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Sháh Jahán-náma, of 'Ináyat Khán (Elliot & Dowson, extracts)

Translation of The History of Shāhjahān (ʿInāyat Khān) (Shāhjahānnāma)

Language
English
Date
1877 CE
Translators
Henry Miers Elliot, John Dowson
Extent
68 passages, 14,770 words
Text
complete digital text
Source
archive.org · The History of India, as told by its own Historians. The Muhammadan Period. The posthumous papers of Sir H.… · Public domain (published before 1930)

Contents

Text

1

In the news from Balkh, which reached the ear of royalty about this time, through the representations of the victorious Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahadur, was the following : — Nazar Muhammad Khan, who, after abandoning the siege of fort Maimanah, had stood fast at Nilchiragh, continued watching, both day and night, the efforts of 'Abdu-l 'Aziz Khan and his other sons, who were gone to oppose the royal army with all the Uzbek forces of Mawara-u-n Nahr, Balkh and Badakhshan, anxious to see what would be the result. As soon as he heard that they also had, like himself, become wanderers in the desert of failure, owing to the superior prowess and vigour of the royalists, finding his hopes everywhere shattered, he despatched an apologizing letter to the illustrious Prince, expressive of his contrition for past misdeeds, and ardent longing for an interview with His Royal Highness, stating that he was desirous of retrieving his fallen fortunes, through the intercessions of that ornament of the throne of royalty. The illustrious Prince having kept the envoy in attendance till the receipt of an answer, waited in expectation of the farman's arrival, and the Khan's letter, which His Royal Highness had forwarded to Court in the original, with some remarks of his own, was duly submitted to the auspicious perusal. As it happened, from the commencement of his invasion of Balkh, this very design had been buried in the depths of his comprehensive mind, viz. that after clearing the kingdoms of Balkh and Badakhshan from the thorny briers of turbulence and anarchy, he should restore them in safety to Nazar Muhammad Khan. The latter, however, scorning the dictates of prudence, hastened to Iran; but finding his affairs did not progress there to his satisfaction, he turned back, and at the suggestion of the Kalmaks and other associates, came and besieged the fort of Maimanah, in order that he might seek shelter within its walls, and so set his mind at rest. In the end, however, after infinite toil and labour, seeing the capture of the stronghold in question to be beyond his reach, he departed without effecting his object, and moved to Nilchiragh, all which occurrences have been already fully detailed in their proper place. From the letters of reporters in those dominions, it was further made known to his world-adorning understanding, that notwithstanding the servants of the crown had manifested the most laudable zeal and anxiety to console the hearts of the peasantry in Balkh and Badakhshan by giving them seed, and assisting them to plough and till their fields: yet, owing to the inroads of the Almans, most of the grain and crops had been destroyed, and the populous places desolated; and that the commanders of the army, and the chiefs of the soldiery, owing to the dearth of provisions and the scarcity of grain, were extremely disgusted, and averse to remaining any longer in the country. From the contents of the Prince's letter, moreover, his unwillingness to stay at that capital was also discerned. Taking all this into consideration therefore, an edict was issued, directing His Royal Highness to deliver up Balkh and Badakhshan to Nazar Muhammad Khan, provided the latter would come and have an interview with him, and then set out with all the victorious forces for Hindustan, the type of Paradise.

Cession of Balkh and Badakhshan to Nazar Muhammad Khan, and Retreat of Aurangzeb.

2.1

* * * On the 4th of the month of Ramazan, early in the morning, which was the time selected for Nazar Muhammad Khan's interview, news came in that he had sent his grandson Muhammad Kasim, son of Khusru Sultan, in company with Kafsh Kalmak and several chiefs, and that they had all advanced two kos beyond the bridge of Khatab. The Prince, appreciating the gradations of rank, deputed his son, Muhammad Sultan, along with Bahadur Khan and some other nobles, to go and meet him; and that early fruit of the orchard of royalty having dutifully obeyed the command, brought the individual in question into his noble father's presence. The Prince, well versed in etiquette, then folded Muhammad Kasim in a fond embrace, and placed him in an adjoining seat; after which, Kafsh Kalmyk delivered the Khan's letter, full of apologies for not having come in consequence of an attack of indisposition, and represented that the Khan, being obliged to forego the pleasure of an interview, had sent Muhammad Kasim as his representative, with a view to remove all suspicion of his having wilfully broken his promise.

2.2

After dismissing Muhammad Kasim, the Prince addressed the commanders of the army in that country, viz. * * saying, his instructions were, to deliver over Balkh and Badakhshan to Nazar Muhammad Khan, after the interview; but now that the latter had only sent his grandson, excusing himself on the pretended plea of sickness, he could not carry out this measure without a distinct order. He told them to take into consideration, however, that the country was desolated, winter close at hand, grain scarce, and time short; so that there would be great difficulty in making arrangements for the winter, and remaining in the kingdom during that inclement season, and asked them what was their opinion on the subject. The principal chiefs replied, that the passes of the Hindu Koh were just about to be covered by snow, when the road would be blocked up; so that, if he reported the matter, and waited the arrival of instructions, the opportunity would slip through his hands. They therefore came to the unanimous conclusion, that His Royal Highness should recall all the governors of forts and persons in charge of places around Balkh. As a vast number of mercenary soldiers, consisting of Uzbeks and Almans, had crossed the river Jihun, and spread themselves over those regions, and wherever they saw a concourse of people, took the first opportunity of assailing them, Raja Jai Singh was despatched to Turmuz to fetch Sa'ádat Khán.

