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Ikbál-náma-i Jahángírí, of Mu’tamad Khán (Elliot & Dowson, extracts)

Translation of The Book of Jahāngīr's Fortune (Iqbālnāma-yi Jahāngīrī)

Language
English
Date
1875 CE
Translators
Henry Miers Elliot, John Dowson
Extent
62 passages, 12,688 words
Text
complete digital text
Source
archive.org · The History of India, as told by its own Historians. The Muhammadan Period. The posthumous papers of Sir H.… · Public domain (published before 1930)

Contents

Text

1

[On the 9th Safar, the Emperor reached Lahore. Khusru was then placed upon an elephant, and conducted between the stakes (on which his followers were impaled), so that he might see their punishment, and be warned to abandon his evil course.]

2

Second Year of the Reign.

3

[Intelligence came from Bengal that ’Ali Kuli Beg Istajlu, who had received the title of Sher-Afgan, had killed Kutbu-d din Khan, and several Imperial officers who were in attendance upon him. ’Ali Kuli had been the table-attendant of Shah Isma’il, son of the late Shah Tahmasp Safawi. Upon the death of Shah Isma’il, he came by way of Kandahar to Hindustan, and at Multan he joined Khan-khanan, who was then marching against Thatta. Khan-khanan of his own accord took him into the Imperial service, and during the campaign he displayed ability and courage, and performed good work. On returning victorious from the campaign, Khan-khanan reported his services, and obtained for him a suitable mansab. About that time the daughter of Mirza Ghiyas Beg was given to him in marriage. When the Emperor Akbar marched from Agra against the Dakhin, and Prince Salim, the heir-apparent, was sent against the Rana, ’Ali Kuli Beg was appointed to assist him. He rose in favour, and received the title of Sher-Afgan. Upon the accession of Jahangir, his jagir was confirmed, and he was sent to Bengal. It was afterwards reported that he was insubordinate, and disposed to be rebellious. When Kutbu-d din was sent to Bengal, he was directed to look after Sher-Afgan : if he was found to be loyal and dutiful, he was to be maintained in his jagir ; but if not, he was to be sent to Court, or to be brought to punishment if he delayed to proceed thither. Kutbu-d din formed a bad opinion of his actions and way of life. When he was summoned to attend upon the viceroy, he made unreasonable excuses, and cherished evil designs. Kutbu-d din made a report upon his conduct to the Emperor, and the Imperial order was given for sending him to Court ; the viceroy was also directed to carry out the instructions he had received, and to bring Sher-Afgan to punishment if he manifested any disloyalty. On receiving this command, Kutbu-d din immediately proceeded to Bardwan, which was in the jagir of Sher-Afgan. When he approached, Sher-Afgan went forth with two attendants to meet him. Kutbu-d din's men then gathered round Sher-Afgan. The manner in which Kutbu-d din had come roused Sher-Afgan’s suspicions, so he quietly asked what this kind of proceeding meant. Kutbu-d din forbad his men to come near, and having joined Sher-Afgan, engaged in conversation with him. Sher-Afgan felt convinced that there was a design against him, so he drew his sword, and before any one could interfere, he ran it into Kutbu-d din’s belly, so that his bowels gushed out. Kutbu-d din pressed both hands to his belly, and called out with a loud voice not to let the assassin escape. Pir Khan Kashmiri, a brave officer, galloped against Sher-Afgan and struck him on the head with a sword, but Sher-Afgan returned it so fiercely that he killed his assailant at a blow. The other attendants now pressed forward in numbers, and despatched Sher-Afgan with their swords.

4

Sixth Year of the Reign.

The Marriage of Jahangir with Nur Jahan.

5.1

Among the great events that occurred during this interval was the Emperor Jahangir’s demanding Nur Jahan Begam in marriage. This subject might be expanded into volumes, but we are necessarily confined to a limited space in thus describing the strange decrees of Fate. Mirza Ghiyas Beg, the son of Khwaja Muhammad Sharif, was a native of Teheran. Khwaja Muhammad was, first of all, the wazir of Muhammad Khan Taklu, governor of Khurasan. After the death of Muhammad Khan, he entered the service of the renowned King Tahmasp Safawi, and was entrusted with the wazirship of Yazd. The Khwaja had two sons, Aka Tahir and Mirza Ghiyas Beg. For his second son the Khwaja demanded in marriage the daughter of Mirza ’Alau-d din, who was the father of Aka Mulla. After the death of his father, Mirza Ghiyas Beg, with two sons and a daughter, travelled to Hindustan. On the road, as he was passing through Kandahar, by the blessing of God another daughter was born to him. In the city of Fathpur, he had the good fortune to be presented to the Emperor Akbar. In a short time, owing to his devotion to the King's service, and his intelligence, Mirza Ghiyas Beg was raised to the office of diwan or superintendent of the household. He was considered exceedingly clever and skilful, both in writing and in transacting business. He had studied the old poets, and had a nice appreciation of the meaning of words; and he wrote shikasta in a bold and elegant style.

5.2

His leisure moments were devoted to the study of poetry and style, and his generosity and beneficence to the poor was such that no one ever turned from his door disappointed. In taking bribes, however, he was very bold and daring. When His Highness the Emperor Akbar was staying at Lahore, 'Ali Kuli Beg Istajlu, who had been brought up under Shah Isma'il II., having come from the kingdom of 'Irak, became included among the number of the royal servants, and, as Fate ordered it, married that daughter of Mirza Ghiyas Beg who had been born in Kandahar. Afterwards, in the reign of Jahangir, he received a suitable mansab, and the title of Sher-Afgan was conferred on him. He next received a jagir in the province of Bengal, and departed thither to take possession. His murder of Kutbu-d din Khan and his own death have already been related. After the death of Kutbu-d din, the officials of Bengal, in obedience to royal command, sent to Court the daughter of Ghiyas Beg, who had been exalted to the title of 'Itimadu-d daula, and the King, who was greatly distressed at the murder of Kutbu-d din, entrusted her to the keeping of his own royal mother. There she remained some time without notice.

