Muharram) and that if the enemy should come out of his trenches and advance, they would fight, and if he remained stationary, they would encamp in the selected spot. With this view they mounted their horses on 10th Muharram 947 (17th May, 1540), and drew up their lines. Muhammad Khan Rumi and the sons of Ustad 'Ali Quli and Ustad Ahmad Rumi, and Hasan Khalfat, who were the directors of the artillery, arranged the gun-carriages and mortars, and stretched chains according to rule. The centre was dignified by the presence of his Majesty; M. Hindal had the fore-centre; M. 'Askari the right wing, and Yadgar Nasir Mirza the left. M.
175.1.2
Haidar writes in his Tarikh-i-rashidi “His Majesty on that day stationed me on his left so that my right was close to his left, and from me up to the end of the left centre there were twenty-seven bannerets. Sher Khan arranged his forces in five divisions, two, which were the largest, stood in front of the trench, and then advanced. Jalal Khan, Sarmast Khan, and all the Niyazis faced in front of M. Hindal. Mubaraz Khan, Bahadur Khan, Rai Husain Jalwani and ordered. all the Kararani faced Yadgar Nasir Mirza and Qasim Husain Khan. Khawass Khan, Barmazid and many others came opposite M. ‘Askari. The first encounter was between M. Hindal and Jalal Khan. A wondrous hand to hand fight occurred and Jalal Khan fell from his horse. The royal left wing drove back the enemy to their centre. When Sher Khan saw this, he made an onset in person with a large force, while Khawass Khan and his companions fell upon M. ‘Askari. As soon as the Afghans attacked, many officers did not stand their ground but gave way. His Majesty twice attacked the foe and threw them into confusion. Though it is not reckoned that the king himself should share in a fray, yet at that time of testing manhood, how could rules be adhered to? Hence two lances were broken in his Majesty’s hands on that occasion and the claims of endeavour and courage were satisfied.
175.1.3
But the brothers did not show brotherhood, and the captains did not keep the foot of fortitude in the circle of steadfastness, but from superfluity of naughtiness were negligent, and brought disaster on their lord. It would seem as though when this externally and internally great man, who saw with the eyes of truth and was capable of contemplating mysteries, went on this expedition with such a small army, full of hypocrisy, empty of sincerity, it had crossed his lofty mind that it was many degrees better to hasten to the city of annihilation on the steed of valour and to urge on the horse of his life to the goal of nothingness, than to be courteous to friendship-affecting enemies, to league oneself in hypocrisy with them, and to play the game (nurd) of altercation (radd u badl) with unfair gamesters. Better a mirage (sarab) than a river (ab) which must be drunk in company with those wretches (abruyan)! Such to men of the world clearly appeared to be the case from his method of personal onset. Some of the loyal and single-hearted smote the hand of intercession and solicitude on the stirrup of dominion and forcibly withdrew him. This I say looking to the processes of the world of secondary causes. But in the world of reality, it was God, the world adorner, who withdrew him! Inasmuch as the ascension of the birth-star and the glorious celebration of the apparition of his Majesty, the king of kings (Akbar), were drawing nigh, the wondrous Creator manifested such strange marvels!