2.3

The Prince was also on the point of starting off Bahádur Khán to bring back Rustam Khán from Andkhod, and Shád Khán from Maimanah, so that they might rejoin the army in safety. In the interim, however, a letter arrived from Rustam Khán, saying, that as he had ascertained that the country was to be delivered up to Nazar Muhammad Khán, he had set out from Andkhod to Maimanah, with the intention of taking Shád Khán from thence in company with him, and proceeding towards Kábul by way of San-charík. The Prince then marched with all the royal forces from the neighbourhood of Faizábád, and encamped at Chálkai, which lies contiguous to the city of Balkh; where, having ceded the country to Nazar Muhammad Khán, he delivered up the town and citadel of Balkh to Muhammad Kásim and Kafsh Kalmák. He presented the former of these, on bidding him farewell, with a jewelled dagger, a horse caparisoned with golden trappings, and 60,000 rupees out of the royal treasury. He also committed to his charge, among the stores contained in the fort and city, 50,000 mans of grain belonging to His Majesty, which, estimated by the rate ruling at that time, was worth five lacs of rupees; and besides this, all the granaries of the other forts. At this stage, Mirzá Rájá Jai Singh returned from Turmuz, accompanied by Sa'ádat Khán, and joined the army.

2.4

From the beginning of the invasion of Balkh and Badakhshán till the end, when those conquered territories were ceded to Nazar Muhammad Khán, there was expended out of the State exchequer, in the progress of this undertaking, the sum of two krors of rupees, which is equivalent to seven lacs of the túmáns current in 'Irák. To be brief. On the 14th of the aforesaid month of Ramazán, the Prince started from Chálkai with all the royal forces for Kábul. He appointed Amíru-l Umará with a party to form the left wing; Mirzá Rájá Jai Singh with his, the right; and Bahádur Khán the rear-guard; whilst he sent on Mu'tamad Khan, the Mir-i atish, with the whole of the royal artillerymen, and Pirthi Raj Rathor, as a vanguard; so that the bands of Uzbeks, ever watching for an opportunity of attack, might not be able to harass and cut off the stragglers in the rear of the army, whilst winding through the narrow defiles and passes. As it was an arduous task for the whole army to cross the pass of 'Arbang in one day, the victorious Prince himself having marched through it safely, waited on the farther side with Amiru-l Umara, till the entire army was over; and by His Royal Highness's order, Bahadur Khan halted at the mouth of the above pass, for the sake of helping the camp and baggage through. He was also in the habit of sending some of the troops every day to protect the party who went out to fetch grass and firewood.

2.5

One day, when the turn for this duty came to Shamsher Khan, Khushhal Beg Kashghari, and others of his countrymen, the Uzbeks, imagining the party to be a small one, advanced, to the number of about 5000 horsemen, and one moiety of them having encompassed Shamsher Khan and his comrades in the midst, the other took up a position on the summit of some eminences. Bahadur Khan, having received intimation of this, went to his support, and having made several of those marauders a prey to the sword of vengeance, put the remainder to flight; whilst out of the royal troops some few were wounded. On the third day of the halt, whilst the rest of the army were crossing the pass of 'Arbang, a body of Almans made their appearance; whereupon Nazar Bahadur Khan, Kheshji Ratan son of Muhesh Das, and some others, charged them on one side, and on the other Mu'tamad Khan with the artillerymen, and a number of the Prince's retainers. The enemy, unable to withstand the shock, turned and fled, closely pursued by the royalists, who killed and wounded a few of them. The day they had to march from Ghori by way of Khwaja Zaid, as the road to the next stage, which had been selected on the banks of the Surkhab, was extremely difficult, and there was a great likelihood of an attack from the Uzbeks and Hazáras, the Prince left Amíru-l Umarâ at the top of the aforesaid pass, to protect the men who used to follow in rear of the army.

2.6

As there was an interval of two kos between Amíru-l Umarâ, Bahádur Khán, and the left wing of the army, a portion of the baggage, whilst threading the road, was plundered by the Hazáras. A vast body of them also fell upon the treasure; but Zu-l Kadar Khán, and the rest who were with it, firmly held their ground, and the battle was warmly contested till some part of the night was spent. Amíru-l Umarâ, having been informed of the circumstance, sent a detachment of his own men to their assistance; whereupon the enemy retreated in confusion. After the camp had advanced beyond Shabúrghán, during the march to Nek Bihár and to Chár-chashma, some injury accrued to the troops, in consequence of the narrowness and steepness of the road, and the rolling over of several laden beasts of burden, which were accidentally led along the top of the hill off the path by some of the people who had lost their way. When they started from Chár-chashma for the foot of the Hindú Koh range, it was resolved, for the greater convenience of the troops, that the Prince should first cross the pass, and at the expiration of a day Amíru-l Umarâ should follow; that after him should come the royal treasure, kár-khána (wardrobe) and artillery, with all His Royal Highness's establishment; and in this way, a party having gradually crossed every day, Bahádur Khán, who occupied the rear of the victorious army, should follow last of all.

