Akbar-náma, of Shaikh Abu-l Fazl (Elliot & Dowson, extracts)

Translation of The Book of Akbar (Akbarnāma)

Language: English
Date: 1875 CE
Translators: Henry Miers Elliot, John Dowson
Extent: 173 passages, 30,164 words
Text: complete digital text
Source: archive.org · The History of India, as told by its own Historians. The Muhammadan Period. The posthumous papers of Sir H.… · Public domain (published before 1930)

Text

[Text, vol. i. p. 152.] Five or six months after (his accession), Humáyún marched to subdue the fort of Kálinjar. He had invested the place nearly a month, when the garrison being reduced to distress, the commander (hákim) submitted. He gave twelve mans of gold, besides other things, as tribute, and the Emperor, acceding to his entreaties and lamentations, forgave him, and marched away towards the fort of Chunár, with the intention of besieging that fortress.

3

[Text, vol. i. p. 153.] (In the year 940 H., 1533-4 A.D.), Muhammad Zamán Mírzá, Muhammad Sultán Mírzá, with his son Ulugh Mirza, broke out in rebellion, and Humayun marched against them. He encamped at Bhojpur, by the side of the Ganges, and sent Yadgar Nasir Mirza over the river at the head of a force against the rebels. Yadgar attacked them, gained a victory, and took Muhammad Zaman Mirza, Muhammad Sultan Mirza, and Wali Khub Mirza prisoners. Muhammad Zaman Mirza was sent prisoner to Bayana, the other two persons were blinded and sent away in disgrace. Muhammad Zaman Mirza, unmindful of the mercy shown him, pretended to be submissive, and, effecting his escape, fled to Sultan Bahadur, of Gujarat.

4

[Text, vol. i. p. 153.] When Prince Kamran heard of the death of the Emperor Babar, he left Kandahar in charge of Mirza ’Askari, and set off for Hindustan, to see how he might advance his own interests. At that time Mir Yunas ’Ali, who had been appointed by the late Emperor, was governor of Lahore. Mirza Kamran revolved in his mind a scheme for getting hold of Lahore. One night he falsely pretended to have a difference with Karacha Beg, and spoke harshly to him, so that Karacha Beg left the camp of the Mirza with his soldiers, and went off to Lahore. Mir Yunas ’Ali was glad of his coming, and showed him much attention ; frequently inviting him to his house, and enjoying his society. Karacha Beg watched his opportunity, and one night when they were drinking wine, and the Mir's soldiers were gone to their homes, Karacha Beg seized him, put him in confinement, and placed his own men in charge of the gates of the fortress. He then sent a messenger to call Mirza Kamran, who was expecting such a summons, and starting off with expedition, gained possession of Lahore. He took Mir Yunas out of prison, and offered to make over the government of Lahore to him ; but the Mir declined to accept it, and went to the Emperor Humayun.
Mirza Kamran appointed his own officers over the parganas of the Panjab, as far as the Satlej or river of Ludhiyana. He sent envoys to the Emperor, assuring him of his good intentions, and asking to be confirmed in the government. Humayun, in his kindness, consented, and recognized him as governor of Kabul, Kandahar, and the Panjab. * * * In the year 933 Mirza Kamran removed Mirza ’Askari from the government of Kandahar, and gave it to Khwaja Kalan Beg, being annoyed with ’Askari in consequence of his having been worsted in a fight with the Hazaras while on his way to Kabul.

5

(See Vol. V. p. 190.)
[Text, vol. i. p. 155.] In the year 941 Humayun turned his attention to the conquest of the eastern countries, and marched to subdue Bengal. When he arrived at the town of Kinar, near Kalpi, he was informed that Sultan Bahadur of Gujarat had laid siege to the fort of Chitor, and had detached a large force under the command of Tatar Khan, who had very ambitious projects in his head; so in the month of Jumada-l awwal Humayun fell back to resist his enemies.
Tatar Khan pressed his delusive advice upon Sultan Bahadur, and strongly urged that he might be sent towards the Imperial dominions, representing Humayun’s army to be given up to pleasure and indolence. Sultan Bahadur took measures to forward the views of the rebels. Having fitted out Tatar Khan, he sent twenty krors of the old Gujarat coinage, equal to forty of the ordinary Dehli standard, to the fort of Rantambhor, there to be expended by Tatar Khan in raising forces. He sent Sultan ’Alau-d din, father of Tatar Khan, in command of a strong force, against Kalinjar, to increase the rebellious feeling in that neighbourhood. Burhanu-l Mulk Bunyani was sent with a force of Gujaratis through Nagor, to make a demonstration against the Panjab. Under the idea that the Imperial army would now disperse, he divided his own army, and although wise and experienced counsellors advised him to keep his army together, their words had no effect. When Tatar Khan marched on his wild enterprise against Dehli, Sultan Bahadur himself proceeded to invest the fort of Chitor. * * * Tatar Khan, employing the money at his disposal, gathered a force of nearly forty thousand horse, of Afghans and others, with which he advanced and took Bayana. While this was going on, Humayun was engaged in his invasion of the east country; but on receiving the intelligence of it, he hastened back to Agra. Mirzas ’Askari and Hindal and Yadgar Nasir Mirza and * * * were sent with eighteen thousand horse to meet the chief army of insurgents, which was marching against Dehli, for it was deemed expedient to defeat this army first. When the Imperial army approached the insurgents, numbers of the latter deserted every day, until the force dwindled down to three thousand horse. The men collected with so much trouble, and at so great an expense, had neither the heart to advance nor the spirit to fight. At length he (Tatar Khan), washing his hands of life, fought with all the strength he could muster, at Mandrail, and was there killed.