175.1.4
One school of sages considers that such events are intended to quicken the attention and to arouse the noble-minded, and are not of the nature of recompense for actions. Accordingly it was held by ancient philosophers that worldly calamities were a process of polishing for the elect, and of rusting for the crowd. A number of the enlightened and pure-hearted are of opinion that such occurrences are a process of education. When the stewards of fate's workshop are advancing a chosen vessel to a lofty rank, they first make him compact of all worldly states, of joy and sorrow, health and sickness, ease and labour, expansion and contraction, so that he may be fitted for the lofty rank of sovereignty. And many of the swift traversers of the fields of contemplation are agreed that the reason of such trials is because it is God's will that whenever the boon of greatness is to be bestowed on an auspicious one and the time of attaining that blessing be close at hand, there should be in that period’s antechamber a station of labours, and a vent of trials; and that the dust of blemish should mark the skirts of his grandeur and glory so that when he hath ascended to the perfect stage and the most distant height, this mole-stain may prove his charm against the fatal eye. To speak more clearly;
175.1.5
as the times of the appearances of the Holy Light in mortal manifesters and human ascension-points—such as was the holy office of her Majesty Alanqua—were made resplendent in mysterious withdrawals and apparitions of divers individuals, and so planted themselves in the visible world, and were acquiring, under God's special supervision, the acmé of development, so,—now that the period of the showing forth of the final cause of that Light, to wit, the holy incarnation of his Majesty, the king of kings, was at hand,—untoward occurrences were made the prophylactic charm of this great blessing. Such was the beauteous fashioning of Creation's workshop! And now I return from the unveiling of mysteries to the thread of my narrative. In fine, when defeat (shikastī), which was to lay the foundation of the righting (durustī) of the world, made its appearance, the officers fled without fighting to the bank of the Ganges, which was about four miles (a farsakh) distant, and as the requital of their disloyalty and ingratitude, sank in the whirlpool of disappointment, giving the vessels of their lives to the boisterous waters of annihilation in recompense of their unrighteousness. His Majesty Jahanbani mounted with firm foot on an elephant and proceeded across the river. He descended from the elephant at the water's edge and was looking around for an exit. As the bank was high, no way out presented itself.
175.1.6
One of the soldiers who had been saved out of the whirlpool came there and seizing his Majesty's sacred hand drew him up. In truth he then, by help of heaven’s favouring hand, drew to himself fortune and power. His Majesty asked him his name and birthplace. He made answer “My name is Shamsu-d-dīn Muhammad, my birthplace is Ghazni, and I am a servant of M. Kamran.” His Majesty made him hopeful of princely favours. Just then Muqaddam Beg, one of M. Kāmrān’s officers, recognised his Majesty and enrolled himself among those who had received the gospel of good fortune. Acting upon this, he brought forward his horse, and obtained the news of distinction from royal promises. His Majesty proceeded from there towards Agra, and was joined on the way by the Mirzas. When they came to the environs of Bhangāpūr the villagers closed the market against the king's men, and behaved in an unruly manner, attacking every one who fell into their hands. When the august mind was informed of this, M. ‘Askarī, Yādgār Nāsir M. and M. Hindāl were ordered to attack the villains and to chastise them. Nearly 3,000 horse and foot of the insolent knaves had gathered together. When the royal order arrived, M. ‘Askarī delayed to proceed and Yadgar Nasir Mirza gave him some strokes with his whip, saying that it was from his discord that things had come to such a pass. Still he did not take warning, and Yadgar Nasir Mirza and M. Hindal obeyed and went against the crowd.
175.1.7
A great fight ensued, and a large number of the ill-fated villagers (gāwārān) were killed. The Mirzas after giving them a lesson returned, and M. Askari who had come to complain, was reprehended. His Majesty Jahanbani hastened on to Agra. The provinces were in confusion and sedition raised its head on every side. Next morning his Majesty proceeded to the dwelling of that great exemplar, Mir Rafi, who was sprung from the Safavi Sayyids, and was incomparable for knowledge and wisdom, and was the choice favourite of princes. He took counsel with him, and the final conclusion of his Majesty was that he should go towards the Panjab. If M. Kamran were helped by the sovereignty of reason and auspiciousness, and should bind on himself the girdle of good service and come actively forward to help, the rift of strife might still be closed. With this right intention he proceeded to Lahor. M. Askari went to Sambal and M. Hindal to Alwar. On 18th Muharram (26th May, 1540) Qasim Husain Sultan joined the king near Dihli through the influence of Beg Mirak, and a large body of men collected for the king's service. On the 20th he again set out, and on the 22nd M. Hindal and M. Haidar joined him in Rohtak. On the 23rd his Majesty halted there. The garrison shut the gate of the city in his face, thereby opening the doors of disgrace for themselves. His Majesty addressed himself to the attack and in a short space of time chastised the garrison.
