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Táríkh-i Salím Sháhí; Tuzak-i Jahángírí, of the Emperor Jahángír (Elliot & Dowson, extracts)

Translation of The Memoirs of Jahāngīr (Jahāngīrnāma) (Tūzuk-i Jahāngīrī)

Language
English
Date
1875 CE
Translators
Henry Miers Elliot, John Dowson
Extent
17 passages, 3,720 words
Text
complete digital text
Source
archive.org · The History of India, as told by its own Historians. The Muhammadan Period. The posthumous papers of Sir H.… · Public domain (published before 1930)

Contents

Text

1.1.1

When the troops and generals of Khusrú's army despaired of the capture of the fort, and news arrived of the royal army being in pursuit, they perceived that they had committed extreme folly, and had not obtained any place where they could remain secure. Distracted as they were, they set their hearts upon battle, and determined that with twelve thousand men they would make a night attack upon my victorious army. With this design, on Tuesday, between the hours of evening- and bed-prayer, they abandoned the siege of the fort of Lahore, and withdrew. The next evening the intelligence reached me at the saráí of Kází Alí, that Khusrú, after raising the siege of Lahore, had gone off with nearly 20,000 wretches. On receipt of this news, fire inflamed my breast, and I reflected that perhaps he might have undertaken some other expedition. That very night, though rain was falling heavily, I ordered that the camp should be struck, and we marched to Dewal, crossing the river at Govindwál.

1.1.2

On Thursday, about noon, Shaikh Faríd succeeded in intercepting the army of Khusrú, and found himself in presence of the luckless enemy. I was seated at Sultánpúr, and at that moment they had just brought me a tray of food, and I was about to eat something, when news arrived that the action had commenced. I took only a mouthful for good luck’s sake, while they were preparing my charger. I then mounted and galloped off. I did not stay to put my army in array, and although I demanded my arms, yet I took nothing but my sword and spear with me, and commending myself to God, proceeded in the utmost haste towards the scene of action. There were about 10,000 cavalry with me, but I ordered the paymaster to get ready the reserve and follow me. When I arrived at the bridge of Govindwál, I sent on nearly 20,000 men to support Shaikh Faríd.

1.1.3

I also despatched Mír Jamálu-d dín Husain Injú to Khusrú, to give him advice, to the effect that although the devil had drawn him from the right path, and that he was now actually engaged in open contest with me, I was ready to pardon his crime, provided he accompanied Mír Jamálu-d dín to my presence, and confessing shame for his proceedings, would relieve himself of the responsibility of sacrificing me and the slaves of God. Though himself well inclined to repair to my presence, he was withheld by the counsels of the desperate and turbulent profligates with him, and the reply which he conveyed to me through Jamalu-d din imported that, having proceeded so far, there was no alternative but the sword, and that God Almighty would give the crown to that head which he knew to be worthy of the empire.

1.1.4

When this reply was communicated to me by Mir Jamalu-d din, I no longer entertained any compassion for my headlong son, and, being without remedy, I sent to announce to Shaikh Farid that there was no longer need to wait further orders, and that he was at once to attack the main body of the rebels. When the Shaikh received this announcement, Bahadur Khan Uzbek commenced the attack on their rear with 10,000 cavalry, while Shaikh Farid attacked the enemy in front with 20,000 men. The battle commenced two hours after sunrise, and did not close till sunset. As the assistance of God and the future of the empire were on my side, nearly 10,000 horsemen of the enemy were slain in the battle and pursuit. Bahadur Khan Uzbek happened to come to the very spot where Khusru, having dismounted from his horse, had seated himself on a litter, conceiving that in the tumult of the battle he would not be recognized and be taken captive. Bahadur Khan, however, on recognizing him, caused him to be immediately surrounded by his troops, just as Shaikh Farid arrived at the same spot. Khusru, no longer perceiving the smallest outlet for escape, quitted the litter, and said to Shaikh Farid that compulsion was unnecessary, as he was of his own accord on the way to throw himself at his father’s feet. I was myself at the head of the bridge of Govindwal, in some apprehension of the result.