6

[Text, vol. i. p. 159.] Humayun left Agra on his expedition against Gujarat, in the beginning of Jumada-l awwal, 941 H. When he encamped near the fort of Raisin, the commandant sent large presents with a message, saying that the fort was His Majesty’s, and the men of the garrison were the servants of His Majesty, and they would hold the fort till Sultan Bahadur’s business was settled. As the Emperor was intent upon the conquest of Gujarat, he did not delay here, but marched on to Malwa, and encamped at Sarangpur. Sultan Bahadur was engaged in the siege of Chitor; and when he heard of the Emperor’s advance, he held a council with his officers, the majority of whom were for raising the siege, and marching against the Emperor. But Sadr Khan, a wise and prudent councillor, urged that the fort was upon the point of surrender, and that they should press the siege to a conclusion, for no Muhammadan king would attack while they were engaged in war with infidels. This advice was followed, and on the 3rd Ramazan, 941 H., the fort of Chitor was taken.

7

[Text, vol. i. p. 162.] On the 21st of Shawwal Sultan Bahadur lost all hope. He ordered all the large guns and mortars to be filled with powder, and to be fired till they burst. When night came on, he, along with Miran Muhammad Shuja' and five or six of his personal associates, went out from the back of the camp towards Agra, and afterwards turned towards Mandu. Sadr Khan and ’Imadu-l Mulk went off with 20,000 horse direct to Mandu, and Muhammad Zaman Mirza with another body went off towards Lahore, to raise disturbances. Great cries and clamour arose on that night from the Gujarati camp; but the facts of the matter were not known to the Imperial army. The Emperor mounted and remained under arms till morning. It was not till one watch of the day had passed, that Sultan Bahadur’s flight became known. The troops then entered the camp, and obtained great plunder. Khudawand Khan, the tutor and minister of Sultan Bahadur, was taken prisoner. He was very graciously treated, and taken into the Emperor’s service. Yadgar Nasir Mirza, Kasim Sultan, and Hindu Beg were sent in pursuit of the fugitives. * * * Sadr Khan and ’Imadu-l Mulk went straight to Mandu, and Humayun followed, and encamped before the fort. Rumi Khan deserted from the Gujaratis, and came in to the Emperor, who bestowed a robe upon him. On the 14th (?), Sultan Bahadur entered the fort, and the question of peace came to be debated, and it was proposed that Gujarat and Chitor should remain in the hands of Sultan Bahadur, and that Mandu should be given up to the Emperor. These terms were finally agreed upon by the negociators on both sides. But on that night the garrison of the fort relaxed their guard, and a party of about two hundred soldiers of the Imperial army went to the back of the fortress, and scaled the walls by means of ladders and ropes. Jumping down from the walls, they opened the gate, and brought in their horses, and others followed. Mallu Khan, the commander of the batteries, a native of Mandu, who had the title of Kadir Shahi, learnt what was passing, seized a horse, and went to Sultan Bahadur. He was asleep, but the cries of Mallu Khan aroused him, and he rushed out with three or four attendants. On his way he met Bhupat Rai, son of Silhadi, one of his councillors, with about twenty horse, whom he joined. On reaching the gate at the top of the maidan, they encountered a party of about 200 of the Imperial cavalry. Sultan Bahadur was the first to attack them. He was followed by some others, and he cut his way through, and went off with Mallu Khan and another attendant to the fort of Sungar. He had his horses let down (the precipice of the town) by ropes. He himself followed through a thousand difficulties, and took the road to Gujarat. Kasim Husain Khan (an Imperial officer) was stationed near the fort, and an Uzbek servant of his, named Bori, who had previously been in Sultan Bahadur’s service, recognized his old master, and told Kasim Husain, but he took no notice of it. So Sultan Bahadur escaped to Champanir, being joined on the way by about 1,500 men.

8

(See Vol. V. p. 193.)
[Text, vol. i. p. 172.] [After the conquest of Ahmadabad and] the settlement of the affairs of Gujarat, Humayun marched towards the port of Diu (in pursuit of Sultan Bahadur); but when he left Danduka, which is about thirty kos from Ahmadabad, letters reached him from Agra with the information that affairs had gone on badly since his departure from the capital, and that revolts had broken out in several quarters. News also came from Malwa, that Sikandar Khan and Mallu Khan had risen and attacked Mihtar Zambur, the jagirdar of Hindia, who had removed into Ujjain with his property. The troops stationed at various places in the province had also gone into Ujjain, where they were besieged by the insurgents. Darwesh ’Ali, Kitabdar, the governor, was killed by a gunshot, and the garrison then capitulated. This intelligence determined Humayun to fall back, and to take up his residence for a time at Mandu, whilst he cleared the province of Malwa of rebels, settled the affairs of the conquered country of Gujarat, and suppressed the revolts in the vicinity of the capital. He therefore placed Gujarat in charge of Mirza ’Askari.

9

[Text, vol. i. p. 173.] Nearly three months had passed after the Emperor’s departure, when the enemy drew together and commenced operations. Khan Jahan Shirazi and Rumi Khan, whose name was Safar, and who was the builder of the fort of Surat, operated in concert. They took possession of Nausari, which was held by ’Abdu-lla Khan, an officer of Husain Khan, and he retired to Broach. About the same time they took Surat. Khan Jahan then marched against Broach, and Rumi Khan embarked his guns and muskets (tufang) in war ghrabs, and proceeded thither by water. Kasim Husain (the governor), unable to make any resistance, went to Champanir, and from thence he proceeded to Ahmadabad, seeking help from Mirza ’Askari, and Hindu Beg. Saiyid Ishak, who had received from Sultan Bahadur the title of Shitab Khan, took possession of Kambay. Yadgar Nasir Mirza was summoned from Pattan to Ahmadabad by Mirza ’Askari. Darya Khan and Muhafiz Khan, who were proceeding from Raisin to Sultan Bahadur at Diu, finding Pattan deserted, took possession of it.