175.1.8
On 17th Safar the army arrived at Sihrind and on the 20th Mir Faqr Ali closed life's litter while on the march. When the army approached Lahor and were near Daulat Khan's sarāi, M. Kamran came forward to meet him and did homage. His Majesty alighted in the garden of Khwaja Dost Munshi which is the most charming spot in Lahor, while M. Hindal took up his quarters in the garden of Khwaja Ghazi, who was then M. Kamran’s diwan. After that M. ‘Askari came from Sambal and settled himself in the house of Amir Wali Beg. At this time the fortunate Shamsu-d-din Muhammad who had given his hand at the river-bank, arrived and was exalted by princely favours. On the 1st Rabi‘u-l-awwal, 947, all the noble brothers and Amirs and other servants collected but in spite of so many lessons and celestial warnings, these fine fellows (‘azizan) were not taught and did not bind the girdle of sincerity on the waist of resolve. Several times they gathered together on his Majesty’s service, and deliberated and made vows and promises of unity and concord, and took the great and godly as their witnesses. Khwaja Khawand Mahmud, brother of Khwaja ‘Abdu-l-haqq and Mir Abu-l-baqa frequently took part in the deliberations. At length one day all the Mirzas, nobles and grandees having been assembled, wrote out a deed (tazkira) of concord and unanimity, and to this auspicious minute all the officers gave their signatures.
175.2.1
When this record of confidence had been executed, the deliberations began. His Majesty gave lofty counsels and uttered excellent words. With his pearling tongue he said, “The miserable end of those who deviate from the straight highway of concord is known to all. Especially since not long ago when Sultan Husain Mirza beat the drum of death in Khurasan, he left eighteen capable and fortune-favoured sons and yet, in spite of all their array of wealth, in consequence of fraternal discord, the kingdom of Khurasan (which for so many years had been a centre of peace), became in a short space a centre of calamities and was transferred to Shahi Beg. No trace remained of any of the sons except of Badi‘u-z-zaman who went to Turkey, and all the sons of the Mirza had been reviled and reprobated by high and low. With what difficulty had his Majesty Giti-sitāni-Firdaus-makānī conquered a Hindūstān—so vast a country! If through your disunion it pass from our possession into the hands of nobodies (nākasān) what will the wise say of you? Now is the time to sink the head into the bosom of good counsel and to exsert it from jealousy's collar, so that you may attain headship among mankind, and be a means of gaining the favour of God."
175.2.2
Every one of the authors of compact and of the lords of confederacy forgot the recent agreements, and each declaimed according to his own good pleasure. M. Kāmrān said, “What occurs to me is that the king and all the Mīrzās should spend some days unencumbered in the mountains while I take their families to Kābul. When I have put them into safety, I shall return and join you.” M. Hindāl and Yādgār Nāsir Mīrzā said, “At present we cannot fight the Afghāns The thing to do now is to go to Bhakkar and to subdue that country. By its means we shall conquer Gujrāt, and when these two kingdoms have fallen into our hands and we have brought the business to an end, the deliverance of this country (India) will be effected in an admirable manner.” M. Haidar said, “It is proper that all the Mīrzās should settle down after securing the slopes from the mountains of Sihrind to those of Sārang. I engage that with a small force I will in two months get possession of Kashmīr. When that news comes, let every man send his belongings to Kashmīr, for there is no safer place. It will take Sher Khān four months to arrive and he will not be able to bring into the hill country the gun-carriages and cannon which are the support of his warfare. In a short time the Afghan army will be ruined.”