5.3

Since, however, Fate had decreed that she should be the Queen of the World and the Princess of the Time, it happened that on the celebration of New Year’s Day in the sixth year of the Emperor’s reign, her appearance caught the King’s far-seeing eye, and so captivated him that he included her amongst the inmates of his select harem. Day by day her influence and dignity increased. First of all she received the title of Nur Mahal, “Light of the Harem,” but was afterwards distinguished by that of Nur Jahan Begam, “Light of the World.” All her relations and connexions were raised to honour and wealth. * * No grant of lands was conferred upon any woman except under her seal. In addition to giving her the titles that other kings bestow, the Emperor granted Nur Jahan the rights of sovereignty and government. Sometimes she would sit in the balcony of her palace, while the nobles would present themselves, and listen to her dictates. Coin was struck in her name, with this superscription: “By order of the King Jahangir, gold has a hundred splendours added to it by receiving the impression of the name of Nur Jahan, the Queen Begam.” On all farmans also receiving the Imperial signature, the name of “Nur Jahan, the Queen Begam,” was jointly attached. At last her authority reached such a pass that the King was such only in name.

5.4

Repeatedly he gave out that he had bestowed the sovereignty on Nur Jahan Begam, and would say, “I require nothing beyond a sir of wine and half a sir of meat.” It is impossible to describe the beauty and wisdom of the Queen. In any matter that was presented to her, if a difficulty arose, she immediately solved it. Whoever threw himself upon her protection was preserved from tyranny and oppression; and if ever she learnt that any orphan girl was destitute and friendless, she would bring about her marriage, and give her a wedding portion. It is probable that during her reign no less than 500 orphan girls were thus married and portioned.

6

Eleventh Year of the Reign.

7

This year a pestilential disorder (waba) broke out in certain parts of Hindustan, and gradually increased until it raged with great fury. This dreadful calamity arose in the parganas of the Panjab. It reached to Lahore, and a great number of Muhammadans and Hindus lost their lives from it. It then proceeded towards Sirhind, and through the Doab as far as Dehli and the surrounding places. It destroyed many villages and parganas in that part of the country. When it was about to break out, a mouse would rush out of its hole as if mad, and striking itself against the door and the walls of the house, would expire. If, immediately after this signal, the occupants left the house and went away to the jungle, their lives were saved; if otherwise, the inhabitants of the whole village would be swept away by the hand of death. If any person touched the dead, or even the clothes of a dead man, he also could not survive the fatal contact. The effect of the epidemic was comparatively more severe upon the Hindus. In Lahore its ravages were so great, that in one house ten or even twenty persons would die, and their surviving neighbours, annoyed by the stench, would be compelled to desert their habitations. Houses full of the dead were left locked, and no person dared to go near them through fear of his life. It was also very severe in Kashmir, where its effect was so great that (as an instance) a darwesh, who had performed the last sad offices of washing the corpse of a friend, the very next day shared the same fate. A cow, which had fed upon the grass on which the body of the man was washed, also died. The dogs, also, which ate the flesh of the cow, fell dead upon the spot. In Hindustan no place was free from this visitation, which continued to devastate the country for a space of eight years. * *

8

On the 16th of De, an hour and a quarter before the dawn of the day, there appeared in the atmosphere a vaporous matter in the shape of a column, and it was seen half an hour earlier every succeeding night. When it appeared in its full form, it resembled the shape of a javelin. It was thin at both ends, and thick and crooked in the middle like a sickle. Its back was towards the south, and its face towards the north. The astronomers measured its size by means of an astrolabe, and upon a comparison of different observations, it was found to extend over 24 degrees. It moved with the highest of the heavens, but had a proper motion of its own; so that it first appeared in the sign of Scorpio, and in a short time left it, and entered that of Libra. It also had a southerly declination. Astrologers in their books mention such a phenomenon under the name of a javelin. Sixteen nights after its appearance a star was seen in the same direction, the head of which was luminous; but its tail, which was two or three yards long, emitted no light. It was in consequence of its appearance that a pestilential disorder (waba o ta'un) spread throughout this extensive country of Hindustan, which exceeded everything known and recorded in former ages, nor is there any mention made of such in the authentic works of the Hindus. The pestilence arose in the country one year before the appearance of the phenomenon, and continued to rage for eight years. It was also through the effects of this phenomenon that a misunderstanding arose between His Majesty and the fortunate Prince Shah Jahan. The disturbances which thus originated lasted seven or eight years. What blood was shed in the country! and what families were ruined!
At this time it was learnt from the petition of Bahadur Khan, governor of Kandahar, that in the environs and dependencies of the city, the mice had increased to such an extent that they left no trace of either crops or fruits. With the greatest difficulty, perhaps, only one-fourth of the produce was saved to the cultivators. In the same manner, the fields of melons, and the produce of orchards and vineyards were totally destroyed; and when no fruit and no corn remained in the gardens and in the fields, by degrees the mice all died off.

9

Nineteenth Year of Jahangir.

Rebellion of Shah Jahan.