10

[Text, vol. i. p. 174.] When Mirza 'Askari retired from Ahmadabad, Sultan Bahadur was full of misgiving and anxiety, but this gave him courage. He pursued the retreating forces, and on coming up with them, Yadgar Nasir Mirza, who was in command of the rear-guard, turned upon him. A sharp fight ensued, in which many of Bahadur’s advanced force were killed or taken prisoners. Sultan Bahadur then stopped at Mahmudabad, and the Mirza rejoined his army. Mirza 'Askari had given up all idea of fighting, and continued his march. He lost a good many men in crossing the Mahindari, whither Sultan Bahadur followed him.

11

[Text, vol. i. p. 175.] When the Mirzas arrived at Champanir, Tardi Beg Khan received them hospitably, and then retired to his own abode. Next day the Mirzas, with evil designs, sent a message to him, representing the distressed condition of themselves and their army, and asking him to give them some money out of the treasures of the fort. This would enable them to turn and face the enemy, and to communicate with (Humayun at) Mandu, which a messenger might do in six days. Tardi Beg did not accede to their request. The Mirzas then resolved to seize him, to take possession of all the treasures, and to proclaim Mirza 'Askari king. They would then endeavour to make terms with Sultan Bahadur, and if unsuccessful, they would march towards Agra, which had been left unprotected by Humayun, because he preferred the climate of Malwa. Tardi Beg came out of the fort to wait upon the Mirzas; but on his way he received information of their designs, and hastened back into the fort. He then sent to tell the Mirzas that they must not stay there, and they replied that they were going, and wished him to come and say farewell. But he knew their object, and sent a suitable answer. Next morning Tardi Beg fired a gun (to show that he was ready to fight), and the Mirzas marched off by way of Ghat-Karji, in execution of their wild plan against Agra. Whilst they remained at Champanir, Sultan Bahadur did not cross the Mahindari, which is about fifteen kos distant. But when he heard of their march towards Agra, and of the foolish scheme they had formed, he crossed the river, and advanced against Champanir. Notwithstanding the strength of the fort, and its abundance of munitions, Tardi Beg evacuated the fortress, and went to Humayun at Mandu, where he informed him of all the Mirzas’ evil designs.

12

[Text, vol. i. p. 176.] One of the disgraceful proceedings which recalled Humayun to Agra was the rebellion of Sultan Mirza and Ulugh Mirza his son. It has already been related how they before rebelled, and how an order was given to deprive them of sight. But the party entrusted with this order did not execute it, and they escaped. They now again commenced their rebellious proceedings, and after attacking Bilgram, they went to Kanauj, which was held by the sons of Khusru Kokaltash. These men surrendered, and were replaced in charge of Kanauj. Mirza Hindal, who was in Agra, went out against them, and crossing the Ganges near Bilgram, the armies met, and a battle ensued, in which the rebels were defeated. Hindal pursued, and overtook them at Oudh, where Ulugh Beg and his sons were assembled and ready to fight again. The news of the Emperor’s return from Gujarat to Agra now arrived, and the rebels fought once more, and were defeated. Hindal then returned victorious to Agra.

13

[Text, vol. i. p. 177.] When Humayun returned to Agra, Bhupal Rai, the ruler of Bijagarh, finding the fort of Mandu empty, came up boldly and took possession of it. Kadir Shah also returned there, and Miran Muhammad Faruki also came up from Burhanpur. Sultan Bahadur remained a fortnight at Champanir, and then returned to Diu. * * Upon reaching the port, he found the Portuguese commander had arrived there with his vessels and fighting men. The Portuguese chief was apprehensive that as the Sultan was no longer in want of assistance, he meditated some treachery. So he sent to inform the Sultan that he had come as requested, but that he was ill and unable to go on shore, so that the interview must be deferred until he got better. The Sultan, quitting the royal road of safety, proceeded on the 3rd Ramazan, 943 h., with a small escort, on board a boat to visit the Governor. As soon as he reached the vessel, he discovered that it was a mere pretence of sickness, and he was sorry that he had come. He sought to return directly ; but the Portuguese were unwilling that such prey should escape them, and hoped that by keeping him prisoner, they might obtain some more ports. The governor came forward, and asked the Sultan to stay a little while, and examine some curiosities he had to present. The Sultan requested that they might be sent after him, and turned quickly towards his own boat. A European kazi (priest ?) placed himself in the Sultan's way, and bade him stop. The Sultan, in exasperation, drew his sword, and cleft him in twain ; then he leaped into his own boat. The Portuguese vessels which were around drew together round the Sultan’s boat, and a fight began. The Sultan and Rumi Khan threw themselves into the water. A friend among the Portuguese stretched a hand to Rumi Khan, and saved him; but the Sultan was drowned in the waves. His companions also perished.

14

[Text, vol. i. p. 184.] When the Emperor arrived at Patna, part of his army having come by water, part by land, his counsellors advised him to delay his campaign till after the rainy season. * * * But the King of Bengal urged expedition, and Humayun complied. When he arrived at Bhagalpur, he divided his army, and sent Mirza Hindal, with 5000 men, over the river to march on that side. On reaching Mungir, Humayun found that Sher Khan had left his son Jalal Khan, afterwards Salim Khan (Shah), with Khawass Khan, and * * with 15,000 men, in charge of the town of Garhi, which is the gate of Bengal, and had himself gone to Jharkand. * * When the Imperial army reached Garhi, Jalal Khan, disregarding his father’s commands, came out and attacked them, * and defeated them. * * Humayun then hastened forward, and the Afghans abandoned the place and fled.