175.2.3
As their words and their hearts were not in unison, the meeting ended without any conclusive speech. Whatever proposals were brought forward, and whatever sound advice his Majesty communicated in the hope that perchance the lamp of wisdom might be lighted for M. Kamran and that he would turn away from his dark ideas and come to the abode of candour, the Mirza did not alter what he had said. All his endeavour was that every one should be ruined, and he counted it a gain that he himself might go to Kabul and secure a corner for his own enjoyment. He was perpetually occupied with evil thoughts, and fortune-conferring words did not arouse him. Ostensibly he breathed unanimity and would say, “I shall come forth in some fortunate hour and shall gird on the belt of courage and fight the foe with singleness of heart.” But secretly he was strengthening the foundations of opposition, and this to such an extent that out of wickedness and blindness, he privately sent Qazi ‘Abdu-l-lah his sadr to Sher Khan, that he might establish friendly relations with him, and made a contract of affection with him. He sought the fulfilment of his desires from the help of enemies, and he wrote a letter to the effect that if the Panjab were secured to him as formerly, he would soon bring affairs to a successful issue! After these occurrences Sher Khan came to Dihli, but did not advance further.
175.2.4
He saw that what had happened was due to his good fortune, and was apprehensive lest if he went on further, his affairs would retrograde. He was extremely frightened about the combination which he heard was making progress in Lahor. Meanwhile the seditious sadr (mār-i-pur-ghadar) who added vile malice to natural baseness, arrived. Sher Khan whose centre was pivoted in craft, warmly embraced him, and was a thousand times emboldened by the good news of disunion. He gave him an answer in accordance with the Mirza’s requests. That wretch (the Sadr) instigated him to make a hostile advance, and held out prospects of desertion. Sher Khan sent a crafty fellow along with him to ascertain the real state of affairs and then return. M. Kamran received Sher Khan’s ambassador in the garden at Lahor, and held a feast on that day. He also by entreaties induced his Majesty Jahanbani to come there. That crude, short-sighted Mirza again sent the same wretch (his sadr) to Sher Khan. On this occasion the betrayer of his salt came to the bank of the Sultanpur river, and brought forward disloyal proposals and encouraged Sher Khan to cross the river. Thereupon Muzaffar Turkman, who was stationed on outpost duty near the Sultanpur river, came and reported to his Majesty that the enemy had crossed the river (the Bias) and killed his brother's son Junaid Beg, who from his qualities of mind and body was a persona grata at Court.
175.2.5
In the end of Jumada-l-akhir his Majesty Jahanbani and the Mirzas crossed the Lahor river (the Ravi), which was fordable, and marched stage by stage to the Ccnab. As his Majesty Jahanbani was resolved to attempt Kashmir, he sent a body of troops in advance with M. Haidar to that province. For, when M. Kamran made a rapid march to Qandahar to contend with Sam Mirza, he left M. Haidar in charge of Lahor. Khwaja Haji, 'Abdu-l-makri, Zangi Cak, and many of the nobles were opposed to the ruler of Kashmir and came to Lahor in order that by their intimacy with M. Haidar they might obtain an army from M. Kamran and so get possession of Kashmir. Though M. Haidar exerted himself, their wish was not fulfilled. When M. Hindal raised a disturbance by having the khutba read in his own name, and M. Kamran marched from Lahor to Agra, M. Haidar by great exertions contrived to raise an army and to despatch it from the capital under the charge of Baba Jujak who was one of Kamran's superior officers. His design was that this force should proceed to Kashmir under the guidance of the Kashmiri nobles aforesaid, and take possession thereof. Baba Jujak was negligent in setting out and meanwhile the disaster of Causa ferry, which was a blow to eternal dominion, came to be known. He gave up the expedition, and the Kashmiri nobles tarried in Naushahr, Rajauri and the hollows of the hills in the expectation of some event. But they were continually writing letters to M.