2.7

The illustrious Prince, having reached the foot of the pass that day, passed over the Hindú Koh on the next, and though the weather was not intensely cold, yet as snow had fallen previously, and there was a hard frost, the men got over with considerable difficulty. On the morrow, the Prince reached Ghorband, whence he marched during the night into Kábul. When Amíru-l Umarâ, who followed one day's march in rear, was encamped at the foot of the pass, at midnight it began to snow, and continued doing so without intermission till morning; after which the weather became fair, and the Amir having got through the pass with his force, entered Kabul two days after His Royal Highness. As for Raja Jai Singh, who, the day the camp marched from Surkhab, had stayed behind by the Prince's orders at that place, on account of the narrowness of the road, and the difficulty of the defiles that occurred further on, as soon as he passed Charchashma, the snow commenced falling, and never once ceased all that day and the next, during which he halted on the road. After arriving at the pass of the Hindu Koh, till crossing over it, the snow kept falling for three more days and nights; and Zu-l Kadar Khan, whose duty it was to guard the treasure, seeing, when four kos distant from the Hindu Koh, that a snowstorm was coming on, started at once in the hope of getting the treasure through the pass, before it could have time to stop up the road.

2.8

It chanced, however, that the snow gradually accumulated to such a depth, that most of the camels tumbled down, and nearly half of them were rendered quite unserviceable, so that the Khan in question, despite his utmost exertions, was unable to cross that day. In consequence of the intense cold, his comrades, both horse and foot, got dispersed, and saving a few servants of the crown, no one remained with him; nevertheless he stayed on the summit of the ridge, to guard the treasure, notwithstanding the snow-storm. In the morning, having laden a portion of it on such of the camels as were capable of travelling, he started it off in advance to Ghorband, escorted by some of the horsemen; whilst he himself with a few others occupied themselves in guarding the remainder, and spent seven days and nights on the top of the Hindu Koh in the midst of snow and intense cold, and with but a scanty supply of provisions, waiting for Bahadur Khan's arrival, who was behind. The fortunes of the latter were as follows. As soon as he reached the pass of Nek Bihar, which is two marches from the Hindu Koh, and has a very precipitous descent, the snow began to fall, and continued coming down all night till twelve o'clock next day. Owing to the difficulties of the pass, which were greatly enhanced by the heavy fall of snow, he only got the rest of the camp and army through with immense labour.

2.9

At this juncture, the malicious Hazáras, in their eager desire for plunder, assaulted the camp followers more desperately than ever; but Bahadur Khan each time inflicted summary chastisement on the freebooters, and drove them off. After reaching the foot of the Hindu Koh pass, and halting there for a day, he sent on all those who had lagged in the rear, and as soon as they were across, set out himself. As most of the people spent the night on the summit of the pass, on account of the difficult roads, and the intense coldness of a mountain climate, heightened by the deep snow and chilling blasts, some of the men and cattle that were worn out and infirm perished. Accordingly, from the first commencement of the army's crossing to the end, about 5000 men, and a similar number of animals, such as horses, elephants, camels, oxen, etc., were destroyed, and a vast deal of property remained buried in the snow. When Bahadur Khan came to the top of the pass, and Zu-l Kadar Khan explained the state of affairs to him, he halted there, and in company with Ikhlas Khan, and some other nobles and mansabdárs who still stood by him, spent the night on the spot. In the morning, having thrown the baggage off all such of his own camels as he could find, he loaded them with the treasure, and distributed the rest among the horses and camels belonging to the troops.

2.10

Just as he was on the point of starting, a body of Hazaras came up in the rear, and seeing the paucity of his detachment, resolved upon making an assault, for the sake of carrying off the treasure. Bahadur Khan, however, faced about, and made some of the doomed wretches a prey to (the crocodile of) his bloodthirsty sword, and routed the remainder. He then set out with the treasure, and reached Balkh along with his comrades, after an interval of fourteen days from the time of the Prince's arrival there.

3

Among the events of this year was the despatch of a candlestick studded with gems to the revered tomb of the Prophet, (on whom be the greatest favours, and blessings !) an account of which is here given. Some time previous to this it was represented that a wonderfully large diamond from a mine in the territory of Golkonda had fallen into the hands of Kutbu-l Mulk ; whereupon an order was issued, directing him to forward the same to Court ; when its estimated value would be taken into account, as part of the two lacs of huns (pagodas), which was the stipulated amount of his annual tribute. He accordingly sent the diamond in question, which weighed in its rough state 180 ratis, to Court ; and after His Majesty's own lapidaries had cut away as much of the outer surface as was requisite to disclose all its beauties, there remained a rare gem of 100 ratis weight, valued by the jewellers at one lac and 50,000 rupees. As such a valuable diamond as this had never been brought to the threshold, resembling the Elysian abode, since his accession to the throne, the pious monarch, the bulwark of religion, with the best intention, and the utmost sincerity of purpose, made a vow to send it to the pure sepulchre of the last of the Prophets (on whom be peace !). Having therefore selected out of the amber candlesticks that he had amongst his private property the largest of them all, which weighed 700 tolas, and was worth 10,000 rupees, he commanded that it should be covered with a network of gold, ornamented on all sides with flowers, and studded with gems, among which that valuable diamond should also be included.
In short, that incomparable candlestick cost two lacs and 50,000 rupees, of which one lac and 50,000 was the price of the diamond, and the remaining lac the worth of all the gems and gold, together with the original candlestick. Mir Saiyid Ahmad Sa'id Baharl, who had once before conveyed charitable presents to the two sacred cities, was then deputed to take charge of this precious offering; and an edict was promulgated to the effect, that the revenue collectors of the province of Gujarát should purchase a lac and 60,000 rupees worth of goods for the sacred fane, and deliver it over to him, so that he might take it along with him from thence. Out of this, he was directed to present 50,000 rupees worth to the Sharif of Mecca; to sell 60,000 rupees worth, and distribute the proceeds, together with any profit that might accrue, amongst the indigent of that sacred city; and the remaining 50,000, in like manner, amongst those of the glorious Medina. The above-named Saiyid, who was only in receipt of a daily stipend, was promoted to a suitable mansab, and having been munificently presented with a dress of honour and a donation of 12,000 rupees, received his dismissal.