1.1.5

Mir Jamalu-d din was saying that he had seen with his own eyes that the troops of Khusru exceeded 50,000 men, and he doubted if Shaikh Farid could overcome them that night, seeing that his force, combined with that of Bahadur Khan Uzbek, did not exceed 14,000 cavalry. I was engaged in this conversation, when news arrived of Shaikh Farid’s victory and the capture of Khusru. Mir Jamalu-d din dismounted from his horse, and throwing himself at my feet, exclaimed, “This is the real meaning of good fortune. But I scarcely yet venture to believe the news to be true.” He had scarcely said this, when Khusru himself with his eunuchs were brought into my presence, and laid their heads on the ground before me. At that moment, the Mir, in great agitation and surprise, fell down again at my feet, exclaiming, “This is indeed Your Majesty’s good fortune, which God has been pleased to grant.” Both Shaikh Farid and Abu Kasim Uzbek (Bahadur Khan) had conducted themselves with distinguished valour, and I immediately advanced both to the order of five thousand, with the insignia of the drum and standard, a horse with enriched caparisons, and waistband similarly ornamented; and I promoted Bahadur Khan to the government of Kandahar. Shaikh Farid had previously possessed the rank of an amir of two thousand, and I now promoted him to that of five thousand. Saif Khan, son of Saiyid Mahmud, had also performed excellent service, having received not less than seventeen wounds;

1.1.6

and Saiyid Jamalu-d din also received a mortal wound on one side of the head, of which he died a few days afterwards. Saiyid Kamalu-d din and his brother, terror-stricken by the din of the Imperial kettle-drums, fled in consternation from the field at the very commencement of the action. Nearly 400 Aimaks were sent to perdition in the conflict, and nearly 300 wretched ingrates from different quarters were brought prisoners to my presence. The jewel-chest of Khusru fell into the hands of some persons who were never discovered. On Thursday, the 25th of Zi-l hijja, I entered the castle of Lahore, and took my seat in the royal pavilion built by my father, from which he used to view the combats of elephants; and I directed a number of sharp stakes to be set up in the bed of the river, upon which thrones of misfortune and despair I caused the 300 traitors who had conspired with Khusru to be impaled alive. Than this there cannot exist a more excruciating punishment, for the culprits die in lingering torture. Let the reflecting man take warning by this, and be deterred by the thousand punishments, which cannot exceed those which I have described, from similar acts of perfidy and treason towards their benefactors.

1.1.7

As the Imperial treasury was at Agra, as my authority was only lately established, and as the disaffected were ripe for revolt, it seemed inconsistent with good policy to remain longer at Lahore, and I therefore returned to Agra, leaving Khusru to the visitations of shame, in the custody of Dilawar Khan, who had instructions to watch him with unremitting vigilance. A son ought always to be the stay of monarchy. To continue, therefore, in a state of hostility with him, would be to sap the foundations of its prosperity. Never have I permitted myself to be misled from the right path by injudicious counsels; my proceedings being governed by my own reason and experience. I have constantly borne in mind the observation of my father and spiritual guide, that two things are necessary for kings and princes, viz. prudence and success; prudence to preserve the sovereignty, and good fortune to maintain one’s wealth. Without good fortune, wealth is fleeting, and in a short time slips through our fingers.

1.1.8

In short, on the 28th of Safar, I returned to the metropolis of Agra. I cannot omit to describe, that for more than thirty-two hours after the flight of Khusru, and while I was far from Agra, his mother, being oppressed with grief, refused to take either food or water, but weeping and wailing, in hunger, and doing penance like the saints, sustaining life only by the barest sustenance, departed at last, in distraction and in anger, to the mercy of God — for how can any one live without either bread or water for two or three days ? Keshu Rai, in close attention to his duties, surpassed his father. By night and by day he was unremitting in his attendance. Rain or fair, he would stand during the whole night leaning on his staff. He always accompanied me on foot on my hunting excursions. For these services, I had, previous to my accession conferred upon him the order of 5000, and after my accession, I raised his mansab by 1000. He is now, however, from his increasing corpulence, become in a great degree incapable of discharging his duties. In short, kings do not look so much to the persons of men as to their services; and in proportion as these latter improve in merit, so will be the personal advancement.

1.2.1

On the first day of every month, it was the rule with my father to discharge his matchlock, and he was followed by all his attendants, from the highest dignitary to the lowest stipendiary. This discharge never occurred but on such occasion. In imitation of the same example, I have continued the practice, discharging a matchlock with my own hand, and followed by every one present. The same passage from the Táríkh-i Salím-Sháhí runs thus in Major Price's translation, pp. 85-89. “The generals of Khossrou, not less than his troops, now despairing of the capture of the castle, and assailed by accumulating rumours of the approach of the imperial armies, began to perceive the folly of the treasons by which they had so deeply committed themselves; neither could they venture to foresee the moment at which, instead of laying siege to others, they should not be themselves besieged. All was now consternation, in which, nevertheless, setting their minds on battle and death, it was resolved, with one hundred and twelve thousand horse, which they had contrived to collect together, to make at night a bold and simultaneous attack upon my camp.