15

[Text, vol. i. p. 186.] [While Humayun was at Gaur] Sher Khan seized the opportunity to increase his power. He besieged Benares, and in a short time got possession of the place, and killed the governor, Mir Fazali. From thence he marched against Jaunpur, which was held by Baba Beg Jalair, father of Shaham Khan, who had been appointed after the death of Hindu Beg. He set the defences of the place in order, and was joined from Oudh by Yusuf Beg, son of Ibrahim Beg, who was on the march to Bengal. Yusuf Beg scoured the neighbourhood with his patrols, and was eager for the fray. Jalal Khan, hearing of this, made a rapid march with 2000 men. When Yusuf Beg came in sight of this force, he at once prepared for battle. He was strongly dissuaded by his officers, on account of the great disparity of the two forces, but he would not listen. After fighting bravely, he was killed, and next day the enemy invested Jaunpur. Baba Beg Jalair exerted himself strenuously in its defence, and wrote to the mirzas and the amirs as well as to the Emperor, to inform them of his position.

16

[Text, vol. i. p. 194.] [After the battle of Chaunsa], Sher Khan resolved upon getting possession of Bengal, and marched as far as the frontier of Bihar. There he stopped, and sent his son Jalal Khan with a detachment on this expedition. In a short time he met Jahangir Kuli Beg, and the latter fought bravely. But the decrees of fate were against him, and the amirs of Bengal did not show proper spirit in opposing the rebels. Fond of their ease, they rendered no support to Jahangir Kuli. Unable to succeed in the field, Jahangir Kuli sought refuge with the zamindars, and he and many of his followers were killed. At ease as to Bengal, Sher Khan advanced, and got possession of Jaunpur. He then sent his younger son Kutb Khan against Kalpi and Etawa.

17

[Text, vol. i. p. 198.] When Humayun reached Bhojpur, he found Sher Khan encamped with a large army on the other side of the Ganges. The Emperor ordered a bridge to be thrown over, and it was soon constructed at the ferry of Bhojpur. * * The Afghans brought up the elephant Gard-baz, which they had taken at the battle of Chaunsa, to destroy the bridge, and the elephant pressed against the head of the bridge and brought it down. * * It was now thought advisable to march along the bank of the river to Kanauj.

18

Reign of the Emperor Akbar.

19

[Text, vol. ii. p. 42.] At this time (first year of the reign of Akbar), there was a great scarcity in Hindustan. In some districts, and especially in the province of Dehli, it reached a most alarming height. If men could find money, they could not get sight of corn. Men were driven to the extremity of eating each other, and some formed themselves into parties to carry off lone individuals for their food.

20

[Text, vol. ii. p. 56.] Akbar was now informed that Haji Khan, a ghulam of Sher Khan Afghan [Sher Shah], a brave and able general, was setting up pretensions to rule in Alwar, and that Himu's father and wife, and all his property and wealth, were in that country. So the Emperor sent Nasiru-l Mulk [Pir Muhammad Sarwani] with a select force to attack him. Haji Khan, in dread of the Imperial army, fled before it arrived. Alwar and all the territory of Mewat thus came into the Imperial power. The fugitives proceeded to Dewati-majari, a strong place, which was Himu's family home. Much resistance and fighting followed. Himu's father was taken alive, and brought before Nasiru-l Mulk, who tried to convert him to the faith; but the old man said, "For eighty years I have worshipped God in the way of my own religion; how can I now forsake my faith? Shall I, through fear of death, embrace your religion without understanding it?" Maulana Pir Muhammad treated his question as unheard, but gave him an answer with the tongue of the sword. He then returned with much spoil and fifty elephants to the Emperor.
Haji Khan, when he left Alwar, proceeded to Ajmir, deeming that a secure refuge for his family, and prepared his soldiers for battle. The Rana, who was a great zamindar, was the son of that Rana who had acted improperly towards the late Emperor Humayun, and had suffered defeat at his hands. Haji Khan made demands upon him, and grievously troubled him, so that a battle was fought between them in the vicinity of Ajmir. Haji Khan and Muzaffar Khan Sarwani, his vakil, exhibited conspicuous gallantry in the fight, and the Rana, who was too confident in the number of his forces, was defeated. Haji Khan then took possession of Ajmir and Nagor and all those parts. When this success of Haji Khan’s was reported to the Emperor, he appointed Saiyid Muhammad Kasim Khan Naishapuri and * * to march against him. * * * Intelligence was now brought that Haji Khan was so strong as to offer resistance to the forces sent against him; so the Emperor determined to proceed to Hisar, and to send reinforcements from thence. After visiting the tomb of his father at Sirhind, he proceeded to Hisar, accompanied by Bairam Khan. * * * When intelligence of this reached Haji Khan, his forces dispersed. Every man went to his own place, and Haji Khan himself hastened to Gujarat. Muhammad Kasim Khan was sent by the Emperor to take charge of Ajmir. Saiyid Muhammad Barha and Shah Kuli Khan Mahram were sent out with a force to capture Jitasaran, and they killed a great many Rajputs, and made themselves masters of the fort.

21

Second Year of the Reign.

22

[Text, vol. ii. p. 72.] The son of Muhammad Khan, ruler of Bengal, Sadar Khan by name, but who had assumed the title of Jalalu-d din, resolved to take his revenge on Mubariz Khan ('Adali) for having caused the death of his father on the field of battle. He accordingly marched against Mubariz Khan, and overthrew and slew him in a great battle. He had reigned four years and some days.

23

Third Year of the Reign.

24

[Text, vol. ii. p. 97.] Among the transactions of this year was the appointment of Adham Khan with a body of men against Hathkant, which was the strongest place in the neighbourhood of Agra. The zamindars of this place were Bhadauriyas and others, and were remarkable for their numbers and courage. They were continually in rebellion against the Kings of Hindustan. Bairam Khan, having a rooted mistrust of Adham Khan, resolved to confer Hathkant upon him in jagir; thus at once removing him from Court, and providing for the chastisement of the malcontents of that neighbourhood.