4

The following is an exact account of the founding of the splendid fort in the above-named metropolis, with its edifices resembling Paradise, which was constructed in the environs of the city of Dehli, on the banks of the river Jumna. It first occurred to the omniscient mind that he should select on the banks of the aforesaid river some pleasant site, distinguished by its genial climate, where he might found a splendid fort and delightful edifices, agreeably to the promptings of his generous heart, through which streams of water should be made to flow, and the terraces of which should overlook the river. When, after a long search, a piece of ground outside of the city of Dehli, lying between the most distant suburbs and Núrgarh, commonly called Salímgarh, was fixed upon for this purpose, by the royal command, on the night of Friday, the 25th of Zí-l hijja, in the twelfth year of his auspicious reign, corresponding to 1048 A.H., being the time appointed by the astrologers, the foundations were marked out with the usual ceremonies, according to the plan devised, in the august presence. Active labourers were then employed in digging the foundations, and on the night of Friday, the 9th of Muharram, of the year coinciding with 1049 A.H. (1639 A.D.), the foundation-stone of that noble structure was laid. Throughout the Imperial dominions, wherever artificers could be found, whether plain stone-cutters, ornamental sculptors, masons, or carpenters, by the mandate worthy of implicit obedience, they were all collected together, and multitudes of common labourers were employed in the work. It was ultimately completed on the 24th of Rabi'u-l awwal, in the twenty-first year of his reign, corresponding to 1058 A.H., at an outlay of 60 lacs of rupees, after taking nine years three months and some days in building.

5

The canal that Sultan Firoz Shah Khilji, during the time he reigned at Dehli, had made to branch off from the river Jumna, in the vicinity of pargana Khizrabad, whence he brought it in a channel 30 Imperial kos long to the confines of pargana Safidun, which was his hunting-seat, and had only a scanty supply of water, had, after the Sultan's death, become in the course of time ruinous. Whilst Shahabu-d din Ahmad Khan held the government of Dehli, during the reign of the Emperor Akbar, he put it in repair and set it flowing again, with a view to fertilize the places in his Jagir, and hence it was called Nahr-i Shahab; but for want of repairs, however, it again stopped flowing. At the time when the sublime attention was turned to the building of this fort and palace, it was commanded that the aforesaid canal from Khizrabad to Safidun should be repaired, and a new channel excavated from the latter spot to the regal residence, which also is a distance of 30 Imperial kos. After it was thus prolonged, it was designated the Nahr-i Bihisht.

6

Twenty-Second Year of the Reign, 1058 a.h. (1648 a.d.).

7

On the 22nd of the month of Ramazan, when the standards of prosperity, after their return from Safidun, were planted at His Majesty's private hunting-seat, it reached the ear of royalty, through the representations of Daulat Khan, ruler of Kandahar, and Purdil Khan, governor of fort Bust, that Shah 'Abbas the Second, having come to the sacred city of Tus (Mashhad-i Mukaddas), with intent to rescue the kingdom of Kandahar, had proceeded towards the confines of Khurasan, with all his matchlockmen and pioneers. It was, besides, reported that he had despatched men to Farah, Sistan, and other places, to collect supplies of grain, and having sent on a party in advance to Hirat, was doing his utmost to block up the road on this side; being well aware that, during the winter, owing to the quantity of snow on the ground, the arrival of reinforcements from Hindustan by way of Kabul and Multan was impracticable, he proposed advancing in this direction during that inclement season, and had despatched Shah Kuli Beg, son of Maksud Beg, his wazir, as expeditiously as possible, with a letter to Court, and further that the individual in question had reached Kandahar, and, without halting more than three days, had resumed his journey to the august presence.
His Majesty, after hearing this intelligence, having summoned 'Allami Sa'du-lla Khan from the metropolis, commanded him to write farmans to all the nobles and mansabdars who were at their respective estates, jagirs, and homes, directing them to set out with all speed for Court. It was likewise ordered that the astrologers should determine the proper moment for the departure of the world-traversing camp from the metropolis to the capitals Lahore and Kabul.

8

As soon as it reached the royal ear, through Daulat Khan's representations, that on the 10th of Zi-l hijja, the Shah had arrived outside the fortress of Kandahar, and besieged it, the ever-successful Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahadur was appointed to proceed thither with 'Allami Sa'du-lla Khan, and some of the chief officers of State, such as Bahadur Khan, Mirza Raja Jai Singh, Rustam Khan, Raja Bithaldas, and Kalich Khan. Besides these, there were upwards of fifty individuals from amongst the nobles, and a vast number of mansabdars, ahadi archers, and matchlockmen — the whole number of whom, under the regulation requiring them to bring one-fifth, of their respective tallies of fighting men into the field, would amount to 50,000 horsemen, and according to the rule enforcing a fourth, to 60,000 — as well as 10,000 infantry, matchlock and rocket men, etc. It was ordered that subsidiary grants of money out of the State exchequer should be made to the nobles and mansabdars holding jagirs, who were appointed to serve in this expedition, at the rate of 100 rupees for every individual horseman, which would be a lac for every hundred; that to those who drew pecuniary stipends in place of holding jagirs, three months' pay in advance should be disbursed; and in like manner also to the ahadis and matchlockmen, who numbered 5000 horse, should a similar advance be made; so that they might not suffer any privations during the campaign from want of funds to meet their current expenses.
On the 18th of the month of Muharram, it being a fortunate moment, 'Allami was dismissed along with the nobles who were present in His Majesty's fortunate train, and farmans were issued to those who were staying in the province of Kabul and other places, to join the royal forces at once. Various marks of favour and regard were manifested towards 'Allami and his associates, on their taking leave, by the bestowal of khil'ats, jewelled daggers, and swords, horses, and elephants on them, according to their different grades of rank. He also forwarded by the hands of 'Allami for the gallant Prince — to whom an order had been issued previous to this, directing him to start instantly from Multan and overtake the royal forces at Bhimbhar — a handsome khil'at. * * * It was further commanded that the ever-victorious army should hasten to Kabul via Bangash-i bala and Bangash-i payin, as they were the shortest routes, and thence proceed by way of Ghazni towards Kandahar.