10.1

[The nineteenth year of the reign of Jahangir began. The intelligence of the march of Shah Jahan's army towards Orissa and Bengal was confirmed. An order was sent to Prince Parwez and Mahabat Khan, to make provision for the security of the Dakhin, and then to march towards Illahabas and Bihar; so that if the governor of Bengal was unable to prevent the advance of the rebel Shah Jahan, the Prince might be there to oppose him with the Imperial army. The Emperor also sent Khan Jahan to the capital, to watch the turn of affairs, and to take such steps as might seem necessary. Mahabat Khan sent an ambassador from Burhanpur to ’Adil Khan, * * who wrote in reply that he would meet Mahabat Khan at Dewal-ganw, and would send his son to enter the Imperial service. The ambassador also wrote to say that ’Adil Khan was loyal, and had determined to send his minister, Mulla Muhammad Lari, to join Mahabat with 5000 horse. In compliance with repeated farmans, the Prince marched for Bengal, notwithstanding the severity of the rains and the difficulties arising from the mud and mire of Malwa. Mahabat Khan, having sent forward the Prince, remained at Burhanpur, awaiting the arrival of Mulla Muhammad Lari.

10.2

Ahmad Beg Khan, nephew of Ibrahim Khan, and governor of Orissa, had gone forth against the zamindars of Garha. When he heard of Shah Jahan’s arrival, he retreated in alarm to Pipali, the residence of the governor, and there collecting his property, he carried it with him to Katak (Cuttack), which is twelve kos from Pipali, in the direction of Bengal. But not feeling himself able to make a stand even there, he went off to Bardwan, and carried the news to Salih, nephew of Ja’far Beg. * * Salih received a letter from ’Abdu-lla Khan, which was written for the purpose of winning him over, but Salih rejected the proposition, and put Bardwan in a state of defence.

10.3

Ibrahim Khan, when he received the threatening intelligence, although he had forces scattered at different posts, fled to Akbarnagar, and there collected men and munitions for the conflict. He now received a letter from Shah Jahan [proposing an arrangement] ; but he wrote in reply that * * he would fight for his master to the death. When the Prince’s army arrived at Bardwan, the short-sighted Salih put forth the foot of ignorance and folly, and made resistance. ’Abdu-lla Khan did not give him much grace, but invested the fort, and soon brought it to extremity. When Salih perceived that there was no hope of relief, he went out to see the Khan, who led him with a sash round his neck to the Prince. This obstacle being removed, the Prince marched on to Akbar-nagar. It was Ibrahim Khan’s first intention to hold Akbar-nagar, but the fort was large, and his force was insufficient for its defence ; so he retired to the tomb of his son, which was smaller and more secure. Here he was joined by forces from different stations. Shah Jahan’s army having arrived at Akbar-nagar, invested the tomb, and death began to be busy both within and without. Ahmad Beg Khan came, and found an entrance into the besieged place, which greatly inspirited the garrison. The wives and families of many of the besieged were on the other side of the river ; so ’Abdu-lla Khan and Darya Khan Afghan crossed over, to commence operations on that side.

10.4

This movement alarmed Ibrahim Khan, who hastened thither, taking with him Ahmad Khan Beg, leaving others in charge of his fortified post. He sent over before him some war-boats, called in Hindi niwárá, to prevent the passage of the enemy. But before the boats arrived, Darya Khan had crossed over. On hearing this, Ibrahim Khan sent Ahmad Beg over the river against Darya Khan; but when he landed, a fight began on the banks of the river, and he lost many of his men ; so he turned back and rejoined Ibrahim Khan, carrying with him the news of his defeat. Ibrahim sent to the fortress for a reinforcement, and a party of well-mounted horsemen came to his aid. On hearing of this, Darya Khan retreated some kos, and ’Abdu-lla Khan, under the guidance of the landholders, crossed the river some kos higher up and joined him. The united forces took up a position, with the river on one flank and a thick jungle on the other. Ibrahim Khan crossed over, and gave battle. * * The advanced force was defeated, * * disorder arose, and many fled. Ibrahim Khan, with a small party of followers, disdained to escape; and although some of his men seized his bridle, and tried to drag him out of the fight, he exclaimed, “My life does not need such a course; what can I do better than die on the field of battle?” He had scarcely uttered the words, when the enemy gathered round and despatched him.

10.5

The news of his fall discouraged the garrison, and the besiegers exploded a mine under the fortress. The storming party rushed in, and the place was carried. * * Some of the garrison cast themselves into the river, and others, who were fettered by their families being in the hands of the enemy, submitted to the victor. The children and the property of Ibrahim Khan were in Dacca, so the Prince’s army proceeded thither by the river. Ahmad Beg, Ibrahim’s nephew, arrived before them; but submission was the only course open to him, and he obtained grace through one of the Prince’s attendants. The victors took possession of the property, nearly forty lacs of rupees in cash, besides various effects, and elephants.

10.6

Darab Khan had hitherto been kept in confinement, but he was now released; and after being bound by an oath, was made governor of Bengal; but his wife, a daughter, a son, and a son of Shah Nawaz Khan, were kept (as hostages). Raja Bhim, son of Rana Karan, who had never left the Prince in any of his troubles, was sent forward in command of the advanced force towards Patna. The province of Patna was in the jágír of Prince Parwez, and it had been left in charge of Mukhlis Khan, the Prince’s diwán, and of Iftikhar Khan and Sher Khan Afghan, his faujdars. But before even Raja Bhim arrived, they were frightened; and giving up all hope of support, they did not even set the fort of Patna in order, and wait a few days for the approach of the army; they abandoned the place, and made off to Illahabas, setting their own safety above the loss of such a country. So Raja Bhim entered the fort of Patna, and took possession of the province of Bihar without resistance.