25

Fourth Year of the Reign.

26

[Text, vol. ii. p. 112.] Bairam Khan had been appointed by Humayun tutor of his son Akbar, and the youth had often addressed him, as noble youths are accustomed to address their seniors, by the name "Baba." The Emperor was now mindful of the fact, and overlooked in consequence many of Bairam's unseemly actions. * * But at length Bairam's proceedings went beyond all endurance, and he formed some sinister designs in conspiracy with evil-minded flatterers like Wali Beg Zu-l Kadr and Shaikh Gadai Kambu. When the Emperor became acquainted with the evil designs of these conspirators, he communicated them, before they could be carried into execution, to some of his devoted and intelligent advisers, such as Maham Anka, remarkable for her intelligence, judgment, and sincerity, to Adham Khan, Mirza Sharfu-d din Husain, and some others. * * The Emperor crossed over to Bayana on a hunting excursion, and Maham Anka then made known the facts to Shahabu-d din Ahmad Khan, the governor of Dehli, a man distinguished for his judgment, shrewdness, and fidelity. * * * The first person of distinction who deserted Bairam Khan was Kiya Khan Gang, an old and faithful servant of the throne. After that others fell off, one by one and two by two, and proceeded to Court. Maham Anka, in accord with Shahabu-d din Ahmad Khan, communicated all important matters to His Majesty, and became responsible for the discharge of the duties of the minister. * * * As a political expedient, and for the public discharge of business, Maham Anka recommended Bahadur Khan, brother of 'Ali Kuli Khan, for the exalted office of minister, and His Majesty appointed him. * * But although he received Etawa in jagir, and bore the name of minister, the real duties were discharged by Maham Anka.

27

Fifth Year of the Reign.

28

[Text, vol. ii. p. 164.] Bairam's natural character was good and amiable. But through bad company, that worst misfortune of man, his natural good qualities were overclouded, and arrogance was fostered by flattery. Every one who looks with complacency on his own merits and deserts opens his heart to the wiles of sycophants.

29

Sixth Year of the Reign.

30

[Text, vol. ii. p. 181.] The folly and wilfulness of Adham Khan were well known. His mother, Maham Anka, had charge of the royal harem, and he now conspired with some of his mother's servants to carry off two of the beauties of Baz Bahadur, who had lately been presented to the Emperor. When every one was engaged in preparing for the march, and little heed was paid to what was going on, the abduction was effected. When this disgraceful action was made known to the Emperor, he sent two fast riders after the fugitives, who exerted themselves so well that they overtook them, and brought them back. Maham Anka, lest these two women should be brought into the presence of the Emperor, and expose her conduct and the villany of her son, had the two poor innocent girls put to death, for dead people tell no tales. His Majesty had not yet torn the veil from his eyes, so he passed over this heinous crime.

31

Seventh Year of the Reign.

32

[Text, vol. ii. p. 202.] One of the gracious acts of His Majesty in this (seventh) year of his reign was the prohibition against making slaves of prisoners taken in war. It had been the custom of the royal troops, in their victorious campaigns in India, to forcibly sell or keep in slavery the wives, children, and dependents of the natives. But His Majesty, actuated by his religious, prudent, and kindly feelings, now issued an order that no soldier of the royal army should act in this manner ; for although evil-disposed men might follow senseless courses, and taking up arms against the Emperor might suffer defeat, the children and people belonging to them were to be secure from all molestation from the royal troops, and no one, small or great, was to be made a slave. All were to be free to go as they pleased to their own houses or to the houses of their relatives ; for although the repression and destruction of insolent opponents and the chastisement and coercion of rebels are among the duties of the ruling power, and are approved by lawyers and men of justice, still the punishment of their innocent wives and children is a transgression of the law. For if the husband pursues an evil course, what fault is it of the wife ? and if the father rebels, how can the children be blamed ?

Murder of Shamsu-d din Muhammad Atka by Adham Khan. (See Vol. V. p. 277.)

33.1

[Text, vol. ii. p. 218.] Adham Khan, the youngest son of that pattern of chastity Maham Anka, who had neither a well-ordered mind nor a good temper, in the rashness of youth and intoxication of prosperity, was very envious of Shamsu-d din Atka Khan. The Khan-khanan Mun’im Khan was also under the influence of the same feeling, and exhibited it constantly in ways that no one of lower dignity could have done. He irritated and excited Adham Khan, until at last, on the 12th Ramazan, a great outrage was committed. Mun’im Khan, Atka Khan, Shahabu-d din Ahmad Khan, and other nobles, were sitting in the royal audience chamber engaged in business of state. Adham Khan came violently in with a party of ruffians more violent than himself. Those who were present in the court rose up, to show their respect, and Atka Khan also half stood up. As soon as he entered, Adham Khan clapped his hand to his dagger in a menacing way, and faced Atka Khan. He then cast an angry look upon Khusham Uzbek, one of his officers, and upon the other graceless wretches who had joined him in this outrageous business, as if to ask them why they hesitated. The truculent Khusham Uzbek then drew his dagger, and inflicted a terrible wound in the bosom of the minister. Atka Khan, in the greatest terror, rushed off towards the apartments of the Emperor, and had nearly reached them, when he received two sword cuts, and fell dead in the court yard of the palace. Dismay came upon all present, and a great outcry arose.