Loss of Kandahar.

9.1

On the 8th of Rabi'u-l awwal, when the victorious camp started from Jahangirabad, intelligence reached the Court that the servants of the crown had lost possession of the fortresses of Kandahar and Bust, and all the rest in that country; a detailed account of which events is here given. When Shah 'Abbas came from Tus to Hirat, he proceeded from thence to Farah; where, having halted some days, he marched upon Kandahar, having, however, first despatched Mihrab Khan with some of his nobles, and an additional number of matchlockmen, etc., amounting altogether to about 8000 horsemen, to besiege the fortress of Bust, and Saz Khan Baligh with five or six thousand composed of Kazalbashis and the troops of Karki and Naksari, to subdue Zamindawar. On reaching that place, he fixed his head-quarters in the garden of Ganj Kuli Khan, whilst Daulat Khan, who had shut himself up in the fortress, having committed the interior of the stronghold to the charge of trusty persons, appointed a party of the royal matchlockmen and a portion of his own men to occupy the summit of the Kambiil Hill. The defence of the towers he left to the care of Kakar Khan, to whom he also sent some of the matchlockmen; and the protection of the intrenchments below the Bashtiri and Khwaja Khizr gates he entrusted to Nuru-l Hasan, bakhshi of ahadis, with a body of the latter who were serving under him.

9.2

He also appointed some of the household troops, and a number of matchlockmen belonging to the Kandahar levies, to garrison the fortifications of Daulatabad and Mandavi, and having consigned the superintendence of them to Mirak Husain, bakhshi of Kandahar, came himself from the citadel to the former of these two forts, for the purpose of looking after the intrenchments. With a wanton disregard to the dictates of prudence, however, he did not attend to the defence of the towers, that Kalich Khan, in the days of his administration, had constructed expressly for such an occasion, on the top of the hill of Chihal-Zinah (forty steps), whence guns and matchlocks could be fired with effect into the forts of Daulatabad and Mandavi. The Kazalbashis, therefore, seeing those towers devoid of protection, despatched a number of matchlockmen to take post in them, and open a destructive fire. They also laid out intrenchments in two different quarters. * * * At length a number of the garrison, from want of spirit, lost the little courage they possessed, and Shadi Uzbek having entered into a conspiracy with the Kazalbashis, seduced Kipchak Khan from his duty.

9.3

Though the latter was not naturally inclined at heart to this course of behaviour, yet as his companions had their families with them, through dread of losing their wealth, their lives, and their good repute, they would not let him follow the bent of his own disposition, so he was necessarily compelled to ally himself with those unfortunates. Some of the Mughal mansabdars, ahadis, and matchlockmen too, having sprinkled the dust of treason on the heads of loyalty, entered into a league with them, and having come in front of the fort, declared that, in consequence of all the roads being closed, from the vast quantity of snow on the ground, there was no hope of the early arrival of succour, and that it was evident from the untiring efforts of the Kazalbashis, that they would very shortly capture the fort, and after its reduction by force and violence, neither would there be any chance of their own lives being spared, nor of their offspring being saved from captivity. The wretched Daulat Khan, who ought instantly to have extinguished the flames of this sedition with the water of the sword, showed an utter want of spirit, by contenting himself with offering advice in reply. This, however, made no impression on the individuals in question, who got up, and departed to their respective homes, so that nought but a scanty force being left in the intrenchments, the Kazalbashis entered the Sher-Haji in several places.

9.4

As for the party that forced an entrance on the side of the Babawali gate, some of the household troops and Daulat Khan's followers, who occupied that quarter, rushed upon them, whereupon several were killed on both sides. Meanwhile, the traitor Shadi sent a message to the governor of the fort, who was stationed at the above gate, to say that Muhammad Beg Baki had come, bearing a letter and message from the Shah, and accompanied by Sharafu-d din Husain, a mansabdar who was darogha of the buildings and magazines in the fort of Bust. Daulat Khan, on this, despatched Mirak Husain Bakhshi, for the purpose of sending away Muhammad Beg from the gate; but as soon as the bakhshi reached the gate of Veskaran, he noticed Kipchak Khan, Shadi, and a number of the Mughal mansabdars, sitting in the gateway, and perceived that they had brought Muhammad Beg inside, and seated him in front of them, and that he had brought four letters, one addressed to Daulat Khan, and the other three to Shadi, Nuru-l Hasan and Mirak Husain, and was saying that he had besides some verbal messages to deliver. Mirak Husain therefore turned back, and related the circumstances to Daulat Khan; whereupon that worthless wretch deputed his Lashkar-navis (paymaster of the forces) to detain Muhammad Beg there, and send Kipchak Khan and Shadi to him.