10.7

A few days afterwards Prince Shah Jahan arrived there, and the jagirdars of the province waited upon him, and made their submission. Saiyid Mubarak made over to him the fort of Rohtas. The zamindar of Ujaina also came in and was received. Before advancing himself, Shah Jahan sent on ’Abdu-lla Khan with an army towards Allahabad, and Darya Khan Afghan with another force towards Oudh. A few days after, the Prince himself marched, leaving Bairam Beg in charge of Bihar. Before ’Abdu-lla Khan passed over the ford of Jausa, Jahangir Kuli Khan, son of ’Azam Khan Mirza Koka, who held the government of Jaunpur, left that place and went to Mirza Rustam at Allahabad. ’Abdu-lla pursued him hotly, and came up to the town of Jhaunsi on the river Ganges, opposite Allahabad. Shah Jahan then advanced to Jaunpur. The war-boats (nuwara) had been brought up from Bengal, and ’Abdu-lla now employed them in effecting a passage of the river under a fire of guns and muskets, and pitched his camp in Allahabad.]

11

[We must now return to the affairs of the Dakhin. ’Ambar Habshi had sent his envoy ’Ali Sher to Mahabat Khan, to express his obedience and devotion, in the hope that the management of the Dakhin would be entrusted to him. He was at war with ’Adil Khan, and he hoped to obtain Imperial assistance, and so triumph over his enemy. On the other hand, ’Adil Khan in the same way hoped to get charge of the province, and so to repel the assaults of ’Ambar. In the end ’Adil Khan prevailed. Mahabat Khan rejected the proposals of ’Ambar, and decided in favour of Khan. ’Ambar was on the road, and Mulla Muhammad, the envoy of ’Adil Khan, was in dread of him; so Mahabat Khan sent a detachment from the Imperial army to the Balaghat, to escort him to Burhanpur. When ’Ambar was informed of this, he turned back, vexed and disappointed, and proceeded with Nizamu-l Mulk from Khirki to Kandahar, on the borders of Golkonda. He sent his children with his wives and attendants to the fortress of Daulatabad, and left Khirki empty. He gave out that he was going to the frontier of Kutbu-l Mulk, in order to receive his fixed payment (zar-i mukarrari).
When Mulla Muhammad Lari approached Burhanpur, Mahabat Khan went forth as far as Shahpur to meet him, and received him with great attention. Then they proceeded to wait upon Prince Parwez. Mahabat Khan left Sarbuland Rai in charge of Burhanpur, with Jadu Rai and Uda Ram Rai to support him; but he took with him the son of Jadu Rai and the brother of Uda Ram by way of precaution. When Mulla Muhammad Lari had his interview with the Prince, it was arranged that he should go to Burhanpur with his 5000 horse, to assist Sarbuland Rai, and that his son Aminu-d din, with another 5000 horse, should accompany the Prince. * *
A despatch arrived from Fazil Khan, the bakhshi of the army of the Dakhin, stating that Mulla Muhammad Lari had gone to Burhanpur, and the Imperial commanders felt that the Dakhin was secure. Prince Parwez and Mahabat Khan had therefore marched towards Bihar and Bengal. The commanders having considered the rebellious actions of Khan-khanan, and the fact of his son Darab being in the service of Shah Jahan, resolved that he should be kept under arrest. His tent was to be pitched near that of the Prince, and his daughter Jana Begam, who had been married to Prince Daniyal, and was an intelligent pupil of her father, was ordered to be detained in the same place with him, and constant guard was to be kept round their tent by trusty men.] * *

12

[On the 1st of Shahryur, while the Emperor was at Yirnag in Kashmir, a despatch arrived from Mahabat Khan, reporting that Shah Jahan's generals held all the passages of the Ganges, and had seized upon all the boats. The Imperial army had consequently been delayed some days in crossing the river; but they had been assisted by the zamindars, thirty boats had been procured, and the army had crossed forty kos above the fords. * * The next intelligence was that a party of zamindars in the service of Shah Jahan had carried off all the war-boats, with their guns and equipment, and had fled to Bengal. Shah Jahan was in the jungle of Kampat, where he had entrenched himself, and had mounted cannons and guns upon his earthworks. But the supply of provisions was small, and scarcity had begun to prevail.
A courier now arrived by dak chauki from Prince Parwez, with a despatch announcing that he had gained a victory over Shah Jahan, who had gone off towards Patna and Bihar. The particulars of the engagement are as follows: The two armies were in sight of each other, and forming their array for several days. The royal army amounted to 40,000 men, that of Shah Jahan did not exceed 10,000 horse, including old and new troops; and some of the most devoted were averse to fighting. Raja Bhim, the son of the Rana, contrary to the opinions of all, was eager for war. He went so far as to say that if they did not fight, they must not reckon upon his support, for such marching and moving about was against the rules of the Rajputs. His voice prevailed, and the ranks were formed for battle. The guns were taken out of the redoubts, and the battle began. The royal forces encompassed the field on three sides like a bow, and arrows and bullets fell like hail. Raja Bhim, unheeding the numbers of foes, charged bravely with his Rajputs * *; but a chosen force which attended Prince Parwez and Mahabat Khan fell upon him and cut him down; still he fought fiercely as long as he could draw breath. * * The gunners abandoned their guns and fled, and the guns fell into the hands of the royal forces. * * An arrow wounded the horse of Shah Jahan, and ’Abdu-lla, who was near him, seized his bridle, and led him out of the fight, when he exchanged his own for the Prince’s wounded horse. Shah Jahan went to the fort of Rohtas, and there stayed his flight.] * *

Dakhin.