33.2

The blood-stained murderer, with that demented presumption which marked his proceedings, now directed his steps to the private apartments where His Majesty was sleeping. He mounted, sword in hand, to the parapet (suffah) which surrounds the palace on all sides about the height of a man and a half, and endeavoured to force his way inside. A eunuch who was near shut the door and locked it, and refused to open it for all the menaces of the assassin. The attendants of the royal court were greatly to be blamed that they did not at once inflict merited punishment on the murderer, and put a stop to his proceedings. But this want of resolution was probably ordained so that the courage and justice of the Emperor might become manifest to all, both small and great. The noise awoke him, and he inquired what was the matter, but no one of the inside attendants could inform him. He then went out himself to ascertain the facts. One of the old officers of the palace made known what had happened. Amazed at the horrible statement, His Majesty inquired what it all meant, and the attendant then confirmed his words by pointing to the blood-stained corpse. When the Emperor realized the actual state of affairs, his anger blazed forth, and by a sudden inspiration he rushed out by another door, and not by that to which the assassin had fled in his vain hope. As he went forth, one of his attendants placed a sword in his hand without being asked for it. He took it and went on.

33.3

On turning a corner of the parapet, he perceived the ungrateful culprit. Addressing him by an opprobrious epithet, he asked what he had done. The presumptuous villain then rushed forward, and seizing both the hands of the Emperor, besought him to inquire into and reflect upon the matter, and not to condemn him without investigation. The Emperor, letting go his sword, delivered himself from the grasp of the culprit, and endeavoured to seize his sword. But the wretched man loosed his hold of the Emperor, and endeavoured to retain his sword. Relinquishing his attempt to get the sword, the Emperor struck him a blow in the face with his fist, which brought him senseless to the ground. Farhat Khan and Sangram Hoshnak were there present, and the Emperor with angry looks demanded why they stood there looking on. He ordered them to bind the mad-brained fellow, and they and some others did so. He then gave his just command for them to cast him down headlong from the parapet. These stupid men showed tenderness where want of tenderness would have been a thousand times better, and did not hurl him down as they ought to have done, and he was only half killed. They were then ordered to bring him up and cast him down again. So they dragged him back by the hair, and throwing him down more carefully, his neck was broken and his brains knocked out. So that criminal received the just reward of his deed.

33.4

The vigorous hand of the Emperor had dealt him such a blow that those who were not aware of the fact supposed it to have been given with a mace. Mun’im Khan Khan-khanan and Shahabu-d din Ahmad Khan, who were near at hand, recoiled before the Emperor’s anger, and took to flight. Yusuf Muhammad Khan, the eldest son of Atka Khan, when he was informed of the fate of his father, assembled the Atka khail in arms, and blocked the road against Adham Khan and Maham Anka. They were as yet unaware of the just retribution inflicted by His Majesty, who had paid no regard to his connection (nisbat) with Maham Anka. * * But one of their number went and saw the punishment the culprit had received at the hands of the Emperor, and their anger was then appeased. Maham Anka was at her own home, stretched upon the bed of sickness. She had heard of her son’s outrageous conduct, and that the Emperor had put him in confinement. Moved by her maternal affection, she arose and went to the Emperor, hoping to obtain the release of her son. When the Emperor saw her, he told her that Adham had killed his atka, and that he had inflicted the retaliatory punishment. Maham Anka did not understand from this that her son was dead, so she replied that His Majesty had done well. But the takhta-begi, one of the ladies of the Court, then told her the truth, that he had been killed, and that he bore upon his face the marks of a blow with a mace, — these marks being, in fact, those made by His Majesty’s fist.

33.5

Maham Anka’s good sense so far restrained her that she said nothing disrespectful to the Emperor, but she was greatly distressed. Her heart received a thousand wounds, and the colour forsook her face. She wished to go and see the body of her son, but His Majesty would not allow her, and he endeavoured to console and comfort her with kind and gentle words. On the same day the two corpses were sent to Dehli, and the Emperor, after doing his utmost to console Maham Anka, gave her permission to return home. That wise and grief-stricken woman respectfully took her departure. She then resigned herself to the divine decree, and passed her days in grief and sorrow. The disease with which she was afflicted increased, and forty days afterwards she died. His Majesty was deeply grieved at the death of this pattern of chastity. Her body was sent to Dehli with all respect and honour, and the Emperor himself followed it for some steps. The nobles and officers of the state all testified their respect, and the Emperor ordered a splendid monument to be erected over her and her son.

34

Eighth Year of the Reign.

35

[Text, vol. ii. p. 239.] It was an old standing custom for the rulers of Hindustan to exact contributions, according to their respective means, from the pilgrims who visited the holy shrines. This tax was called karmi. His Majesty’s judgment and equity condemned this exaction, and he remitted it, although it amounted to krors of rupees. An order was accordingly issued abolishing it throughout his dominions. * * * He was pleased to say that although this was a tax on the vain superstitions of the multitude, and the devotees did not pay it except when they travelled abroad, still the course they adopted was their mode of worshipping the Almighty, and the throwing of a stumbling-block and obstacle in their way could never be acceptable in the sight of God.

36

Ninth Year of the Reign.

37

[Text, vol. ii. p. 257.] One of the munificent acts of the Emperor at the beginning of this the ninth year of his reign was the remission of the jizya (poll-tax upon infidels), which, in a country so extensive as Hindustan, amounted to an immense sum.

Conquest of Garha-katanka.

38.1

[Text, vol. ii. p. 263.] Khwaja 'Abdu-l Majid Asaf Khan, although he was a Tajik and a civilian, yet by the help of the good fortune of the Emperor, he had performed such deeds as would have humbled even Turks in his presence. He now resolved upon attempting the conquest of Garha-katanka. In the vast territories of Hindustan there is a country called Gondwana, that is, the land inhabited by the tribe of Gonds, — a numerous race of people, who dwell in the wilds, and pass most of their time in eating and drinking and the procreation of children. They are a very low race, and are held in contempt by the people of Hindustan, who look upon them as outcasts from their religion and laws. To the east of this country lies Ratanpur, a dependency of the country of Jharkand; and on the west it borders on Raisin, belonging to the province of Malwa. The length of this district is 150 kos. On the north lies Panna, and on the south the Dakhin, and the breadth is eighty kos. This country is called Garha-katanka, and it contains many strongholds and lofty forts. It has numerous towns and villages, and veracious writers have recorded that it contains seventy thousand villages. Garha is the name of the chief city, and Katanka is the name of a place (near it), and these two places have given their names to the whole country. The seat of government was the fort of Chauragarh.