9.5

As soon as these ungrateful wretches came, acting in conformity with their advice, he adopted the contemptible resolution of proceeding to an interview with Muhammad Beg, and receiving and keeping the letters he brought. The Shah also sent a message to the effect, that he should take warning from what had already befallen Purdil Khan, the governor of the fort of Bust, and his comrades, and neither prolong hostilities any further, nor strive to shed the blood and sully the fair fame of himself and his comrades; and with a view to acquaint the inmates of the fort with the condition of the garrison of Bust, he despatched along with Muhammad Beg the aforesaid Sharafu-d din Husain, whom Mihrab Khan had started off loaded with chains in advance of himself. To this Daulat Khan replied, that he would return an answer five days hence; and it having been stipulated that during this interval hostilities should not be engaged in on either side, Muhammad Beg received his dismissal, and returned to his own camp.

9.6

On the 5th day 'Ali Kuli Khan, brother of Rustam Khan, the former commander-in-chief, having come to Shadi's intrenchment, and delivered a message, saying that the Shah, had commissioned him to ascertain their final decision, the pusillanimous Daulat Khan, with most of the servants of the crown, went to the gate, and invited him in. The latter, after being introduced, stated, that as they had already offered as gallant and stubborn a resistance as it was possible to make, it was now proper that they should refrain from fighting, and, applying themselves to the preservation of their lives and property, should send an individual along with him to deliver their reply. The worthless Daulat Khan accordingly despatched 'Abdu-l Latif, diwan of Kandahar, for the purpose of procuring a safe conduct, in company with the above individual, and on the following day he returned with the written agreement.

9.7

The villain Shadi, however, without waiting for the governor's evacuating the fort, surrendered the Veskaran gate, which was in his charge, during the night to the Kazalbashis, and hastened along with Kipchak Khan to the Shah's camp. However much the miserable Daulat Khan exhorted his men to repair to the fort on the top of the hill, it was of no avail; though had he but taken shelter there with a detachment, he could have held out till the arrival of succour without suffering any harm. On the morrow, when the mansabdars, ahadis, and matchlockmen, who were engaged in the defence of the gates of the new and old forts, marched out, after obtaining a safe conduct, with the exception of the citadel where the helpless Daulat Khan was left with Kakar Khan, the base Raja Amar Singh, and some other mansabdars, as well as a party of his own adherents, every spot was in the possession of the Kazalbashis. On the 9th of Safar, this year, 'Ali Kuli Khan came and said that any longer delay could not be permitted; whereupon the disloyal Daulat Khan delivered up a place of refuge of that description, and having marched out with his goods and comrades, encamped at a distance of a kos. During the period of the siege, which extended over two months, nearly 2000 of the Kazalbash army and 400 of the garrison were slain.

9.8

Summarily, on the third day after Daulat Khan's dastardly evacuation of the fort, 'Ali Kuli Khan, 'Isa Khan, and his brother Jamshid Khan, came to him, and intimated that the Shah had sent for him, as well as for some of his chief officers and associates. The latter replied that it would be better for them to excuse him from this trouble, or, if they were resolved upon taking him there, to manage so that there should be no delay in his getting his dismissal, and to give him a dress of honour, both of which requests were guaranteed by 'Ali Kuli Khan. The ill-fated Daulat Khan accordingly proceeded with Kakar Khan and Nuru-l Hasan, in company with the above-named nobles, to wait upon the Shah, and having received his dismissal after a few moments, returned to his own camp, and on the 18th of the month of Safar set out with a world of shame and ignominy for Hindustan. The Shah, in consequence of the horses with his army having mostly perished for want of forage, in addition to which a scarcity of grain was experienced, appointed Mihrab Khan, with about 10,000 Kazalbashis and slaves, armed with matchlocks, to garrison Kandahar; and Dost 'Ali Uzbek with a detachment to guard the fortress of Bust, and returned himself to Khurasan on the 24th of this month. The account of the fortress of Bust is as follows.

10

From the beginning of the siege, the flames of war and strife raged furiously for 54 days, and many were killed and wounded on both sides; insomuch that during this period close upon 600 of the Kazalbashis, and nearly half that number of Purdil Khan's followers, met their death. On the 14th Muharram, this year, the governor having begged for quarter, after entering into a strict agreement, had an interview with Mihrab Khan. The latter, having broken his engagement, put to death out of the 600 men, who had stood by the governor to the last, several persons, who, being averse to the surrender, had protracted the struggle; and having made that individual himself a prisoner, together with the rest of his adherents, and his family and children, brought them all to the Shah at Kandahar.
In Zamindawar the war was carried on as follows. As soon as Saz Khan Baligh besieged the fort, Saiyid Asadu-lla, and Saiyid Bakar, sons of Saiyid Bayazid Bukhari, who were engaged in its defence, sent him a message, saying that the fort was a dependency of Kandahar, and without reducing the latter, its capture would be of no use; and it would therefore be better to suspend hostilities until the fate of Kandahar was ascertained, so that blood might not be shed fruitlessly. Saz Khan, concurring in the reasonableness of this proposition, refrained from prosecuting siege operations, and having written to inform the Shah of the fact, sat down to await intelligence. A messenger from the Shah at length brought to the Saiyids a letter, detailing the capture of the fortresses of Bust and Kandahar; whereupon they surrendered the fort.