13.1

[Advices now arrived from the Dakhin. Malik ’Ambar proceeded to the frontiers of Kutbu-l Mulk, to receive the annual payment for the army, which was now two years in arrear. After receiving it, and making himself secure on that side by a treaty and oath, he proceeded towards Bidar. There he found the forces of ’Adil Khan, who were in charge of that country, unprepared, so he attacked them unawares, and plundered the city of Bidar. From thence he marched against Bijapur. ’Adil Khan had sent his best troops and officers along with Mulla Muhammad Lari to Burhanpur, and not deeming himself strong enough to resist the assailant, he shut himself up in the fortress of Bijapur, and doing all he could to secure the place, he sent a messenger to recall Muhammad Lari and his forces from Burhanpur. * * When Mahabat Khan and Prince Parwez marched for Allahabad, Sarbuland Rai was left in charge of Burhanpur, and was ordered to administer the affairs of the Dakhin in concert with Mulla Muhammad Lari. The Mulla now became very pressing, and gave three lacs of huns, nearly equal to twelve lacs of rupees, for the payment of the troops. When the Mulla’s letters of recall reached Mahabat Khan, he acquiesced, and directed the officials in the Dakhin to hasten with the Mulla to support ’Adil Khan. Sarbuland Rai of necessity remained at Burhanpur with a few men; but he sent Lashkar Khan and * * * all the amirs of the Dakhin along with Muhammad Lari, to oppose Malik 'Ambar.

13.2

When the Malik received information of this, he wrote to the Imperial officers, asserting his loyalty to the Imperial throne, and asking that Nizamu-l Mulk and 'Adil Khan might be allowed to settle their old standing differences without interference. No attention was paid to this remonstrance by the amirs, who pressed steadily on. He renewed his appeal more earnestly than before; but they displayed their forces, and he was compelled to depart from Bijapur, and go to his own territories. Upon the approach of the Imperial forces, 'Ambar endeavoured to conciliate and procrastinate, and spared no effort to avoid war. But Mulla Muhammad Lari and the Imperial amirs followed him, and allowed him no rest. The more submissive and importunate he became, the more Muhammad Lari tried to humble him, and the harder he pressed him.

13.3

He was reduced to extremity, and compelled to take some decided course. So one day, when the Imperial forces were heedless, and were impressed with the notion that he would not fight, suddenly he appeared on the edge of their camp, five kos from Ahmadnagar. The battle began with the forces of 'Adil Khan, and, by the will of Fate, Muhammad Lari, who commanded them, was killed. His fall threw the Bijapur forces into confusion. Jadu Rai and Uda Ram fled without striking a blow, and a perfect rout followed. Ikhlas Khan and twenty-five other officers of 'Adil Khan, who were the props of his power, were taken prisoners. Of these, Farhad Khan, who had sought the death of Malik 'Ambar, was executed; the others were imprisoned. Lashkar Khan and some other chiefs of the Imperial army were also made prisoners. Khanjar Khan by great exertion escaped to Ahmadnagar, and prepared the fortress for a siege. Jan-sipar Khan went to Bir, which was in his tiyul (jagir), and set the fort in order. Of the rest who escaped from the field of carnage, some fled to Ahmadnagar, and some to Burhanpur.

13.4

Malik ’Ambar, successful beyond his hopes, sent his prisoners to the fortress of Daulatabad, and marched to lay siege to Ahmadnagar. But although he brought up his guns and pressed the siege, he met with no success. He therefore left a part of his army to maintain the investment, whilst he marched against Bijapur. ’Adil Khan again took refuge in the fortress, and Malik ’Ambar occupied all his territories as far as the frontiers of the Imperial dominions in the Balaghat. He collected an excellent army and laid siege to Sholapur, which had long been a subject of contention between Nizamu-l Mulk and ’Adil Khan. He sent a force against Burhanpur, and having brought up guns from Daulatabad, he took Sholapur by storm.

13.5

The intelligence of these reverses greatly troubled the Emperor. By advice of Mahabat Khan, he summoned Khana-zad Khan, son of Mahabat, from Kabul, and sent him with his army to join his father. * * * A despatch arrived from Mahabat Khan, informing the Emperor that Shah Jahan had quitted Patna and Bihar, and had gone to Bengal. Prince Parwez, with the Imperial army, was in Bihar awaiting instructions as to his future proceedings. It has already been related how Shah Jahan had made Darab, son of Khan-khanan, governor of Bengal, and having first bound him by an oath, had carried off his wife and son and nephew as hostages. After being defeated, Shah Jahan placed the wife in the fort of Rohtas, and wrote to Darab, ordering him to come in person to the fort. Darab improperly and perversely took another view of the matter, and wrote to say that he was unable to come, because the zamindars had banded together and held him in blockade. When Shah Jahan found that he must not expect the arrival of Darab, and that he had not forces sufficient to carry on the war, he placed Darab’s son in charge of ’Abdu-lla Khan, and went to Akbar-nagar, where he took all the munitions and baggage which had been left there, and returned to the Dakhin by the way in which he had come. Darab Khan had disgraced himself to all eternity by his detestable conduct, so ’Abdu-lla Khan relieved his own mind by putting Darab’s son to death; and this he did, although Shah Jahan had sent to forbid him.

13.6

Prince Parwez, having given Bihar in jagir to Mahabat Khan and his son, started on his return. He sent notices to the zamindars of Bengal, who held Darab in confinement, warning them not to hurt him, but to send him to the army. He soon arrived, and intelligence of his arrival having been communicated to the Emperor, he issued his mandate to Mahabat Khan, that there was no use in keeping such a worthless fellow alive, and that therefore he was to be beheaded, and his head sent to Court. So Mahabat Khan had him decapitated, and sent his head to the Emperor. * * Strict orders were sent to the Dakhin, forbidding warlike operations until the arrival of reinforcements, and commanding the troops to keep in the fortified places, and make them secure.]

Twentieth Year of the Reign.

14.1

[The twentieth year of the reign commenced on the 10th Jumada-s sani, 1033 H. (10th March, 1624 A.D.), and the Emperor set out for Kashmir.] As it has been several times asserted, and is especially mentioned in the Zakhira Khwarizm Shahi, that laughter arises from eating saffron, — and that if it is taken in large quantities, there is fear of death supervening, — His Majesty determined on making a trial of its effects, and therefore sent for a condemned criminal from the jail, and giving him a quarter of a sir of saffron, equal to forty miskals, made him eat it in his presence. It did not occasion any change in him. On the next day, he gave him double the quantity, but it did not cause him even to smile, much less to laugh. How then can a man possibly die from eating saffron?