1.2.2

With this magnificent design in view, on Tuesday, the 24th of Zilhudge, between the hours of evening prayer and supper-time, they abandoned the siege of the castle of Lahour, and withdrew from before the city altogether. On the evening of Thursday the 26th, while at the serai of Rhaujush Ally, intelligence was brought to me, that after raising the siege of Lahour, Khossrou, with about twenty thousand men, had gone off no one knew whither; and this awakening the greatest anxiety lest he might, after all, be able to elude my pursuit, I instantly gave orders to march, although there was at the time a heavy and incessant fall of rain. The same day I crossed the river of Goundwaul, and encamped at Oowaul.

1.2.3

It was on Thursday the 26th, about noon, that Sheikh Fereid succeeded in interrupting the march of Khossrou, and thus found himself at last in the presence of the enemy. At this moment at Sultanpour, I had just seated myself, and was about to eat of some parched wheat, which was brought me by Moezz-ul-moulk, when intelligence was communicated to me of the situation of Sheikh Fereid, and that he was actually engaged with the troops of Khossrou. Having swallowed a single mouthful for good luck, I instantly called for and mounted my horse, and consigning myself entirely to the protection of God’s providence, without suffering myself to be delayed by any concern for an array of battle, or being able to furnish myself at the moment with any other arms than my sword and a javelin, I gave the reins to my horse, and hastened towards the scene of the conflict. I had, however, about my person, more than 10,000 horse, although none were apprised that they were that day to be led to battle.

1.2.4

Neither was it indeed in strict conformity with the rules of military discipline, to engage in conflict with numbers so inferior, however favoured by Providence, the troops being, in fact, much disheartened by the contemplation of their manifest disparity. I endeavoured to remove these impressions, by directing the Bukhshies to order the whole army forward to our support without delay, and making generally known the crisis at which we were arrived. By the time I reached Goundwaul, accordingly, my force had amounted to 20,000 horse, and 50,000 camel-mounted gunners or matchlockmen, all of whom I now forwarded to the support of Sheikh Pereid. Things were at this perilous crisis, when I thought it advisable to despatch Meir Jummaul-ud-dein Husseyne with a message to Khossrou, intreating that he would retrace his steps in time, and to beware of the awful responsibility to which he was exposing himself for the blood of such untold thousands of God's creatures. From this, though himself well inclined to repair to my presence, he was, however, withheld by the counsels of the desperate and turbulent profligates by whom he was surrounded; and the reply which he conveyed to me through Jummaul-ud-dein imported, that having proceeded so far, there was no alternative but the sword; and that God Almighty would doubtless give the crown to that head which he knew to be most worthy of the Empire.

1.2.5

When this presumptuous reply from Khossrou was communicated to me by Meir Jummaul-ud-dein, I sent to announce to Sheikh Fereid that there was no longer room for deliberation, and that he was at once to attack the main body of the rebels. These orders were carried into execution without a moment’s delay. The attack commenced on one side from Bahauder Khaun the Ouzbek, at the head of 30,000 horse in cotton-mail, and 20,000 camel-mounted matchlockmen; while Sheikh Fereid, with a body-guard of chosen warriors, rushed upon the enemy on the other. The army of Khossrou, on this occasion, consisted altogether of 200,000 horse and camel-mounted matchlockmen; the former clad in the same description of quilted mail as worn by the troops of Bahauder Khaun. The battle commenced at the close of the second watch of the day, and continued until sunset. The providence of God and the fortune of the Empire being on my side, the result was a triumphant day for me; for when 30,000 of the enemy had bitten the dust, the remainder discontinued all resistance, and quitted the field in dismay. Bahauder Khaun came, as it happened, to the very spot where Khossrou, having dismounted from his horse, had seated himself on a litter, conceiving that in the tumult and confusion of the pursuit, he might possibly be able to escape without being known.

1.2.6

Bahauder Khaun caused him, however, to be immediately surrounded by his troops, and Sheikh Fereid arriving also on the spot, Khossrou, no longer perceiving the smallest outlet for escape, and that he must be overtaken without alternative, quitted the singhassiin (or covered litter), on which he lay concealed, and announced to Sheikh Fereid that all further force was unnecessary, as he was, of his own accord, on the way to throw himself at his father’s feet. I call God to witness, that while at Goundwaul, at this perilous crisis, I experienced some strong forebodings that Khossrou was coming to my presence; but Jummaul-ud-dein Husseyne did not hesitate to express considerable doubt that Sheikh Fereid would that night be able to repulse the enemy, since, as he said, he had with his own eyes ascertained that Khossrou had with him a force of more than 200,000 fighting men. In this sort of discussion we were engaged, when it was announced that Sheikh Fereid was victorious, and that Khossrou was his prisoner. Still incredulous of the joyful event, Jummaul-ud-dein dismounted from his horse, and throwing himself at my feet, persisted in the declaration, that although my imperial fortune indicated all that was propitious, still he could not yet give credit to the report. Every doubt was removed, however, a little afterwards, when Khossrou, on his litter, accompanied by his general of artillery, was conducted into my presence.