38.2

In former times there was no one supreme ruler, but the country was ruled by several rajas and rais, and at the present time, when, by the will of fortune, it no longer belongs to this race, there are several rajas, such as Raja Garha, Raja * * *. The fighting men of this country are chiefly infantry, the horsemen being few. From the earliest establishment of the Muhammadan power in India no monarch had been able to reduce the fortresses of this country or to annex the territory. At the time when Asaf Khan received the jagir of Karra, and accomplished the conquest of Panna, the government of this country was in the hands of Rani Durgavati, commonly known as “the Rani.” She was highly renowned for her courage, ability, and liberality, and by the exercise of these qualities she had brought the whole country under her rule. The author has heard from intelligent men who have been there that she had twenty-three thousand inhabited villages under her sway. Twelve thousand of these were managed by her own shikkdars, and the remainder were in the possession of tributary chiefs. The heads of the various clans paid their homage to her. She was the daughter of a Raja of the tribe of Chandel, who was named Salibahan, who was Raja of Ratah and Mahoba. He married her to Dalpat, a son of Aman Das. He did not belong to a high tribe, but he was wealthy, and as evil times had fallen upon Raja Salibahan, he had consented to this alliance.

38.3

This Aman Das rendered valuable assistance to Sultan Bahadur Gujarati in the reduction of Raisin; he had consequently been promoted, and had received the title of Sangram Shah. He was the son of Arjun Das, son of Sukhan Das, son of Gorak Das, son of Kharji. From old times there had been an ancestor in the house of the ruler of Garha holding a respectable position; but Kharji, by his superior intelligence and tact, managed to acquire something in the way of tribute from the other chiefs of that country, and raised a force amounting to a hundred horse and ten thousand foot. His son, Sukhan Das, carrying out the plans of his father, raised his army to five hundred horse and sixty thousand foot, enlisting many Rajputs both in his cavalry and infantry. He found two clever and able assistants, one belonging to the Kharchali tribe dwelling at Hamirpur, and the other belonging to the tribe of Parihar. Under him the government was carried on with great intelligence and vigour. His son Arjun succeeded him in the fortieth year (of his age). After him came Aman Das, above mentioned.

38.4

This Aman Das was an ill-disposed crafty fellow. He constantly opposed the will of his father, and engaged in evil pursuits. His father several times put him in confinement, and then endeavoured to bind him with covenants and promises. But the graceless fellow again relapsed into his evil courses, and having been guilty of some disgraceful actions, he fled to Raja Nar Sing Deo, grandfather of Raja Ram Chandar of Panna. Raja Nar Sing treated him as a son, and when the Raja went to attend upon Sultan Sikandar Lodi, he left him behind with his son Parbihan, who was then a minor. There he acted with great intelligence. His father, Arjun Das, being dissatisfied with his ill-conducted son, appointed his son Jogi Das to be his heir; but he, having regard to his elder brother’s rights, did not accept this position.

38.5

Aman Das, having heard of his father’s intentions, made a rapid journey, and concealed himself in his mother’s house. There, with the assistance of one of the Raja’s attendants, with whom he had long had relations, he one night killed his father. The men of the place then assembled and made him prisoner, and sent a person to communicate the facts to his brother. But the younger brother would not fall in with their views; he refused to do anything against his elder brother, who stood to him in the position of a father, and said that as his brother had chosen to risk eternal perdition, how could he look him in the face! All persuasion was useless, and he went off into the wilds.

38.6

The two confidential friends of the father were true to duty, and would not recognize his succession. They sent an account of the occurrence to Raja Nar Singh Deo, and urged him to take possession of the territory. The Raja took leave of Sultan Sikandar, and returned with a strong force. Aman Das secured himself in the mountains; but as he could not hold out against the power of the Raja, he opened communications, and said that as he had in his folly and wickedness killed one father, how could he then make war upon another? When the Raja had overrun the territory, and left his officers in charge of it, Aman Das came to meet him on his road, attended by only a few followers. After great display of weeping, the Raja forgave him and restored his country. He kept up continual lamentation for his crime, and it is difficult to say whether this was mere hypocrisy, or whether the contrition he exhibited to his people was really sincere. When Aman Das died, the succession devolved upon his son Dalpat, who ruled seven years and then died.

38.7

According to report Aman Das, who received the name of Sangram, had really no son. It is said that he induced Gobind Das Kachhwaha, one of his attendants, to allow his wife, who was pregnant, to be delivered in his (Aman’s) female apartments. If a daughter was born, it was to belong to the father; but if a boy, Aman Das was to acknowledge it as his own, and no one should know anything about it. Gobind Das acquiesced, and a boy was born, who was represented to be the Raja’s son. He received the name of Dalpat, and was married to Rani Durgavati. When he died, he left a son, named Bir Narayan, only five years of age. With the assistance of Adhar Kayath, the Rani assumed the government, showing no want of courage and ability, and managing her foreign relations with judgment and prudence. She carried on some great wars against Baz Bahadur and his officers, and was everywhere victorious. She had as many as twenty thousand excellent horse soldiers, and a thousand fine elephants. The treasures of the Rajas of that country came into her possession. She was a good shot, both with the bow and musket, and frequently went out hunting, when she used to bring down the animals with her own gun. When she heard of a tiger, she never rested till she had shot it. Many stories of her courage and daring are current in Hindustan. But she had one great fault. She listened to the voice of flatterers, and being puffed up with ideas of her power, she did not pay her allegiance to the Emperor.