14.2

[Despatches from Asad Khan, bakhshi of the Dakhin, brought intelligence that Shah Jahan had arrived at Dewalgam; that Yusuf Habshi had invested Burhanpur with the forces of Malik ’Ambar; that Sarbuland Rai had kept close in his fortifications; and that the besiegers had not been able to accomplish anything. The next intelligence was that Shah Jahan had reached the Lal-bagh (before Burhanpur), and had made several assaults upon the place without success. He had been attacked by sickness, and was compelled to go away to Rohangarh in the Balaghat. The forces of Malik ’Ambar, finding their efforts unavailing, raised the siege, and returned to their master. Hoshang, son of Prince Daniyal, and ’Abdu-r Rahim Khan-khanan came in to wait upon Prince Parwez. The former was graciously received and liberally provided for. Khan-khanan expressed sorrow and shame for his actions, and the Prince consoled him, and directed that he should be kept in a suitable place.

14.3

Fidai Khan was sent to Prince Parwez, with orders for Mahabat Khan to leave him, and proceed to Bengal. Khan Jahan was to come from Gujarat, and to act as vakil with the Prince. Fidai Khan saw the Prince at Sarangpur, and wrote to say that the Prince was unwilling either to part with Mahabat Khan or to receive Khan Jahan. * * He (Fidai) had, nevertheless, sent messengers for Khan Jahan, who was hastening to his post. Another farman was then sent to the Prince, warning him not to disobey. If Mahabat Khan was unwilling to go to Bengal, he was to return express to Court, and the Prince was to stay with his amirs at Burhanpur.

14.4

On the 19th Muharram, 1035, the Emperor started from Kashmir on his return to Lahore.] * * Prince Dawar Bakhsh presented a tiger, which had an extraordinary affection for a goat, which lived in the same cage with it. They used even to couple and consort together, as if they were animals of the same kind. It was ordered that the goat should be taken away to a distance and concealed; upon which the tiger became disconsolate and uneasy. It was then ordered that a goat of precisely the same colour and size should be placed in the cage. The tiger at first began to smell it, and shortly afterwards seized it in his mouth, and broke its back. A sheep was then placed in the cage, when it was immediately torn and devoured. They then brought the old goat back again, when it was received with undiminished regard. The tiger lay on his back, and took the goat upon its breast, and licked its face. Such a thing was never seen, either among tame or wild beasts, as an animal kissing the mouth even of its mate. [Mahabat Khan had not as yet sent to Court the elephants obtained in Bengal, and he had realized large sums of money due to the State, and also from jagirs. A person called ’Arab Dast-ghaib was therefore sent to collect the elephants, and bring them to Court, also to obtain a settlement of accounts, and to return to Court if the result proved satisfactory.

14.5

Intelligence arrived that Khan Jahan had come from Gujarat, and had joined Prince Parwez. A letter arrived simultaneously from Khan Jahan himself, stating that ’Abdu-lla Khan had abandoned Shah Jahan, and through him had written penitent and submissive letters, begging for forgiveness. Khan Jahan forwarded the letters with his own intercession, and pardon was granted. * * On the 8th Jumada-s sani the Emperor began his travels in the direction of Kabul.] * *

15

[The twenty-first year of the reign began on the 10th Jumada-s sani, 1035 H. * * An answer to the dutiful letter of Shah Jahan was written and forwarded, with a mace set with diamonds, valued at a lac of rupees, a studded girdle, etc.] * *

Rebellion of Mahabat Khan.

16.1.1

[It has previously been mentioned that ’Arab Dast-ghaib had been sent to Mahabat Khan in Bengal, to bring the elephants, and to summon the Khan to Court. Mahabat Khan, having first sent the elephants, came himself to the vicinity of the royal camp. His recall was owing to the instigation of Asaf Khan, whose object was to bring him to disgrace, and to deprive him of honour, property, and life. But Mahabat Khan had cleverly seen through Asaf’s designs, and had brought with him 4000 or 5000 Rajputs, brave men united in one cause. He had also brought the wives and families of many of them, so that, if driven to extremity, they would fight to the last for the lives and honour of themselves and their families. Although strong observations were made about the manner in which Mahabat Khan had come, Nawab Asaf Khan treated the matter with indifference and negligence. When his arrival was reported to the Emperor, a message was sent forbidding him to attend at Court until summoned. The elephants which he had brought were to be forwarded to Court. Mahabat Khan had, without the royal permission, affianced his daughter to the son of Khwaja ’Umar Nakshabandi. The Emperor made a great noise about this. He sent for the young man, and having treated him with great insult and harshness, he gave orders for binding his hands to his neck, and for taking him bare-headed to prison. Fidai Khan was directed to seize what Mahabat Khan had given to the youth, and place it in the Imperial treasury.

16.1.2

The abiding place of the Emperor was on the bank of the river Behat, and Asaf Khan, notwithstanding the presence of such a brave and daring enemy, was so heedless of his master’s safety, that he left him on that side of the river, while he passed over the bridge to the other side, with the children and women, and the attendants and officers. He sent over also the baggage, the treasury, the arms, etc., even to the very domestics. Mahabat Khan perceived that his life and honour were at stake, and that he had no resource, for he had not a single friend left near the Emperor. With 4000 or 5000 Rajputs who had sworn fidelity to him, he proceeded to the head of the bridge. There he left nearly 2000 horsemen to hold it, and to burn the bridge rather than allow any one to pass over. Mahabat Khan then proceeded to the royal quarters. The writer of this Ikbal-nama at that time held the offices of bakhshi and mir-tuzak; therefore he had not gone over the river, but passed the night in the antechamber. After prayers, and saying good morning to his comrades, he went round to inspect. A cry arose that Mahabat Khan was coming, and the thought occurred to me that perhaps he had gone to the door of the private apartments. Then it was said that he had left the private apartments, and had come to the state-apartment, to give expression to his feelings. On reaching the entrance of my ante-room, he inquired how matters stood.