1.2.7

Both Sheikh Fereid and Bahauder Khaun had conducted themselves on this trying occasion with distinguished ability and valour, and I immediately advanced the latter to the order of 5000, with the insignia of the drum and standard, and a present of horses with enriched caparisons, conferring upon him, moreover, the government of Kandahaur. Sheikh Fereid had previously possessed the rank of an Ameir of 2000, and I now promoted him to that of 4000. Seyf Khaun, the son of Seyed Mahmoud, had also greatly distinguished himself, having received not less than seventeen wounds in different parts of the body. Seyed Jullaul received a mortal wound in the upper region of the heart, of which he died a few days afterwards. He was of a distinguished family among the Afghans. Seyed Hullaul and his brother, two of Khossrou's generals, terror-stricken by the din of the imperial kettle-drums, fled in consternation from the field, at the very commencement of the action. Nearly 400 heads of tribes, Owimauk, were sent to perdition in the conflict, and about 700 were brought from different quarters prisoners to my presence. The jewel-chest of Khossrou, containing jewels to the value of nearly two krour of five-methkaly ashrefies, fell into the hands of some persons who were never discovered.

1.2.8

In the course of the same Thursday I entered the castle of Lahour, where I took up my abode in the royal pavilion, built by my father on this principal tower, from which to view the combats of elephants. Seated in the pavilion, having directed a number of sharp stakes to be set up in the bed of the Rauvy, I caused the 700 traitors who had conspired with Khossrou against my authority to be impaled alive upon them. Than this there cannot exist a more excruciating punishment, since the wretches exposed frequently linger a long time in the most agonising torture, before the hand of death relieves them; and the spectacle of such frightful agonies must, if anything can, operate as a due example to deter others from similar acts of perfidy and treason towards their benefactors.

1.3

As the imperial treasury remained at Agrah, and it seemed inconsistent with good policy, in so early a stage of my authority, to continue long among the disaffected hypocrites at Lahoor, I now quitted that place on my return to the metropolis, leaving the unhappy Khossrou a prey to the visitations of shame and remorse, in the custody of Dillawer Khaun, who had instructions to watch over him with unremitting vigilance. A son ought, indeed, always to be considered as the stay of monarchy; to continue, therefore, in a state of disunion and hostility with such would be to sap the foundations of its prosperity. Never have I permitted myself, either in this or any other instance, to be misled by injudicious counsels; my proceedings, as far as they were under my control, being ever governed by the dictates of my own reason and my own experience; constantly have I borne in mind the observation of that best of guides, my father, that there were two things of permanent utility to the sons of sovereign princes, prudence and fidelity in availing yourself of opportunities; the one indispensable to the preservation of sovereign power, and the other to the maintenance of a course of goood fortune. But too frequently felicity in promoting a career of prosperity is found extremely inconstant, after a very limited period it slips through our fingers never to return.
But to resume the narrative. On the 26th of the month of Suffur, of the year 1015, I returned to the metropolis of Agrah. I cannot omit to describe that in sorrow for his past misconduct, the unhappy Khossrou neither ate nor drank for the space of three days and three nights, which he consumed in tears and groans, hunger and thirst, and all those tokens of deep repentance, peculiar only to those on earth who have sustained the character of prophets and saints, but who have, nevertheless, found that a slight daily repast was still necessary to the support of life. It may be superfluous to remark, that an abstinence carried to the extremity of an entire fast for three days and three nights together, would inevitably have sent them on the fourth day to the bosom of mercy.
[Of a certain Kalujen or Kumbujen, it is impossible to ascertain which, the imperial narrator proceeds to state as follows :]
In zeal and diligence, and attention to the duties of his trust, he far surpassed his father. By night and by day he was unremitting in his attendance ; wet or dry, rain or fair, leaning upon his staff, he would continue to read to me from night till morn. Neither did he discontinue his practice even when forming one of the suite on my hunting parties. For these services I had, previous to my accession, conferred upon him the order of 1000 horse, and I subsequently advanced him to that of 2000. He is now, however, from his increasing corpulence, become in a great degree incapable of discharging the duties of his office with the activity which formerly distinguished him. I shall here remark, in passing, that kings do not look so much to the persons of men as to their services ; and exactly in proportion as these latter improve in merit, so will be the advancement in favour, wealth and dignity.
On the first day of every month, it was the rule with my father to set the example to his ameirs by discharging his musket, and this was followed by the whole train, from the highest dignitary to the lowest stipendiary enrolled in the service of the State, whether cannonier or matchlockman. But this discharge of artillery and musquetry never occurred but on that single occasion : unless, of course in battle. In imitation of the same example, I have continued the practice, a shot from my gun Droostandauz being followed by one from every individual in my armies, high or low.