175.2.6
Haidar full of the advantages of conquering Kashmir, and the Mirza used to bring these to his Majesty Jahanbani's notice. His holy heart grew daily more and more eager to visit the charming country of Kashmir, and meanwhile he gave permission to the Mirza to proceed in the first place to Naushahr with a body of troops. If the Kashmiri nobles, who were always urging the expedition, should come forward, Sikandar Tupci, who was a fief-holder in that neighbourhood, was to join him with his troops. When he got to the passes, Amir Khwaja Kalan, who was one of the high officers of his Majesty Giti-sitani Firdaus-makani, and of whom some account has already been given, was to come and help. As soon as the news of Khwaja Kalan Beg's arrival should reach his Majesty Jahanbani he would proceed in person towards that province. His Majesty was on the bank (the right or west bank) of the Cinab when M. Kamran and 'Askari Mirza went off to Kabul with Khwaja 'Abdu-l-haqq and Khwaja Khawand Mahmud. Muhammad Sultan Mirza, Ulugh Beg Mirza and Shah Mirza on hearing, in the territory of Multan, about the separation, joined M. Kamran on the bank of the Indus. In the beginning of Rajab, 947, M. Hindal, Yadgar Nasir Mirza and Qasim Husain Sultan succeeded by importunity in taking his Majesty Jahanbani off to Sind, though his intention had been to march to Kashmir. Khwaja Kalan Beg, who had promised to accompany his Majesty Jahanbani Jannat-ashiyani, went off from Siyalkut and joined M. Kamran.
175.2.7
Sikandar Tupci withdrew to the Sarang hills. In the same Rajab, after his Majesty Jahanbani had gone towards Sind at the Mirza's instigation they, after going some stages, left him out of thoughtlessness and the suggestions of Beg Mirak, who had abandoned his service and joined them. Meanwhile Qazi 'Abdu-l-lah arrived with some Afghans. M. Hindal's scouts seized them and brought them before him. The ill-fated Afghans were put to death, but the wretch 'Abdu-l-lah having still some breaths of his life remaining, escaped punishment at the intercession of Mir Baba Dost. For twenty days the Mirzas wandered in the desert of astonishment. They had no idea what to do or where to go. They were severed from fortune and auspiciousness, and having left dominion's fellowship, they had lost their object. As they had not followed the path of purpose, they were astonished and confounded. His Majesty Jahanbani had gone by way of the desert towards Bhakkar, and was wending his way according to guess and conjecture. They found no water, and there was no grain, but went on under the guidance of endurance and with the rations (zad) of reliance upon God. At length one day they heard the sound of a kettle-drum. On inquiry, it was found that M. Hindal and Yadgar Nasir Mirza were three kos away and were pacing the valley of search. His Majesty Jahanbani sent Mir Abu'l-baqa, who had left the society of M.
175.2.8
Kamran, and become a companion of the sublime army, to the Mirzas to give them information about the camping ground, and to speak wise words and advise them to come and kiss the sublime threshold. The Mir in accordance with these instructions counselled the Mirzas and acted as their guide to the blessing of service. They proceeded in harmony towards Bhakkar. Khawas Khan and a large army of Afghans was coming up in the rear, but though the imperial army was very small, the former had not the courage to give battle. In the end of Sha'ban (last days of 1540) when the camp reached Uc the Amir Sayyid Muhammad Baqir Husaini, who was the frontispiece of Sayyids and of the 'Ulama of the age, expired and was buried there. His Majesty grieved much for his death, but as this evil earth is a scene of departure and dismissal (guzashtani u guzashtani), he displayed that resignation to the Divine command which is the ornament of those whose regard is fixed on the station of submission (maqam-i-taslim). When they had encamped near the residence of Bakhshui Langa one of the landholders and grandees of that part, an order of grace and a mandate of favour was sent together with a glorious khil'at by Beg Muhammad Bakawal, and Kacak Beg, and hopes were held out that he should receive the title of Khan Jahan, a flag and a kettle-drum, and he was invited to do loyal service and to send corn to the camp. He came forth to meet the envoys, saluted them, and behaved with respect.
175.2.9
Though he had not the good fortune to come and kiss the threshold, yet with regard to what was ordered, he showed obedience and alacrity, and also sent a proper present. Likewise he arranged for traders to bring articles for sale at the royal camp, and he provided many boats for crossing the river on the way to Bhakkar. Yadgar Nasir Mīrza went on with the advance guard, and on 28th Ramazan (26th January, 1541), the army reached the neighbourhood of Bhakkar. Two days before this Qazī Ghiyāsu-d-dīn of Jām, who was connected with the illustrious family, and was adorned with gifts and graces, was raised to the office of sadr.