11

The exploits of the royal army were as follows. The day that 'Allami Sa'du-lla Khan crossed the Nilab with the royal forces, Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahadur having arrived from Multan, also effected his passage over that river; and the whole of the forces set out at once in His Royal Highness's train for Kohat. On reaching that place, he halted to await the receipt of intelligence regarding the snow; and presently a letter arrived from Khalil Beg, who had been sent on in advance to level the road and construct bridges, to the effect that on the road through the hill-country along the Kohistan route the snow was lying so deep that even if no more fell the road would not probably be passable for at least a month. The ever-victorious Prince consequently relinquished his design of proceeding by that route, but started in the direction of Peshawar, by way of the pass of Sendh-Basta, which is an extremely rugged and difficult road, and without entering that city, pursued his journey by the regular stages to Kabul. * * *
Sa'du-lla Khan having set out with his comrades at full speed, came and pitched camp during the night in the suburbs of Shahr Safa. Having left Mubarak Khan Niazi to guard that city, he marched thence, and in three days reached the neighbourhood of Kandahar, on the 12th of Jumada-l awwal of this year; whence Kasadah Khwaja, which is half a kos from the fortress, became the site of his camp. As the 14th of the above-named month was the time fixed upon for commencing the siege, he halted next day to await the arrival of the victorious Prince, and the advent of the appointed time for the siege, but rode out in company with the commanders of the royal forces, and made a reconnoitring tour round the fortifications. On the 14th the Prince came up from the rear, and having joined the army, fixed his head-quarters half a kos from the fortress. * * *

12

As it was represented that during the progress of the victorious forces towards Kandahar a great deal of the cultivation of Ghazni and its dependencies had been trodden under foot by the army, the merciful monarch, the cherisher of his people, despatched the sum of 2000 gold mohurs, in charge of a trusty individual, with directions to inquire into the loss sustained by the agriculturists, and distribute it amongst them accordingly.
After the fortress of Kandahar had been besieged for three months and a half, so that grain and fodder were beginning to get scarce, notwithstanding the praiseworthy exertions of the faithful servants of the crown, owing to their having with them neither a siege train of battering guns, nor skilful artillerymen, the capture of the fortress seemed as distant as ever. For these reasons, and as the winter also was close at hand, a farmán was issued to the illustrious Prince, to the effect that, as the reduction of the fortress without the aid of heavy guns was impracticable, and there was not now sufficient time remaining for them to arrive in, he should defer its capture till a more convenient opportunity, and start for Hindustan with the victorious troops. The Prince Buland Ikbál Dárá Shukoh was also ordered to tarry some time at Kabul, and directly he heard the news of the Kandahar army's arrival at Ghazni, to set out for the presence. * *
As the winter was now close at hand, and forage had become unattainable, notwithstanding hearing of the death of Mihráb Khan, the Kútedár, from a number of persons, who came out of the fortress, the Prince did not deem it expedient to delay any longer, but, in obedience to the mandate worthy of all attention, set out with the victorious forces from Kandahar on the 8th of the month of Ramazán this year for Hindustan. * *

13

Twenty-Fourth Year of the Reign, 1060 A.H. (1650 A.D.).

14

As his most gracious Majesty had this year advanced in joy and prosperity beyond the age of sixty, and the divine precepts sanctioning the non-observance of the fast came into force, the learned doctors and muftis, according to the glorious ordinances of the Kuran, by way of fulfilling the commandments of the law, decreed that it would be lawful for His Majesty, whose blessed person is the source of the administration of the world, to expend funds in charity in lieu of observing the fast. The monarch, the lover of religion, and worshipper of the divine law, therefore, lavished 60,000 rupees on the deserving poor; and at his command, every night during the sacred month divers viands and all sorts of sweetmeats were laid out in the Chihalsittun in front of the balcony of public audience, with which famishing and destitute people appeased their hunger. It was further resolved that henceforward a similar plan should be pursued during every month of Ramazan.

15

Twenty-Fifth Year of the Reign, 1061 A.H. (1650-1 A.D.).

16

On the 23rd Jumada-s sani, which was the time fixed for entering Kashmir, the Emperor alighted in safety at the royal apartments of the fort.
On the 4th of Rajab His Majesty paid a visit to the Mosque, which had been erected in the most exquisite style of art, for the asylum of learning, Mulla Shah Badakhshani, at a cost of 40,000 rupees, the requisite funds having been provided by Nawab 'Aliya, and was surrounded by buildings to serve as habitations for the poor, which were constructed at a further outlay of 20,000 rupees.
On the 12th of this month, Adam Khan's munshi and his nephew Muhammad Murad, as well as the sons of Salim Beg Kashghari, who ranked amongst the auxiliaries serving in the province of Kashmir, and had stood security for the two former individuals, were appointed to proceed to Tibet, with a number of zamindars, to exterminate a rebel named Mirza Jan, and subdue the fort of Shkardu, together with the territory of Tibet, which had escaped out of the possession of the servants of the crown.
On the 27th of Sha'ban it reached the ear replete with all good, through Adam Khan's representations, that the rebel Mirza Jan had no sooner heard of the arrival of the royalists, than he evacuated the fort of Shkardu, and became a wanderer in the desert of adversity; whereupon the fort in question, together with the territory of Tibet, came anew into the possession of the servants of the crown. The gracious monarch rewarded the aforesaid Khan with an addition to his mansab, and conferred the country of Tibet in jagir on the above-named Muhammad Murad, as his fixed abode.
Towards the close of the spring, on account of the heavy rain and tremendous floods, all the verdant islands in the middle of the Dal, as well as the gardens along its borders, and those in the suburbs of the city, were shorn of their grace and loveliness. The waters of the Dal rose to such a height, that they even poured into the garden below the balcony of public audience, which became one sheet of water from the rush of the foaming tide, and most of its trees were swamped. Just about this time, too, a violent hurricane of wind arose, which tore up many trees, principally poplars and planes, by the roots, in all the gardens, and hurled down from on high all the blooming foliage of Kashmir. A longer sojourn in that region was consequently distasteful to the gracious mind; so, notwithstanding that the sky was lowering, he quitted Kashmir on the 1st of Ramazan, and set out for the capital by way of Shahabad.