16.1.3

When his voice reached my ear, I drew my sword, and went out of the tent. When he saw me, he addressed me by name, and asked after His Majesty. I saw that he had with him about 100 Rajputs on foot, carrying spears and shields, and leading his horse in the midst of them; but the dust prevented me from seeing any one’s face distinctly. He hastened to the chief entrance, and I entered the state-apartment by a side door. I saw a few men of the guard in the state-room, and three or four eunuchs standing at the door of the bath-room. Mahabat Khan rode to the door of the state-room, and alighted. When he proceeded towards the bath-room, he had about 200 Rajputs with him. I then went forward, and in my simplicity exclaimed, “This presumption and temerity is beyond all rule; if you will wait a minute, I will go on in, and make a report.” He did not trouble himself to answer. When he reached the entrance of the bath-room, his attendants tore down the boards which the door-keepers had put up for security, and threw them into the middle of the state-room. The servants who were in attendance on His Majesty informed him of this daring action. The Emperor then came out, and took his seat in a palki which was in waiting for him. Mahabat Khan advanced respectfully to the door of the palki, and said, “I have assured myself that escape from the malice and implacable hatred of Asaf Khan is impossible, and that I shall be put to death in shame and ignominy.

16.1.4

I have therefore boldly and presumptuously thrown myself upon Your Majesty’s protection. If I deserve death or punishment, give the order that I may suffer it in your presence.” The armed Rajputs now flocked in, and surrounded the royal apartments. There was no one with His Majesty but ’Arab Dast-ghaib, * * * and a few other attendants. The violent entrance of that faithless dog had alarmed and enraged His Majesty, so he twice placed his hand on his sword to cleanse the world from the filthy existence of that foul dog. But each time Mansur Badakhshi said, “This is a time for fortitude, leave the punishment of this wicked faithless fellow to a just God : a day of retribution will come.” His words seemed prudent, so His Majesty restrained himself. In a short time the Rajputs occupied the royal apartments within and without, so that no one but the servants could approach His Majesty. The villain then said, “It is time to go out riding and hunting ; let the necessary orders be given as usual, so that your slave may go out in attendance upon you, and it may appear that this bold step has been taken by Your Majesty’s order.” He brought his own horse forward, and urged the Emperor to mount it ; but the royal dignity would not permit him to ride upon his horse. So he called for his own horse, and ordered his riding garments to be taken into the private apartments. But that shrewd villain would not allow him to go inside.

16.1.5

They waited a little until the horse was brought. His Majesty then mounted and rode to two arrow-shots distance from the tents. An elephant was brought forward, and Mahabat Khan said that there was a crowd and uproar, His Majesty had therefore better mount the elephant, and so proceed to the hunting ground. The Emperor, without any observation or opposition, mounted the beast. One of the most trusted Rajputs took his seat in front, and two others behind the howda. Mubarak Khan now came forward, and to satisfy him, took a place in the howda with the Emperor. In the confusion, Mubarak had received accidentally a wound in the forehead, from which a good deal of blood had run, and covered his bosom. One of the personal attendants of His Majesty, who had charge of the wine, and carried the royal wine-cup in his hand, now came up to the elephant. The Rajputs seized their spears, and with their hands and arms tried to prevent him; but he seized fast hold of the howda, and as there was not room for three persons to sit outside, he supported himself by holding the middle of the howda. After going about half a kos, Gajpat Khan, the master of the elephant stables, brought up the Emperor’s own elephant. He was seated in front, and his son behind. Apparently this roused Mahabat Khan’s suspicion, and he gave the sign to the Rajputs for killing these two innocent men.

16.1.6

Dressed as if for hunting, Mahabat Khan led the way to his own abode, and His Majesty went in and stayed there for a time. Mahabat placed his wretched sons around the Emperor. He had taken no thought of Nur Jahan Begam; so it now occurred to him that he would take the Emperor back to the royal abode, and make himself safe on that side also. With this intention, he conducted the Emperor back. But as it happened, Nur Jahan, thinking that His Majesty had gone out hunting, took the opportunity to pass over the river with Jawahir Khan, the eunuch, to pay a visit to her brother Asaf Khan. When Mahabat discovered the departure of Nur Jahan, he bitterly repented of the blunder he had made in not securing her. He now bethought him of Shahriyar, and saw that it would be a great error to let him be apart from the Emperor. So he made His Majesty mount once more, and carried him to the house of Shahriyar. Apprehension and fear for his life so distracted the traitor, that his deeds and words were not at all sensible. He neither knew what he said nor what he did, nor what was to be done. Every minute some design or some anxiety entered his mind, and caused regret. His Majesty made no opposition to any of his proposals.

16.2.1

When the bold traitor entered the royal apartments, Jahju, grandson of Shuja’at Khan, one of the chief nobles of the late Emperor Akbar, was present, and he went everywhere with His Majesty, until he was taken to the abode of Shahriyar. One cannot tell what suspicion or doubt entered the heart of the traitor; but when His Majesty went in, Mahabat directed his Rajputs to seize Jahju and slay him, and they soon made a martyr of him.