38.8

When Asaf Khan conquered the country of Panna, the Rani Durgavati, infatuated with the ideas of her army, her courage, and her ability, took no heed of her new neighbour. Asaf Khan at first kept up friendly and conciliatory relations with her; but he sent sharp spies and shrewd merchants into her country to get information of the communications and ways of ingress and egress. When he had obtained information of the wealth and treasures of this woman, he conceived the idea of making himself master of the country. He began first with ravaging the frontier villages, and went on until in the present year he received the Imperial command to effect the conquest of Garha.

39

Twelfth Year of the Reign.

Sulaiman Kirani of Bengal.

40.1

While the Emperor was engaged in the siege of Chitor, Sulaiman Kirani of Bengal again had the Emperor’s name recited in the khutba, and made a wolf-like peace with Mun’im Khan Khan-khanan. The facts of the case are as follows:—When Mubariz Khan, better known as ’Adali, set up pretensions to royalty (in Bengal), Taj Khan Kirani with his brothers fled to Bihar. There he pursued an artful and wily course, both in the days of Muhammad Khan, ruler of Bengal, who had rebelled, and afterwards also in the days of Bahadur Khan, until the time when ’Adali was slain fighting against Bahadur Khan. When, after some time, the latter died, his brother Jalalu-d din advanced his claim to the sovereignty of Bengal and Bihar. Taj Khan and his brothers were sometimes opposed to him, sometimes in league with him. He also made an artful and hypocritical friendship with Khan-zaman. When Jalalu-d din died, Taj Khan obtained possession of Bengal and Bihar. He shortly afterwards died, and his younger brother Sulaiman succeeded, and established his authority over the two provinces. Sulaiman kept up a sort of friendship with Khan-zaman, and looking sharply after his own interests, he strengthened his position. Numbers of roving Afghans gathered round him, and he amassed wealth and gathered together many elephants. After Khan-zaman had received the punishment due unto his deeds, the Emperor appointed Mun'im Khan Khan-khanan to the government of Jaunpur.

40.2

Asadu-lla Khan, an officer of Khan-zaman, had charge of Zamaniya, a place built by Khan-zaman, and on the death of the Khan, Asadu-lla, in his stupidity, sent a person to Sulaiman, offering to surrender the place to him and to become his subject. But Mun'im Khan having got information of this, sent some persons to Asadu-lla, who induced him to forego this determination, and to repair in person to Khan-khanan. The Afghan army, which had come up with the intention of taking possession of Zamaniya, went back disappointed. Lodi Afghan, who was the chief minister of Sulaiman, and remarkable for his wisdom and intelligence, was on the banks of the Sone. He knew Mun'im Khan Khan-khanan to be a man desirous of peace, so he entered into friendly relations with him, hoping thus to secure his own territories from the attacks of the Imperial forces. Presents and letters passed between them, strengthening their friendship. Meanwhile the Emperor was engaged in the siege of Chitor, and Sulaiman was occupied in subduing the Raja of Orissa and Ibrahim. But Sulaiman was ill at ease about Khan-khanan; so, while the Emperor was besieging Chitor, he sought to establish amity with him, Lodi being his medium. After some correspondence, it was arranged that Khan-khanan should pay Sulaiman a visit, to establish friendship between the Emperor and Sulaiman, and to arrange for the Emperor's name and titles being read in the khutba and impressed upon the coins.

40.3

Khan-khanan determined to go and effect the objects in view, although many wise and sagacious persons endeavoured to dissuade him. But he paid no heed to them, and proceeded to Patna on his visit, attended by three hundred chosen men and by several of his officers and their attendants, numbering altogether about one thousand men. Lodi came to meet him, and show him proper respect. Then came Bayazid, eldest son of Sulaiman; and at five kos from Patna, Sulaiman himself came forth to give him a formal state reception. Sulaiman conducted him to his own dwelling, and there gave him a sumptuous entertainment. The Imperial name was read out in the pulpit, coins were struck with it, and suitable tribute (to the Emperor) was presented. But a party of Sulaiman’s turbulent adherents formed the design of seizing Khan-khanan, while the Emperor was engaged at Chitor with his great nobles, and while there was no one left at the capital who could interfere with their designs upon the Khan. When Lodi became acquainted with this conspiracy, he endeavoured to divert them from their purpose. Sulaiman assented to his views, but the fierce Afghans would not listen to his words. Khan-khanan got information of the plot, and, with the advice of Lodi, he got away from his camp by a clever stratagem, and galloped off, attended by a small well-mounted escort. He was a long way off before the Afghans were aware of his escape;

40.4

and as they had failed in their purpose, they affected to maintain a friendly feeling. Bayazid and Lodi hastened after the Khan, and, after showing him great honour and respect, they returned. Khan-khanan crossed the Ganges, and after two or three stages, he received the despatch of the conquest of Chitor. Sulaiman now returned re-assured to Bengal, and devoted his attention to his own affairs. He treacherously seized upon the country of Orissa, in which the temple of Jagannath is situated, and perfidiously killed the Raja. Ibrahim [Sultan of Dehli], who was not quite right in his mind, and was soured by his fall from his lofty position, had taken refuge with the Raja of Orissa, and still dreamed of sovereignty. Sulaiman, by promises and oaths, got Ibrahim into his clutches, and then sent him to the next world.

First 54 of 185 passages. Read on

Akbar-náma, of Shaikh Abu-l Fazl (Elliot & Dowson, extracts)

Contents

Text

Murder of Shamsu-d din Muhammad Atka by Adham Khan. (See Vol. V. p. 277.)

Conquest of Garha-katanka.

Sulaiman Kirani of Bengal.