17

On the night of Monday, the 18th of Rabi'u-l awwal, being the moment that had been fixed for the auspicious departure to Kabul, the royal train moved from the capital of Lahore in that direction. At the same chosen period, too, His Majesty despatched 'Allami with the multitudinous forces (resembling the waves of the sea), amounting together with the army serving in Kabul to 50,000 cavalry and 10,000 infantry, including musketeers, gunners, bombardiers, and rocketmen, for the purpose of conquering the country and fortress of Kandahar, Bust and Zamindawar. He was further accompanied by ten large and ferocious war-elephants, eight heavy and twenty light guns ; the latter of which carried two and two and a half sir (four and five lbs.) shot, and during an engagement used to be advanced in front of the army ; twenty elephants carrying hathnals, and 100 camels with shuturnals, besides a well-replenished treasury, and other suitable equipments. He was instructed to repair by way of Kabul and Ghazni to Kandahar, and about 3000 camels were employed in the transport of artillery stores, such as lead, powder and iron shot. * * *

18

Twenty-Sixth Year of the Reign, 1062 A.H. (1651-2 A.D.).

19

On the 3rd of Jumada-s sani, the first month this year, the victorious Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahadur, who had set out from Multan for Kandahar, reached his destination. 'Allami, who had hastened thither by way of Kabul, having joined His Royal Highness on the above date, delivered the kind and indulgent farman. As it had been determined that the siege of the fortress should be commenced simultaneously with the arrival at Kandahar, the fortunate Prince, having finished marking out the positions that the royal forces were to occupy, invested the stronghold that very day. * * *
In short, for two months and eight days the flames of war burned fiercely, and on both sides numerous casualties occurred. On one occasion, when Muhammad Beg Topchi-bashi (Commandant of the Artillery), and five or six others of the garrison, had been destroyed by a shot from the gun named Fath Lashkar, the Kazalbashis sallied out of the fort and poured down upon the trenches; whereupon a desperate struggle ensued between the adverse hosts. Another time they fell on 'Allami's trenches; but a party of his retainers firmly held their ground, and after putting a few of their antagonists to the sword, and wounding some others, manfully laid down their lives; and on the arrival of succour, the enemy retired precipitately within the fortifications.
To be brief, the royalists used the most strenuous exertions, and laboured with unremitting zeal and assiduity in carrying forward the parallels and zigzags of attack, and demolishing the crest of the parapet and the bastions. Nevertheless, as the fortress possessed immense strength, and was filled with all the military weapons and stores required for an effective defence, their utmost efforts produced no impression, and, owing to the storm of shot and shell that poured on them like a shower of rain from the fort, they were unable to advance their trenches beyond the spot they had already brought them to. In the interim, out of the seven guns which had accompanied the royal army, and were the most effectual implements of attack, two that were mounted in the Prince's trenches had cracked from constant firing, and had become quite unserviceable. As for the other five, which were in the trenches conducted by 'Allami and Kasim Khan Mir-i atish, although they continued to be discharged, yet as they were not served by scientific artillerymen, their fire was not so effective as could be wished.
As soon as these particulars became known to His Majesty's world-adorning understanding, and he was informed that the capture of the fortress was at that period impracticable; and it also reached the royal ear that the Uzbeks and Almans had come into the neighbourhood of Ghazni, and excited tumults, as already described, a farmdn was issued to the illustrious Prince on the 4th of Sha'bdn, to withdraw his forces from around the fortress, and, deferring its capture till some other period, to take his siege train along with him and set out for Court. * *

20

As the Prince Buland Ikbdl, after the return of the army from Kandahdr, had guaranteed to conquer that territory, and with this view the provinces of Kabul and Multdn had been bestowed upon him. His Royal Highness, on reaching the capital, applied himself to the task of making the requisite arrangements for the campaign. In the course of three months and some days that he remained at Lahore, he used such profuse exertions, that what could not have been otherwise accomplished in a year was effected in this short period. Among the siege train was a gun called Kishwar-kushd (clime-conquering), and another Garh-bhanjan (fort-shattering), each of which carried an iron shot one man and eight sirs in weight (96 lbs.); and they were worked by the gunners under the direction of Kasim Khan.
There was also another large piece of ordnance that carried a shot of a man and sixteen sirs (1 cwt.), and was plied under the management of His Royal Highness's Mir-i dtish, as well as 30,000 cannon-balls, small and great. He also got ready 5000 mans of gunpowder, and 2500 of lead, measuring by Imperial weight, and 14,000 rockets. Having likewise collected as many grain dealers as were procurable, he made arrangements for the army commissariat, and the safe arrival of supplies. He then despatched a letter to Court, representing that as the moment of starting was fixed for the 23rd of Rabi'u-l awwal, and the preliminary arrangements for the campaign had been completed, if the royal forces appointed to this enterprise received their dismissal, he would set out for Kandahar. A mandate in the auspicious handwriting was therefore issued, directing His Royal Highness to start off at the predetermined moment by way of Multan, on which road provisions and forage were abundant.
[Long details of the siege.]

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