175.3.1
When by God’s help they had passed through so many perils on the way and had reached the territory of Bhakkar, they pitched their tents at Lūhrī (Rūhrī) which is on the river bank and opposite Bhakkar. His Majesty took up his quarters in a garden on the environs which was unequalled for pleasantness and delight. Charming houses had been erected there and were made illustrious by his presence. The other gardens and houses were divided among his followers. M. Hindal went four or five kos and encamped, and some days afterwards made his station on the other side of the river. Yadgar Nasir Mīrza also settled afterwards on that side. Sultan Mahmud of Bhakkar, who was a servant of Mīrza Shah Husain Beg Arghūn, laid waste the Bhakkar territory and strengthened the fort. He also took away the boats from this (the east) side of the river, and anchored them under the fort. This Shah Husain Beg was the son of the Mīrza Shah Beg Arghūn who, when his Majesty Gītī-sitānī Firdaus-makānī took Qandahar from him came to Tatta and Bhakkar and brought all that country into his subjection. When the majestic army established the light (far) of its rendezvous at Luhri, a lofty mandate was sent to Sultan Mahmud calling upon him to pay his respects and to deliver up the fort to the royal servants.
175.3.2
He represented in reply that he was the servant of Mīrza Shah Husain, and that so long as the latter did not come, it would not be consistent with loyalty for him to present himself, nor could he make over the fort without Shah Husain's permission. Such and such like were the expressions of inability that he used. His Majesty accepted his excuses, and sent Amir Tahir sadr and Mir Samandar, two of his confidential servants, to M. Shah Husain at Tatta, and dignified him by promises of favour. M. Shah Husain received the envoys with respect, and sent Shaikh Mirak, the flower of the descendants of Shaikh Puran whom all the Arghuns reverence and rely upon from old times, as a messenger, and with a suitable present, to accompany the royal ambassadors to the Court. He represented that the district of Bhakkar yielded little, while that of Hajkan was rich and populous and possessed much corn; that it was fitting that his Majesty should turn his reins towards it and take it into his possession, and that in that way the army would be comfortable, and also he (Shah Husain) would be at hand with his service. It was a fortunate and auspicious circumstance for him that his Majesty should now come to those parts, and that in course of time his fears and apprehensions would disappear and he would do himself the honour of paying his respects.
175.3.3
He also represented that after he had had the gratification of paying his respects, his Majesty would, with a little exertion, be able to bring Gujrat into his possession, when the other territories of Hindustan would fall into his hands. That sordid one converted duties (huquq) into disobediences ('uquq) and coming forth by the door of deceit and dissimulation, made a display of false though fair-seeming expressions. His Majesty appointed M. Hindal to Patar and its territory, and himself spent five or six months in the pleasant spot of Luhri in the hope that the ruler of Tatta would enter on the right path. During this interval he honoured M. Hindal by visiting him in his camp at Patar.
175.3.4
As the period of the appearance of the light of fortune and the rise of the star of glory and grandeur,—which should give grace to spiritual and physical beauty and be the perfect beautifier of this world and the next,—were approaching, so did the apparatus for the attainment of this grand blessing and the notes of the existence of this supreme gift become more and more prepared. The waiting eyes of the heavenly saints of many thousands of years were brightened by the bounteous advent of that nursling of light, and the dim evening of earthly hopes assumed the beauty of the morning from the glory of the coming light of that great pearl of the Caliphate's diadem. For it was on this expedition and in a most excellent season and point of time, that in the year 948 he brought Her Highness Maryam-makani, the sacred and noble lady, the glory of whose chastity and purity and the light of whose sovereignty and sainthood, show forth from her lustrous brow, into the bond of matrimony, with lordly ceremonies and royal rites. A festival of fortune was arranged, and coins from the treasury of gifts were showered on the head of the world, and hearts were rejoiced by blissful favours. Khwaja Hijri of Jam rendered good service in this auspicious affair. Thereafter the yoke-fellows of blessing and fortune proceeded towards the camp. For a time the territory of Bhakkar was their place of residence. Gradually, owing to the disloyalty of the landholders, corn became dear