16.2.2

After Nur Jahan had crossed the river, and reached the house of her brother, she summoned all the chief nobles, and addressed them in reproachful terms. “This,” she said, “has all happened through your neglect and stupid arrangements. What never entered into the imagination of any one has come to pass, and now you stand stricken with shame for your conduct before God and man. You must do your best to repair this evil, and advise what course to pursue.” With one mind and one voice they all advised that on the morrow the forces should be drawn out, and that they should pass over the river with her to defeat the rebel and deliver His Majesty. This unwise resolution reached the Emperor’s ears, and he considered it very wrong. During the night he sent Mukarrib Khan and several others in succession to Asaf Khan and the great nobles, warning them against passing over the river to give battle, for to do so would be a great mistake, productive of nothing but evil and repentance. With what hope and what zeal could they fight, while he was on a different side of the river. To certify and enforce this counsel, he sent his own signet ring over by Mir Mansur. But Asaf Khan suspected that this was done and said at the instigation of Mahabat Khan; so he paid no heed to it, but resolved to carry out the plan they had resolved on.

16.2.3

Fidai Khan, on being informed of what had happened, mounted his horse, and rode down to the river; but the bridge had been burnt, and there was no means of passing over. Having no other resource, with a few of his faithful followers he rode into the river opposite the royal abode, and tried to cross over by swimming. Six of his men perished in the waters; others, through the coldness of the water, were unable to proceed, and returned to land half dead. The Khan, with seven other horsemen, reached the opposite bank, and made a gallant effort. Four of his companions were killed; and when he saw that the enemy was too strong, that he could not reach His Majesty, and that his effort must fail, he fell back like a block of stone in an iron wall, and repassed the river with the same dash and spirit with which he had crossed it. The Emperor passed that night in the abode of Shahriyar. On Sunday, the 20th Farwardin, of the Ilahi era, agreeing with 21st Jumada-s sani, Asaf Khan, with Khwaja Abu-l Hasan, and other grandees, being resolved upon giving battle, determined to pass the river in attendance upon Nur Jahan Begam, by a ford which Ghazi, the commander of the boats, had discovered. As it happened, this was one of the worst of fords. Three or four large holes had to be passed, in which the water was deep. In the passage all order was lost, and each party got over as best it could.

16.2.4

Asaf Khan, Khwaja Abu-l Hasan, and Iradat Khan, with the elephant-litter of the Begam, landed in front of a strong party of the enemy, which held the bank, with their elephants posted in their front. Fidai Khan crossed over at a ford about an arrow-shot lower down. Abu Talib, son of Asaf Khan, and a considerable number of men, passed at a ford still lower down. At times the horses were obliged to swim, the accoutrements got wet, and the harness disordered. Some of them had reached the shore, and some were still in the water, when the enemy came down upon them, their elephants leading. Asaf Khan and Khwaja Abu-l Hasan were yet in the middle of the river, when the men in advance of them recoiled (I was paralyzed at this sight, as if a mill-stone had been revolving on the top of my head). No one cared for or gave ear to another, no one showed any resolution. The first thing to be done was to secure the ford which offered the easiest passage, and to send a force over to occupy the opposite bank, and to keep the enemy off, so that the amirs and their men might cross the river without interruption, to support those who had already got over. This was a time for the exhibition of discipline, resolution, and devotion. But now every one who was in front fell back, and those who went on together fell. The officers, in a panic, rushed off in disorder, not knowing whither they went, or where they led their men.

16.2.5

I and Khwaja Abu-l Hasan had crossed one (branch of the) river, and were standing on the brink of the second, beholding the working of destiny. Horsemen and footmen, horses, camels, and carriages, were in the midst of the river, jostling each other, and pressing to the opposite shore. At this time a eunuch of Nur Jahan’s, whose name was Nadim, came to us, and said, The Begam wants to know if this is the time for delay and irresolution; strike boldly forward, so that by your advance the enemy may be repulsed, and take to flight.” I and the Khwaja did not wait to give an answer, but plunged into the water. Seven or eight hundred Rajputs, with a number of war-elephants in their front, occupied the opposite shore in firm array. Some of our men, horse and foot, approached the bank, in a broken and disordered condition. The enemy pushed forward their elephants, and the horsemen came from the rear, dashed into the water, and plied their swords. Our handful of men, being without leaders, turned and fled, and the swords of the enemy tinged the water with their blood. The Begam Nur Jahan had in her litter the daughter of Shahriyar, whose anka or nurse was the daughter of Shah Nawaz Khan. The anka received an arrow in her arm, and the Begam herself pulled it out, staining her garments with blood. The elephant on which the Begam was riding received two sword-cuts on the trunk ; and when he turned round, he was wounded two or three times behind with spears.

16.2.6

The Rajputs pushed after him with their drawn swords, and his drivers urged him on into the deep water. The horsemen then had to swim, and becoming afraid of being drowned, they turned back. The elephant swam to shore, and the Begam proceeded to the royal abode. Khwaja Abu-l Hasan and I were together. He left me and made haste to the Begam’s abode, and I remained with forty of my men by the side of the river. They kept up a discharge of arrows, and the Rajputs made no attempt to cross to our side. Asaf Khan now came in sight ; his companions were scattered, and his plan had failed, so he departed. I sought and shouted for his followers, but could not find them or any trace of them. When Khwaja Abu-l Hasan left me, he went off at a sharp pace, and in his distraction and alarm, he rode into the river. The water was deep, and the stream was running strong. While the horse was swimming, he fell off ; but he clutched the saddle-bow with both hands. The horse went under several times, and was drowned ; but the Khwaja never let go the saddle-bow. A Kashmiri boatman made his way to him, and saved his life. Fidai Khan, with a party of the Emperor’s servants, and some of his own men who had been long attached to him, passed the river, and attacked the force which he found opposed to him. He drove back the enemy, and reached the house of Shahriyar, where the Emperor then was. The interior of the residence was full of men, both horse and foot ;

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